One GNP leader warned that the situation, if left unresolved, may well lead to "one-party tyranny by Our Open Party (Uri Party)." A majority of disenchanted voters, especially those in their 20s and 30s, are determined to use the elections as an opportunity to voice their dissatisfaction with the GNP/MDP decision to impeach Roh for a purported violation of the Elections Law and other alleged wrongdoing. Many will be "block voting" -- voting for a party -- without any judgment of respective qualifications with the benefactor being the Uri Party. Regionalism used to be a major factor in elections, but this election it is split over the impeachment issue.

House Speaker Park Kwan-yong said that he was saddened but had no regrets about tabling the impeachment motion against the president. "It is not that we impeached the president, but rather we followed an impeachment procedure," said Park. "The people need to carry on in their daily lives and wait for the final determination of the Constitutional Court. Any attempt to influence the court's decision is a threat to the constitutional order."

Rep. Park Geun-hye, 52, the daughter of the late President Park Chung-hee was selected as the new GNP leader on 22 Mar, hoping her election will help the troubled party regain public support ahead of next month's parliamentary elections. At present the GNP majority still feels the impeachment was correct even though there is a sense of the high possibility of defeat. The GNP position is that the decision will be made by the Constitutional Court -- with the GNP responsible for what they did.

(SITE NOTE: The Uri Party has been very muted since the impeachment. However, on Mar 24, the Uri Party made its first tactical blunder. When Park was first installed, the Uri Party was amicable and congratulatory, but the next day the fangs came out. On Park Geun-hye's first day on the job on 24 Mar, Uri Party officials fired a full broadside at the new GNP chairperson, calling her "the daughter of President Park Chung-hee, a military coup leader and key figure behind the Yushin Constitution" and "the daughter of a pro-Japanese lieutenant in Imperial Japan's Kwantung Army." Even among the reformists, Park Chung-hee is viewed as the person responsible for the miracle of the Han. Everyone knows he was a Japanese lieutenant, but so were many others. Their attack was foolish. She served as the first lady for the President after her mother was assassinated by North Korean guerillas attempting to take her father's life. We believe the Uri Party shot themselves in the foot by attacking her father. They should have concentrated on her performance...but they didn't. Like Roh, they stuck their foot in their mouths.

Both Park and her party refused to respond directly to the Uri Party's assaults; the chairperson instead quietly visited with senior religious figures at Catholic Myeongdong Cathedral, the Christian Yongnak church and performed 108 bows before the Buddha of Seoul's Jogye Temple. This was exactly the right move. Good PR was the story that Park was originally planning to do 3,000 bows, but was told to do only 108 by Jogye Temple's abbot, who kindly warned her, "A person who has much to do shouldn't overstrain his or herself." This made the Uri Party look rabid dogs -- and the worst thing was to look like they were afraid of Park -- which was exactly what the voting public saw. (SITE NOTE: Quickly some liberal media tried to call Park's actions a publicity stunt to drum up support, but it didn't really fly.)

Park closed the GNP's W40 billion party headquarters in Yeouido and began her duties as party head in a tent set up near Youido Park, in a space once used as an exhibit ground for medium and small-sized businesses. This fulfilled her campaign promise and the right move for the time -- even though it is only symbolic. At about the same time, the Uri Party has moved its headquarters to a warehouse in the middle of a wholesale fruit and vegetable market when it was found that illegal money had been used in part to purchase the building. Some people call the moves by both parties as "show politics" without substance. (SITE NOTE: Immediately following this Uri Party Rep. Park Yang-soo stated, the City refused to rent the land to the Uri Party. City officials said the Uri Party never made any request to use the land. "We never heard about it. Rep. Park may be lying," a city official anonymously stated fearing Prime Minister Goh's warning on public officials neutrality.)

Our respect for Park as a cagy politician grew by bounds on her first day in control. On 29 Mar a poll by the Donga Ilbo had an item asking if 'the election of Rep. Park Geun-hye as the new head of the GNP will make a contribution to party's gaining votes." 68.5 percent provided positive answers -- an increase of 15.6 percent from the opinion poll held on 24 Mar. But it was still three weeks to the election and a lot could happen.

Our opinion in the three weeks before the election was that the GNP should concentrate the campaigns on stating to the Korean people that a Uri win is a vote for the justification of Roh's policies. Remind them that his popularity dropped to below 30 percent because of his actions/inactions/waffling. Remind the public of how he took the economy and flushed it down the toilet. Show the public what THEY believed on a few weeks before. Point to his record: step-by-step for the past year.

We have followed Roh's year in office at President Roh: Anti-American or Radical Reformist and it won't be hard to illustrate the massive blunders.

The Dong-A Ilbo and Korea Research ran a poll on 24 Mar found support for the Uri Party at 49.7 percent, the GNP at 16.7 percent, the Democratic Labor Party at 8.1 percent and the MDP at 3.9 percent. Only in the Daegu/North Gyeongsang Province area -- Park's political support base -- were the GNP's support ratings higher. In Busan, a GNP stronghold, the GNP and Uri Party were neck-and-neck. However, this may change as the possibility grows that voters may feel the need to restrain the ruling party. Voices from the GNP grow louder day-by-day claiming that if the Uri Party were to get more than a legislative majority -- perhaps taking all 200 seats in the National Assembly -- Korea would become a left-wing one-party dictatorship. There is now talk that the Roh camp has "hinted" that if the Uri Party wins 150-200 seats, it would justify the Roh administration's policies -- and vindicate the negative reactions against his policies in the past.

On 29 Mar a poll by the Donga Ilbo showed that the support for the Uri Party was decreasing while public support for the opposition GNP showed signs of recovery. The high ratings for the Uri Party may indicate that the voters are not so supportive of the Uri Party as in the punishment mode towards the GNP/MDP. The new chairman of the GNP, Park Geun-hye, stumped the Provinces telling the voters to give the GNP "one last chance."

On 29 Mar the NEC also approved Park Kyung-seob to replace in a proportional seat former Rep. Cho Woong-kyu, who recently left the party.

On 4 April, North Korea publically welcomed the alleged prevalence of pro-Pyongyang sympathizers over anti-communist conservatives in South Korea -- and attributed such recent developments to its leader Kim Jong-il's "great" leadership. The conservative Korea Development Research Center in South Korea released the content of an internal lecture given to cadres of North Korea's official Workers' Party on its website. The GNP candidates immediately pounced on this item to support their concerns of the state of the union under Roh, but appeared to back off over fear of a backlash.

The GNP chose “self-examination, future-oriented vision and unity” as the core concepts of its public relations strategy. The party was trying to erase its image of conservative and mercenary party and to stress the image of a healthy conservative and economic specialist party. The GNP named Park Chan-sook, a former anchor at the KBS, as the head of its public relations committee, which was newly made up of six specialists in their 30s. The party has entrusted the team with full powers because it concluded that due to bureaucratic rigidity, it had ignored fresh ideas of working-level specialists during the 2002 presidential election campaigning that led to the defeat of what it considered its shoe-in candidate.

On 6 Apr a Seoul criminal court sentenced a GNP legislator to five years in prison and a 50-million-won fine on bribery charges. In the ruling, the court accepted the claim by the prosecution that Park Joo-cheon of the main opposition Grand National Party (GNP) received bribes of 50 million won from the Hyundai Group in 2000 in exchange for helping Chung Mong-hun, the late Hyundai Group chairman, avoid attending a parliamentary inspection hearing.

On 7 Apr GNP leader Park Geun-hye said she would visit North Korea and the U.S. after the April 15 general election to resolve the dispute over the North's nuclear weapons program. This is the typical worthless political tripe started to become the norm after 5 April. Most of the half-baked campaign promises are not well-thought out and are only spoken to appease the voters. However, most Korean voters have matured a bit and can see through these promises as simply that -- promises that were not meant to be fulfilled.

"The Grand National Party's surge in certain regions is evident," said Kim Deok-young, president of a major pollster, Korea Research. "The GNP is rapidly improving its underdog position in many regions." The main opposition GNP has traditionally been strong in the nation's southeastern region.

With the Uri Party lead shrinking fast, the race has turned into a close heat in some districts of the Gyeongsang and Jeolla provinces and Seoul area. On 11 Apr GNP chairwoman Park Geun-hye stumped in Seoul and Gyeonggi Province. She said, "The ruling party, which should be putting all its energy into rescuing the economy and helping the unemployed, is devoting itself to slander... I ask you to give the opposition party enough power to restrain the ruling party so that it does not monopolize the National Assembly."

On 12 Apr, it appeared that regionalism showed little signs of abating. Unpublished public polls show that the GNP could sweep most of the 68 seats at stake in its traditional home turf in the nation's southeastern region. The GNP also targeted the older voters in its strategy as the Uri Party chairman made a tactical error by stating the older generation should stay home. This target group has a high percentage of turnout in the 80 percent range while the younger generation has a turnout in the 20-30 percent range. Rival party officials estimated that up to 40 percent of all voters were still undecided, making it extremely difficult to forecast the election outcome. In 50 districts the outcomes were too close to call. They agreed that the outcome of the vote will be decided largely in politically scrambled Seoul and its surrounding Gyeonggi province where 109 seats are at stake.

On 13 Apr the Uri Party's once commanding lead of over 50 percent was slipping by 1.5 percent a day. The Uri Party chairman offered to resign if the party did not do well in the elections.

On 25 Mar Choo Mi-ae, a disgruntled member of the MDP, reportedly wanted the party's chairman, Chough Soon-hyung, and the rest of the leadership to resign and take responsibility for the party's low public standing after the impeachment of President Roh. The misfortunes of the MDP began last September when a group of lawmakers loyal to President Roh broke away to establish the Uri party. The MDP appeared to overcome this crisis by electing Rep. Chough Soon-hyung as its leader late last year. Its popularity soared but there was internal squabbling over the leadership. Chough narrowly beat Choo Mi-ae in the party's leadership race late last year during a bitter fight between conservative old guard and progressives over the direction of the Party after MDP politicians split away to form the Uri Party.

In order to quell the dispute, she was appointed to head the Election Campaign Committee. However, Choo refused the leadership's proposal for her to head the party's campaign committee, saying Chough must resign and that she should hold the party's overall management rights. The feud escalated and her name was withdrawn from heading the Election Campaign Committee by Chough. The split was becoming serious with the possibility of a landslide defeat at the polls -- and possible extinction of its power base in the Cholla area. MDP lawmakers Park In-sang and Cho Sung-joon had resigned from the MDP party. Because of the confrontation, there was a potential of a split with as many as 20 politicians forming an "alliance" with the Uri Party at the last minute. Many MDP members are jumping the embattled party which they believe is certain to fail in the elections. The party has 62 members in the outgoing legislature. The speaker for the MDP decided to quit politics with the parting comment that the MDP politicians need to stop passing the buck over the impeachment issue.

Both reformist and conservative factions agreed that Choo, a former judge and two-term lawmaker popular for her strong political convictions, was the best alternative for the party to get out of the current quagmire. A compromise was reached. Choo Mi-ae backed down over demanding the resignation of Chough Soon-hyung. Chairman Chough Soon-hyung, in turn, agreed to hand over the authority to manage party affairs to Choo Mi-ae return for her promise to head the party's campaign committee. The two-leader system would lead the ailing party through the April 15 general elections.

On 28 Mar Choo Mi-ae formally accepted the position to head the Election Campaign headquarters for the MDP. In a televised broadcast, she apologized to the nation for the party spearheading the impeachment of President Roh -- though she side-stepped the question whether her apology was personal or represented the views of the party leadership. In a speech to open the minor opposition party's election campaign headquarters for the April 15 general elections, Choo said, "I will try my best to focus the election on policies and candidates (rather than on parties), even though I'm being targeted in the backlash after the presidential impeachment." Choo would have exclusive authority to prepare the party's election strategy and replace party candidates in some electoral districts in Jeolla Province, where some of party's traditional supporters have turned their backs on the MDP due to the recent impeachment crisis.

Choo will concentrate her efforts on the Cholla area which has been the MDP stronghold for the past thirty years. However, her replacing of original candidates she holds responsible for the impeachment fiasco with reform-minded figures has caused more dissention within the party. Polls indicate that many switched parties because of the impeachment. However, some feel that though the impeachment crisis hurt the MDP in the Cholla area, the emotional ties of 30 years support of the MDP would not be easily severed. People in the end would ask the question, "What has Uri done for us?" However, the question was TIME with so little remaining before the elections.

(SITE NOTE: In our opinion, the best choice of action for the MDP would have been to stop worrying about impeachment retraction or pointing a finger at the Uri Party for deceptions. They needed to move on. Instead, they chose to continue there actions and force a confrontation within their party. Even with the compromise between Choo Mi-ae and Chough Soon-hyung, it ends up with Choo concentrating on the old power base in the Cholla Provinces and Chough campaigning in Daegu as basically a constituent -- though still holding chairman status in name only.

For the MDP, the fight with the Uri over seats is a matter of survival. The GNP had been counting on the MDP splitting the progressive vote with the Uri so any "alliance" with the Uri party would be disadvantageous for it.

Despite the selection of Choo Mi-ae as a symbol of the reformist spirit being rekindled in the party, we believe the Korean voters are sophisticated enough to see it for what it is -- a political move by a party on the ropes and an ambitious politician out to make a name for herself in the name of her "political convictions." She used the current situation to her own aims. Though she had voted for the impeachment, she immediately turned on Chough -- blaming him for the subsequent fiasco.)

On 5 Apr, the MDP resorted to mudslinging accusing the Uri Party of "a certain Cheong Wa Dae and Uri Party official collected billions of won in dirty money for use in the founding of the Uri Party and the general election.” The Uri Party responded with demands of showing them the proof -- which was not forthcoming. Then the MDP accused GNP election committee chairman Park Se-il of being involved in real estate speculation in Gwacheon. The GNP responded likewise, "Show me the proof."

Using the copy-cat technique of the Saemangeum Protest from Pusan-Seoul in 2003, MDP Election Committee head Choo Mi-ae on 3 April proceeded through the streets of Gwangju starting by bowing once every three steps (sam-bo il-bae) to ask for forgiveness in the impeachment debacle by joining with the GNP. (NOTE: Last spring, Su-kyung, a Buddhist priest, performed the “three-steps and one-bow” for 65 days from Buan, Chunbuk, to Seoul City Hall, which is more than 320 km, in order to save the Saemangeum tidal flat.)

Residents appeared moved by Choo's act of contrition, but some expressed doubts as to whether it would help recover support for her party in Gwangju, the MDP's traditional stronghold. A small scuffle by MDP officials with Roh supporters dressed in funeral garb occurred after the Roh group tried to stage a similar "sam-bo il-bae" ceremony by following the MDP group with banners stating "Don't kill those who fell during the Gwangju Uprising a second time." The grandstanding fell short of turning the tables in the MDP's favor according to the polls. She wasn't exactly welcomed at first; she and her party were condemned for "coming back to Gwangju to beg after being kicked out of the rest of the country," "putting on a show" and "trying to instigate destructive regionalism."

However, within a day, local citizens began to take pity on her, and looking at her exhausted form. Choo Mi-ae played it for what it was worth and appeared at rallies in a wheelchair. As of 8 April, it appeared that while disappointment in the MDP still ran high, the party had begun to win back sympathy.

The MDP TV ad strategy emphasized the image of a national party based on Honam Provinces. The party stressed that the nation overcame the 1997 financial crisis when the party was in power and it would continue to pursue the sunshine policy put forward by former president Kim Dae-jung. The MDP prepared five theme songs including an arrangement of popular singer Psy’s “Champion” to target younger voters. With an arrangement of “Betrayer” sung by Bae-ho, the party aims to emphasize the image of the Uri Party as a traitor to traditional MDP supporters like the citizens of Honam Province.

In the Jeolla provinces on 11 Apr, MDP election committee Choo Mi-ae begged voters to bring back to life a party that was "founded on tears" and turn Election Day into a "day of resurrection for democratic forces."

Eight from the United Liberal Democrats cast votes for the impeachment and their seats were in jeapordy from the blowback. Civic groups vowed to mount a campaign to blacklist all those who voted for the impeachment. The ULD, which is controlled by Kim Jong-pil, swept virtually all seats in the nation's central region in 2000, but it may have a rougher time in the upcoming elections.

On 26 Mar Rhee In-je, a longtime presidential hopeful and acting chairman of the minor opposition ULD, was alleged to have accepted illicit money from the GNP ahead of the 2002 presidential election. "I gave a box containing 250 million won (US$216,000) to Rhee's wife in December 2002 and met Rhee two days later to confirm the acceptance," Kim Yun-soo said during his appearance at a Seoul criminal court.

Ob 29 Mar, the NEC approved approved former lawmaker Byun Ung-jun of the ULD to fill the National Assembly seat vacated by ex-lawmaker Kim Chong-hoh.

On 11 Apr Kim Jong-pil, secretary general of the ULD, stumped in South Chungcheong Province and promised his party would work to ensure that the capital is moved to the province in accordance with laws already passed by the National Assembly.

The Democratic Labor Party, a left-wing party that holds no seats in the National Assembly, has come into national focus, with its public support rising among workers and low-income people. The party aims to grab about a dozen seats, securing a foothold in parliament for the first time. The Korean Teachers and Educational Workers Union representing 130,000 low-level government workers, announced on 29 Mar that the umbrella union would back the Democratic Labor Party. On 4 Apr the police issued a warrant to arrest the head of the Teacher's Union for violating the election law, but the Prosecution turned down the police request for an arrest warrant. The leaders of the union had been taken into custody on 3 Apr.

The DLP will certainly benefit from the furor over the impeachment. "The near-certain advance of the Democratic Labor Party into the National Assembly will put party politics on a normal track in Korea and help solidify democracy," said Yoon Pyong-joong, a political science professor at Hansin University. The DLP is against the dispatch of troops to Iraq and supports the full removal of the U.S. military from Korea. It is opposed to the USFK relocation plan because the premise is that the USFK should still be stationed in South Korea. It openly supports opening a dialogue with North Korea.

On 11 Apr DLP election committee head Cheon Young-se announced his party's so-called "Three Revolutions in Welfare" platform calling for free education, free healthcare and public housing.

The Uri Party, formed by Roh loyalists last fall, had only 45 seats in the outgoing parliament with 273 members. However, the impeachment proved to be a gold mine as voters switched allegiance to the Uri Party in anger over the GNP/MDP actions. The Uri Party has been relatively muted after the impeachment -- being careful not to upset the lead gained after the impeachment. The 21 Mar issue of the Donga Ilbo showed the impacts of the impeachment. About 30 percent switched their party votes after the impeachment. With a month till the general elections, the outlook looked grim for the MDP and GNP. Unless a miracle happens, the Uri Party stands to gain an impressive showing -- thus vindicating President Roh's policies and issuing the mandate that has thus far eluded him. Just a month ago, he was in dire straits and things looked dismal for the Uri Party in the April elections. However, now the impeachment has turned things completely around.

According to a Seoul Professor, "It all comes down to how well and how long the Uri Party will be able to play out the impeachment situation to its favor because if the impeachment controversy fades, the competition will return to a race of how well the candidate has made his or her name in the area." With the last candlelight rallies held on 27 March, the impeachment hysteria started to fade and voters started to look more closely at the candidates.

The Uri Party can be expected to use the internet to maintain the same level of "impeachment fever" through the Nosamo support group and other internet organizations. However, the NEC has warned major media outlets to beware of biased coverage or face fines.

The Uri Party moved its headquarters to a warehouse in the middle of a wholesale fruit and vegetable market when it was found that illegal money had been used in part to purchase the building. Like the GNP move to tents, this is merely a symbolic move.

On 28 Mar the Uri Party named a physically handicapped female civic activist No. 1 in its list of 40 candidates to be elected under the proportional representation system. It was squarely aimed at boosting the party's image for the working class and the underprivileged, party officials said. Considering recent opinion polls indicating the party rates about 45 percent of voter support, approximately 27 candidates are expected to garner Assembly badges under the proportional representation systems.

According to the Korea Times on 21 March, the Uri Party is leading the polls in 6 regions of the nation. Traditional GNP strongholds in Seoul have switched to the Uri Party. In Kwangju a bastion for the MDP in the Cholla area, the Uri Party is solidly in the lead. However, a Donga Ilbo poll on 29 March showed the Uri Party's popularity decreased by 2.0 percent, while the GNP's popularity increased by 2.1 percent -- using an opinion poll on 24 March as a baseline. The high ratings for the Uri Party may indicate that the voters are not so supportive of the Uri Party as in the punishment mode towards the GNP/MDP.

Uri Leads GNP in 6 Key Electoral Battlefields

By Ryu Jin Staff Reporter

The ruling Uri Party has cemented its lead over the majority Grand National Party (GNP) in six key electoral battlegrounds ahead of the April 15 general elections, a poll showed on Sunday. A distinct feature is that the upcoming elections are being shaped into an Uri-GNP race, with the second-largest Millennium Democratic Party (MDP) faltering dramatically.

An opinion poll, conducted by Media Research Inc., along with The Korea Times and its sister paper the Hankook Ilbo, found that the Uri Party candidates are running ahead of their GNP and MDP candidates in all six fierce battlefields. The Uri party's popularity surged after March 12, when the opposition-led National Assembly passed an impeachment motion against President Roh Moo-hyun.

According to the telephone survey, Park Chol-yong of the Uri Party was leading GNP candidate Lee Jong-koo by 32.4 percent to 25.8 percent in Kangnam A District, an affluent area in southern Seoul which has traditionally given wholehearted support to the GNP.

Former environment minister Han Myung-sook, running on the Uri Party ticket in the district of Koyang-Ilsan A in Kyonggi Province, was also clearly leading by 47.9 percent to 25.7 percent over GNP floor leader Hong Sa-duk, who is a frontrunner in the race for the party chairmanship.

In Puk-Kangso A in Pusan and in Namhae-Hadong districts in South Kyongsang Province, which are also GNP strongholds, the Uri Party's Lee Chul and Kim Doo-gwan outdistanced GNP's Chung Hyung-keun and Park Hee-tae, by wide margins.

The Uri party performed well in the southwestern Cholla provinces, which have been traditional power bases of the minor opposition Millennium Democratic Party (MDP).

The Uri Party's Gang Gi-jung overwhelmed MDP incumbent Kim Sang-hyun by 53.3 percent to 13.4 percent in Kwangju Puk A, while Uri Party lawmaker Chang Young-dal in Chonju Wansan A beat his MDP challenger Lee Moo-young by 59.1 to 13.7 percent.

The survey on Sunday canvassed 500 adults in every constituency, with margins of error plus or minus 4.4 percentage points.

In the meantime, in a poll conducted by Media Research along with KBS, Uri Party candidates swept 20 key battlefields out of all Seoul's 45 constituencies.

jinryu@koreatimes.co.kr

On 28 Mar the Uri Party said it would strive for an inter-Korean parliamentary gathering on Aug. 15, National Liberation Day, to pave the way for a second inter-Korean summit meeting. The first inter-Korean summit was held in Pyongyang in June 2000 between then-President Kim Dae-jung and North Korean leader Kim Jong-il. This seems rather strange that the Uri Party would bring this up with Kim Dae-jung in "disgrace" over the scandal of money-for-summit scandal -- and the subsequent allegations that he "bought" the Nobel Prize with the summit. On the same date (28 Mar) the Supreme Court on Sunday upheld the convictions of a senior aide to ex-President Kim Dae-jung and three others of illegally remitting money to North Korea just days before the first-ever inter-Korean summit in 2000. Upholding lower court rulings, Justice Kim Yong-dam approved suspended sentences of 18 months to two and a half years for former national security adviser Lim Dong-won, ex-Korea Development Bank (KDB) President Lee Keun-young, Hyundai Asan President Kim Yoon-kyu and former KDB Vice President Park Sang-bae.

The Korean Government Employees Union (KGEU) made up of lower-ranking officials and public works employees in government came out against the impeachment motion and endorsed the Uri Party ahead of the April 15 general election -- flying in the face of Prime Minister Goh's direction that government officials must remain neutral. A standoff deepened between the government and union with the government seeking stern measures against what it said was an illegal move. Government Administration and Home Affairs Minister Huh Sung-kwan ordered police to look into any breach of laws, but the Union refused the police summons. On 4 April, Senior members of a public workers' union which endorsed a political party faced arrest on charges of violating election law. Prosecutors arrested the leader of a public workers' union on 6 Apr over "his expression of support for a specific political party" (Uri Party) in the run-up to the parliamentary elections.

The Uri Party stuck their foot in their mouth again on April 1. Uri Party Chairman Chung Dong-young apologized to elders for his comment on 1 April that older people aged 60 or more do not have to vote April 15 when general elections for the 17th National Assembly are to be held. The allusion was that the young people would carry the election -- without the older generation turning out. He said, ""There have been changes recently, and young people are at the center of the candlelight demonstrations. The future will be the stage of those in their 20s and 30s... To take this a step further, it'll be fine if people in their 60s and 70s do not vote." He added, "It's not absolutely necessary for those people [in their 60s and 70s] to decide on the future... This is because those people will probably exit the stage soon... Those people can rest at home, or to put this another way, whatever people in their 20s and 30s decide on now decides the future, and their interests are at stake."

Chung visited the West House of the Elderly at Janghueng, Chunnam and apologized to the elderly voters, with a deep bow -- which supposedly made it all right. Unfortunately, there were some who believed that his statement was actually his baring of his true inner feelings in that support from the "386 Generation" (30 something -- educated in the 80s -- born in the 60s) was what led to Roh's capturing the Presidency. Some felt that Chung had grown arrogant because of the recent popular support for his party.

When things calmed down, on 6 Apr, the Uri Party did it again. A network of senior voters reserved its supportive stance toward the Uri Party as party officials failed to keep a promise to attend its press conference initially arranged to express the League's support for the Uri Party. Embarrassed by the Uri Party no-show, Cheon Su-cheol of the Korea League of Senior Voters said, "We cannot work with such insincere people who simply break promises."

In a blatantly political move, Uri Party Chairman Chung Dong-young proposed on 5 Apr that the National Assembly repeal its impeachment of President Roh Moo-hyun -- even though the matter has already under discussion by the Constitutional Court. He could wait until hell freezes over before the GNP would bite at that gambit. Chung also proposed a tete-a-tete with GNP leader Park Geun-hye to discuss his proposal, but Park Keun-hye turned this down, saying that “the only path left was to calmly await the Constitutional Court’s decision and submit to it.”

Then a rumor made its way around that Uri Party lawmaker Shin Gi-nam had said, "votes from the Jeolla provinces weren't welcome." By 8 April a number of MDP candidates in the Gwangju area who were far behind a week ago are now running neck and neck with Uri Party candidates from the same region. The same holds true of the South Cholla Province as well.

The Uri Party TV advertising conveyed the image that the party would be able to guard democracy and to stabilize the life of ordinary people. The party's public relations strategy is focused on an anti-impeachment stance and economic revival for ordinary people. It will mainly deal with future-oriented themes. The Uri Party chose a theme song that repeats "No. 3, the Uri Party" to win voters who are accustomed to No. 2, the MDP's candidacy number.

By 10 Apr, the Uri Party lead was shrinking fast. The ruling Uri Party and opposition parties opened up a total war on 11 Apr for strategic election districts in the Seoul area and the Jeolla and Chungcheong provinces. With the election just around the corner, the Uri Party's once dominant position has shrunken, and contests in some districts of the Gyeongsang and Jeolla provinces and Seoul area have developed into close races. Those races are really heating up as parties accuse one another of resorting to slander and money politics. Uri Party Chairman Chung Dong-young accused the opposition of resurrecting the "ghosts of regionalism" and sprinkling its ill-begotten money in specific regions to buy votes. He warned that if the forces of "corrupt politics and the impeachment" are allowed to take center stage in the nation's politics once again, Korea is in for a really hard time. To counter the GNP accusations of a Uri Party sweep, the Chung warned the constituents to beware of the "Unstoppable Opposition Argument" of the GNP.

On 12 Apr, Uri Party chairman Chung Dong-young stated he would take responsibility for his party's performance in the April 15 general election indicating the once commanding lead had slipped away. As of 12 Apr, the analysts stated the Uri Party seats were "expected to be close to a majority." In 50 districts it was too close to call. Chung resigned as the party's chief campaigner and withdrew his candidacy for parliamentary seat under proportional representation. He began a fast in protest against the increasing popularity of the GNP which the Uri Party labels as "corrupt party based on regionalism." "The GNP is poised to control the National Assembly again," he said. "My action is aimed at appealing to the people about the serious situation." "We've been too smug, too complacent given the overwhelming initial public support for us," said Min Byung-doo, the Uri Party's top campaign manger. "Support for us has been dropping by an average 1.5 percent a day." As campaigning draws to a close, the competition has come down to a two-way race between the GNP and the Uri Party. Both parties said they aimed to win between 120 and 150 seats in the 299-member single legislature.

In the Chosun Ilbo on 22 Mar it was stated by a Cheong Wa Dae staffer that the President is contemplating whether or not to link the general election to the vote of confidence. Roh thinks that he should keep his promise to the people concerning the "general election and the confidence vote." However, Roh said that he is reluctant to take any action, knowing it would only trigger political conflict especially when the popularity of the Uri Party is increasing.

On 29 Mar a spokesman for President Roh stated that Roh would take no action in the elections until his impeachment troubles are resolved.

By NOT interferring in the political situation BUT PUBLISHING HIS DOMESTIC PHOTOS IN THE NEWSPAPER and issuing daily press releases, he WAS interferring. By stating he would not interfere in the controversy, he was in fact interfering by influencing the public. This was politics. Everyday the newspapers show photos of Roh looking wistfully out a window, walking in the gardens or other photos of a man suddenly cut off from his work. This keeps Roh in the eye of the people.

The announcement from the Presidential office Cheong Wa Dae said that it had received 12,700 e-mails from people expressing support for President Roh since his impeachment on March 12. The president was receiving 1000 emails a day -- versus the normal 100 a day. The presidential office said on its Web site that the e-mails came from housewives, office workers, religious people, students, government officials and soldiers.

SITE NOTE: However, what is strange is that the email counts should have been much higher. Why weren't the numbers in the hundreds of thousands??? Our interpretation of this is that the people who turned out for the candlelight rallies were there to support what they considered a threat to democracy -- NOT to support Roh. Hopefully the Uri Party is aware of this distinction. The same conclusion can be drawn from the candlelight rallies which were against the Impeachment motion -- and not necessarily a sign of support for the embattled President.

On 30 Mar Roh received a boost against accusations of his close aide's corruption. In Oct 2003 Lee Gwang-jae, the aide to President Roh Moo-hyun was accused of receiving billions of won from a former vice chairman of the Sun and Moon Group, but denied the allegations saying he was "set up." Like another Roh aide, Ahn Hee-jeong, who was indicted in connection with the Nara scandal, Lee is one of the core members close to the president. Lee resigned finally after it was revealed that he used the money to pay off personal debts and there were signs of money laundering.

In Mar 2004, the team of special prosecutors wrapped up the three-month graft probe of former aides to President Roh by indicting one ex-official and clearing two others of any wrongdoing. The team of 70 investigators empowered by parliament in December 2003 to open the investigation charged Roh's former presidential secretary for general affairs, Choi Do-Sul, with accepting 491 million won (425,200 dollars) in illegal funds ahead of the presidential election in December 2002.

The probe cleared two others, Lee Kwang-Jae and Yang Gil-Seung. Both Lee, Roh's one-time secretary for information and policy monitoring, and Yang, a former personal secretary, were accused of accepting bribes from businessmen. Choi had already been indicted and jailed on separate charges of receiving 1.1 billion won in illegal political donations from a business conglomerate, the SK Group, just after the election.

However, these aides were called to testify before the Constitutional Court on 9 Apr to determine the validity of the impeachment motion on charges of corruption.

Roh continued to keep his face on the front page by planting a tree on Cheong Wa Dae's grounds on April 5. In addition, there were leaked rumors that Roh might apologize after the Parties withdraw the impeachment. Then the head of "Nomaso," the Roh support group, chimed in to say after the election the Uri Party should split.

On 11 Apr as Roh hiked in the mountains behind Cheong Wa Dae with his wife, he was accompanied by reporters and made front page news. President Roh Moo-hyun said a "win-win and integration politics" will be tried after the April 15 general election and will eventually be successful -- stating that it was due to his "participatory form of government." He was quick to point out that he was restrained from taking any political action until after the elections, but he would be free to comment after the elections.

The Citizen's Alliance for the General Election, a prominent activist alliance, announced a list of 208 members of the National Assembly that it suggests should not be reelected on 6 April. It was seen as a direct challenge to election authorities. All those who voted for the impeachment of President Roh were on the blacklist. The blacklist, reminiscent of a similar one which hugely affected general elections four years ago, is expected to have a big impact on the outcome of the upcoming elections. The Hankyoreh newspaper -- a supporter of President Roh's policies -- came out in favor of this blacklist stating that the legislators had failed to listen to their constituents voices. It said, "We think it is only right that those who participated in the impeachment move should be included in the list of undesirable candidates, because the forced move to pass the bill was a serious challenge to representative democracy."

On the opposite side of the coin, the names of 54 candidates were said to be fit to win National Assembly seats. The list comprised of 36 candidates from the pro-government Uri Party, 12 from the Democratic Labor Party, three from the MDP, two from the GNP and one independent candidate.

Constant violations of the election laws may invalidate the results of many positions in the National Assembly resulting in special elections. Some of the violations resulted in such ridiculous situations as fines to the voters of 50X the gifts worth. In this case, 5,000 won chocolates and $9.25 dinners were judged as illegal gifts to voters and the voters were fined 50x the worth. No mention was made of the fines to the politician. There is a reward system in effect for snitching on illegal bribes. One politician complained that after a lunch with prospective voters he apologized that the voters would have to pay for their own dinner -- much to the disgruntlement of the audience. The following is from the Joongang Ilbo on 26 Mar:

Elections panel sees widespread violation of law

The campaign has yet to start, and elections are still three weeks away, but the National Election Commission warned yesterday that a "considerable number" of special elections will be held after the April 15 vote for a new National Assembly because of an apparent upsurge in election law violations.

"Among the total violations, 305 cases have been filed with the prosecution or referred to the police for investigation, meaning that there may well be a fair amount of special elections after April," said Kim Ho-yeol, an official with the National Election Commission.

The watchdog agency said that it has already found 2,086 violations of the election law so far this year. The figure is about three times higher than the violations recorded during the same period in 2000 National Assembly elections. In 2000, the commission had found 818 violations. Out of the 818, 15 cases were referred to the prosecution or the police. In the end, the results of 10 races were invalidated.

Victories are annulled if candidates' violations are serious enough to result in fines of 1 million won ($863) or more. Election laws, strengthened by the last Assembly, can also void the election of a candidate whose campaign finance manager or a family member is fined 3 million won or more.

About 70 percent of the cases referred to the prosecution end with an indictment against candidates. That rate can go up depending on the authorities' determination to root out corruption, as seems to be the case with this year's elections.

The commission has announced that it will impose 50-fold larger fines for the illegal acceptance of cash, meals or gifts; and rewards of a maximum 50 million won for whistle-blowers who report campaign violations.

According to statistics released yesterday, Our Open Party had the largest number of violations with 593 cases. The Grand National Party followed with 456 cases; the Millennium Democratic Party, 293 cases; the Democratic Labor Party, 91 cases; and the United Liberal Democrats, 36.

Commission officials said they expect the number of violations to go up, once campaigning begins on April 2. Also yesterday, the National Police Administration said that as of Friday morning, they have found 2,775 people who have violated election laws. Among that number, the police arrested 65.

As a result, many politicians are looking to advertising instead of "gifts" to voters. Their efforts have been primarily through the internet. However, this has resulted in fines by the NEC for inappropriate advertisements by media companies. The NEC also filed protests with the major broadcast media for "biased reporting." The following is from the Donga Ilbo on 25 Mar:

Election Law Violation Cases Reach 2,086, Up 2.5 Times From Four Years Ago

In this year alone, the amount of election law violation cases related to the April 15 general election has reached the 2,000 mark.

The Central Election Management Committee disclosed on March 26 that "From January 1 to March 25, the cases of election law violations total 2,086 in all. We have entered litigation in 189 cases, requested the police to investigate 116 cases, gave warning to 893 cases, cautioned 874 cases, and handed over 14 cases to their relevant agencies."

This means that approximately 24 cases per a day have been filed on average, showing a 155 percent increase from the general election four years ago. In particular, the number of litigation and investigation requests has crossed 300, which could potentially impact the election and increase the possibility of successive spoiled votes.

In classification by party, the Open Uri Party accounts for 28.4 percent of all election law violation cases with 593; the Grand National Party, 21.9 percent with 456 cases; the Millennium Democratic Party, 14.0 percent with 293 cases; the Democratic Labor Party, 4.3 percent with 91 cases; the United Liberal Democrats, 1.7 percent with 36 cases; and the others, 12.7 percent with 265 cases.

In classification by type, illegal distribution of prints and magazines accounts for 39 percent with 814 cases; offers of money, food, and transportation, 17.2 percent with 359 cases; illegal facility establishments, 13.9 percent with 290 cases; and internet and telephone use for illegal election activities, 12.7 percent with 265 cases.

The reason for the skyrocketing increase in election law violation cases can be traced to the early stage fever in relation to the ambience of candidate nomination, and volunteered reports by electors. "Thanks to the revised election law, which offers rewards for law violation reports, even secret offers of money are laid bare," said one election observer.

Old habits die hard with politicians. Authorities identified dozens of candidates for National Assembly seats, including incumbent lawmakers, who allegedly engaged in illegal campaigning ahead of the April 15 legislative elections. The National Election Commission yesterday discovered a secret accounting book of an incumbent lawmaker, Park Won-hong, which allegedly recorded illegal money transfers to voters in his district. Mr. Park bowed out of the race. In other cases, Daegu police yesterday arrested Park Ki-choon, who is running as an independent in Daegu's Dalseo district, and two of his campaign officials on charges that they gave a free tour and entertainment to district voters. Police in Gangneung, Gangwon province, requested detention warrants yesterday for a Gangneung district candidate, identified only as Mr. Kim, and six of his campaign officials, on charges of giving 590 million won to 140 district voters. The Daejeon District Public Prosecutors Office yesterday indicted without detention 27 telephone solicitors on charges of receiving money from a candidate, identified only as Mr. Kim, when he was running in Our Open Party's primary in Daejeon's Jung district. Mr. Kim was indicted as well.

On 3 Apr, it was announced that the NEC had provided political parties with state subsidies of 26.79 trillion won (US$23.44 million) for the April 15 general election. According to the NEC, the main opposition Grand National Party (GNP), which holds 145 of 273 seats in the unicameral legislature, received the largest subsidies, 9.8 billion won, followed by the No. 2 opposition Millennium Democratic Party (MDP) with 7.98 trillion won.

The NEC has filed with the prosecutors complaints against 30 candidates. 22 of those cases involve providing goods, money and/or entertainment to voters, with the illegal funds given out ranging from the hundreds of thousands of won into the millions.

According to the Chosun Ilbo on 8 April, the police said; "We've booked 1,546 people for campaign law violations, and have prosecuted 399 of them, including the 180 we've incarcerated... This is close to twice the number of cases exposed during the same period in 2000 general election." Of the people currently being investigated by prosecutors for election law violations, 95 of them are candidates, and six of them have already been put in prison. About half the candidates under investigation are accused of violations -- such as providing valuables and entertainment to people they shouldn't have -- that carry with them the likelihood of electoral disqualification." The worry is that there will be a rash of special elections as those who committed illegal acts may have their victories nullified.

The article went on to say, "In particular, under the new election laws established before this general election, candidates found guilty of election law violations drawing more than W1 million in fines are disqualified. Moreover, if a candidate's spouse or campaign accountant is found guilty of violations punishable by W3 million in fines, the candidate can be disqualified (the previous law mandated disqualification only if the offense was punishable by imprisonment). With this in mind, a significant number of election disqualifications are expected. Of the 243 seats of for grabs, officials from all parties are predicting, at the very least, 20~30 election annulments, and at the most, 50~60."

At the same time, a smaller anti-Roh rally was held supporting the impeachment. The signs in English which read "Withdraw Roh Moo-hyun!" or "Roh Moo-hyun Decampment" meant "Roh Moo-hyun Get Out of Office!" The large banner reads "No more candlelight vigils for Impeachment Withdrawal."

Anti-Roh factions: Roh Get Out!

Constitutional Court to Convene Impeachment Case on 30 March The following is from OhMy News on 12 Mar 2004:

President Roh Impeached Amid Bitter Fight

The Constitutional Court has 180 days to determine validity of bill

A bill to impeach President Roh Moo Hyun was passed 193 to 2 by the National Assembly shortly before noon Friday.

The Constitutional Court now has 180 days to determine the validity of the bill, and a majority of nine justices determining the country's fate. Until then, the president's powers are suspended and assumed by Prime Minister Koh Gun.

The vote took place after National Assembly Speaker Park Kwan Yong invoked police powers and had plain-clothed Assembly security guards drag members of the ruling Uri Party away from the speaker's platform. Uri members had been blocking access to the speaker's platform as a tactic to keep a vote from happening since Wednesday. No members of the ruling party appear to have participated in the vote, which required 181 votes.

Leaders of the opposition Grand National Party (GNP) and Millennium Democratic Party (MDP), which had pushed for the bills passage, had threatened party ranks with expulsion from the party and exclusion from being selected as candidates for National Assembly elections scheduled for April 15 unless they voted with the party.

The United Liberal Democrats (ULD), which does not have operational party status on the Assembly floor but had earlier expressed opposition to impeachment apparently voted in favor of the bill, since only two votes were cast against approval in what was a secret ballot.

The Constitutional Court has already begun preparations for a trial. "As this is a serious matter for the nation, the court will deal with the impeachment bill swiftly and exactly," said chief justice Yun Yeong Cheol.

Citing how the GNP went along with the vote despite opinion polls pointing to how it might do poorly in Assembly elections as a result, some observers are suggesting that the opposition may now begin to claim the need to postpone the National Assembly election scheduled for April and amend the constitution, which would be possible with the Assembly seats now held by opposition lawmakers.

South Korean Impeachment Process Explained

Following are the steps required to impeach a president, as set out in the constitution and under Constitutional Court rules:


• 1. A simple majority of the 273-seat National Assembly must register an impeachment motion with the single-chamber parliament.
• 2. Twenty-four hours later, the motion can be introduced to the chamber and voted on. A two-thirds majority of the occupied seats (181 votes) is needed to approve the bill.
• 3. If approved by two-thirds of parliament, the impeachment bill must be examined at a Constitutional Court hearing where some of the members of parliament would act as "prosecutors." The parliamentary vote must be upheld by six out of the nine Constitutional Court judges. The judges are appointed by the president but three must be parliamentary nominees and another three must be nominated by the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. Their deliberations could take up to six months - the court has 180 days to deliver its ruling once the impeachment vote is registered with it.
• 4. The president's powers are suspended from the moment the bill is passed in parliament until the Constitutional Court rules. In the meantime, the prime minister runs the country. Goh Kun, a veteran bureaucrat, is Roh's prime minister.
• 5. If the court upholds parliament's decision, the president is stripped of his office. (SITE NOTE: If the impeachment is upheld by at least six of the nine judges, Roh will be banned from holding public office for five years.)
• 6. A fresh presidential election would have to be held within 60 days of the president being removed from office. / Jean K. Min

the Constitutional Court decided it will call three presidential aides -- Choi Do-sul, Ahn Hee-jung and Yeo Taik-soo -- and Lotte Shopping head Shin Dong-in to take the witness stand.

Concerning the election law violation charges, the court requested materials from three broadcast companies that document the press conference in which the Roh allegedly called on voters to support the Uri Party. It also requested the log of the National Election Committee, which documents how that body decided Roh had committed election law violations. The court will also look at the trial records of Choi Do-sul, former Sun and Moon head Mon Byeong-uk, Lee Gwang-jae, Yeo Taik-soo, Ahn Hee-jung, former Changshin Textiles head Gang Keum-weon and former Jangsucheon Mineral Water head Seon Bong-sul.

The Constitutional Court scheduled the timing for its final verdict on the impeachment on April 22. The overall schedule for deliberations on the impeachment case was devised at the fourth hearing. This earlier-than-expected timetable increased the prospects that a historic final ruling on Korea's first presidential impeachment would be made around mid-May. According to Yonhap News, the Constitutional Court decided on 23 Apr to close deliberations on the impeachment of President Roh Moo-hyun on 27 Apr by holding its sixth public hearing. There is speculation that the court could issue a final verdict on the case as early as May 10, as it takes two weeks for the court's nine-member panel to draw up the verdict and review it following the end of deliberation.

The court rejected the demand that the president and five witnesses, including Roh's right-hand man Lee Kwang-jae, testify before the court. The court's rejection seems based on its judgement that there is no need to directly question the President because all the facts that are needed to prove to impeach the president are already revealed. Determination on violation of election law will be from NEC and broadcasting company facts. In the case of Roh's aides' scandal, the Court felt it could summon the aides to give a testimony and review prosecutors' documents. Ahn Hee-jeong and Yeo Taek-soo, who were summoned as witnesses, strongly denied that Roh was involved in their scandals.

On 23 Apr the prosecution had Lotte Shopping President Shin Dong-in apprehended after his refusal to testify and forced him to face questioning over Roh's alleged involvement in corruption. Another witness Yeo Taek-soo, Roh's personal secretary, appeared in court and was interrogated by opposition lawmakers about his alleged connection with the president in corruption scandals. Yeo is suspected of receiving illegal political donations worth 330 million won, while Shin has been accused of bribing close aides to the troubled head of state shortly after the 2002 presidential election. The lawmakers, acting as prosecutors in the trial, focused their interrogation on whether Roh was present when his aide Yeo took illicit political funds from Shin.

According to the Chosun Ilbo, "The court accepted a request by the impeachment team to summon three Roh's aides, including Ahn Hee-jeong, but "suspended" the request to summon President Roh. It has left room to directly question the president if it turns out that he was involved in scandals after hearing testimony from his aids and reviewing prosecutors' documents. However, the president may hear a final ruling without attending the trial even once because of the court's rejection of the request." Two of Roh aides, his "right-hand" man Ahn Hee-jung and Choi Do-sul, former presidential secretary for general affairs, were summoned on 20 Apr. Ahn defended the president, but Choi refused to testify on the grounds that his evidence might harm him in a separate corruption trial he is facing.

The Constitutional Court decided not to summon additional witnesses in the closed-door general conference of its nine judges on 22 Apr. Court President Yun Young-chul told reporters yesterday morning, "We won't summon more witnesses. We will hear the prosecution and defense teams debate one last time at the next hearing and then conclude the trial if possible." The court is supposed to rule only on the legal merits of the case, but political analysts believe Uri's resounding victory in the crucial polls will put pressure on the court to veto the opposition-driven impeachment.

---

'Taegukgi' Becomes Most Popular Movie in S. Korean History A warning over the rise of nationalism -- and the subsequent ties to anti-Americanism -- may be in the offing. With two back-to-back movie hits dealing with the military, there may be indications of a rise in the nationalistic feelings of the populace. "Taeguki" (Korean flag) may stir up such emotional issues as the alleged U.S. massacres during the Korean War. The USFK worries that increased nationalism may lead to anti-Americanism that was seen the last time rampant nationalism swept the nation in 2002.

"Taegukgi," a movie about the Korean War, became the most popular film in Korean history. Taegukgi stars Jang Dong-Gun (best known for 2009:Lost Memories) , Lee Eun-Ju(a), and Won Bin. In these times where the whole nation's interest in war has reached the climax due to Korea's dispatch of troops to Iraq, "Taegukgi" captured the public attention.

"Taegukgi" directed by Kang Je-Gyu ("Shiri") is a war movie produced to commemorate the 50th year of the break out of the Korean War. The movie received spotlights as it started filming because of the enormous amount of production cost and the cast of Jang Dong-Gun and Won Bin. A week before the movie's release date, Kang tells us that he filmed this movie wishing that the Korean War remains the last war in Korea. "Taegukgi" portrays the touching brotherly affection and tragic fate of two brothers, Jin-tae(Jang Dong-Gun) and Jin-suk(Won Bin), being engulfed into the whirlpool of the Korean War. Its large-scale combat scenes filmed in Hapcheon Gyeongnam were released to the public, receiving much attention.

According to its distributor, Showbox, the South Korean blockbuster had sold an estimated 11.09 million tickets as of 3 Apr, the most tickets ever sold for a movie, ahead of the 11.07 million tickets sold for another homegrown film, "Silmido," as of the same day.

"Silmido" is a movie about a special group of convicts trained to assassinate Kim Il-sung in reprisal for the assassination attempt on Park Chung-hee. Convicts facing the death penalty were removed from prison and promised a pardon. However, upon completion of their horrific training, the government suddenly changed its mind. Then it was revealed that the government decided to "erase the evidence" -- meaning kill all the trainees. 28 of the group killed their trainers and set out for Seoul. Stopped, some committed suicide. Four survived but were executed. This movie brings into question the underhanded means of the government with secret units and how it failed to live up to its promises to these secret agents. (See Budaechigae for more details.) When "Silmido" came out, there were activist protests attempting to link the U.S. backing of the heavy-handed rule of Park Chung-hee. However, the protests were not popularly received as Park Chung-hee, despite all his faults, is viewed as the architect of the Miracle of the Han -- that brought Korea prosperity.

According to Seoul Times: "Shilmido" Attracts Millions in 1 Week:

On Jan. 21, 1968, a group of North Korean armed guerillas approached the back gate of Chunghwadae, ready to kill then President Park Jung Hee. The 31 highly trained infiltrators were sent by North Korea to assassinate the "absolute ruler" of the South. They were intercepted and almost all killed by the presidential guards right before they were about to burst into the gate of the presidential house.

The sole surviver Kim Shin Jo later spat out in an interview "I came here to kill Park Jung Hee and cut his neck." Shocked and furious, Park Jung Hee ordered an outright retaliation.

On a presidential order the then South Korean CIA formed a legion of commandos recruited from prisoners on death row. The same number of 31 were selected to "be killed" in the North, although they were promised by the South to be given freedom after their mission to assassinate Kim Il Sung, president of North Korea and to blow up Kim's presidential palace.

Inspired by the government's promise for their second chance in life, they gladly pledged to put their life on the line during their "hell" training on a small island called Shilmido off the port city of Incheon. Seven of them died during the appalling training but the remaining men survived to become amazing special commandos, so-called "human weapons."

However, while the so called "Unit 684" members were waiting for their mission after three years of special training, the icy South-North relations suddenly began to thaw. The end result was "The July 4th South-North Joint Declaration" on principles for peaceful unification announced in 1972 simultaneously by Pyongyang and Seoul after secret exchanges of presidential messengers.

With the dramatic improvement of bilateral relations on the peninsula, people of both Koreas were in euphoria about the "imminent" unification. And accordingly, the retaliation plan was scrapped.

As the bilateral ties between the two Koreas improved Unit 684 members on Shilmido were virtually abandoned. Their training decreased and even their food supply was cut. Finally, the government ordered "complete destruction" of Unit 684. All members were to be purged after three years of hard training.

Extremely angry and frustrated by the approaching "destruction" on Aug. 23, 1971, 24 soldiers of Unit 684 hijacked a bus in Inchoen to head toward presidential house of Chongwadae in Seoul, putting the passengers into a complete panic. In a shootout with police in Seoul, the 24 the forlorn armed deserters killed themselves by hand grenades.

The ill-fated incident was quickly covered up by the government, and was forever hidden in history until just recently. Initially, the government announced they were armed guarillas from the North. The tragedy resulted in a recent opening of a movie called Shilmido, named after training ground of the soldiers.

As in real history Shilmido depicts vividly the whole process of the disastrous incidents that happened between 1968 and 1971; why they were recruited and how they endured harsh training to become "human weapons" and finally how they were forsaken by the society.

Director Kang Woo Suk simply wants to reveal the hidden story with his 135-minute blockbuster film. In his movie Kang concludes that the tragedy is obviously ascribable to erroneous decisions by the government, which is cruel and chaotic in his prism. A whopping 10 billion won (8.4 million U.S. dollars) was poured into making the tragic film.

Released on Christmas eve, 2003, Shilmido immediately scored number one on the blockbuster charts in Korea. On the first week of the opening, over 2 million people came to see the movie, the highest opening number in nation's cinematography history. It still gathers record number of spectators from around the country after almost two months of its opening.

The movie is full of big-name actors including Ahn Sung Gi, Sul Kyung Goo, Huh Joon Ho, and Jung Jae Young. Sul Kyung Goo stars as one of the trainees whereas Ahn Sung Gi and Huh Joon Ho play as his superiors.

---

The Embassy Housing Relocation Drags on This dispute is long running. Activists have been protesting for a year at the Kyongbuk Palace over this matter. It started when the ROK wished to develop the Namsan Mountain area with luxury apartments and asked the UN and Embassy to vacate areas on the mountain stating it would provide suitable land for the relocation. Everything looked good until the plans were finalized and suddenly the activists rushed in to claim that historical properties were located under the land. The $240 million chancery project has been in limbo since 1966 when the ROK started haggling over the value of the site. The issue of historical value surfaced in the 1990s as the site was formerly occupied by royal family buildings in the late 19th century. Note that none of these concerns were surfaced when a Girls Highschool occupied the site. (SITE NOTE: This Korean technique of promising something in exchange for something else and then reneging on the deal is very common Korean business technique. It bears a striking resemblence to the Yongsan relocation "re-renegotiations." The ROK is now selling off portions of Yongsan for luxury apartments -- and the U.S. has not even left yet.)

Now the ROK is dragging this out because it is "difficult" to assemble a group of experts to evaluate a study completed on the site -- though the ROK side claims the study supports their claim of historical ruins. On the other hand, the U.S. Embassy would rather have the matter settled one way or another to get on with the promised relocation. The following is from the Stars and Stripes on 5 April.

U.S. awaits ruling on embassy survey

By Jeremy Kirk and Choe Song-won, Stars and Stripes
Pacific edition, Monday, April 5, 2004

YONGSAN GARRISON, South Korea — The South Korean government has not yet reviewed a historical site survey that is key to beginning construction of a new U.S. Embassy chancery building, officials said last week.

About 40 or 50 members of the Cultural Properties Administration in Taejon must check out the survey, and it’s difficult to schedule a meeting, said Nam Hyo-dae, who works for the organization’s Cultural Heritage Bureau. The members are professors and experts in Korean cultural artifacts.

Nam said he didn’t know when the meeting may take place. U.S. Embassy officials are awaiting a decision by the South Korean government, said spokeswoman Maureen Cormack.

The study looks at the grounds of the former Gyeonggi girls high school, a barren lot in the Chung-dong neighborhood adjacent to the U.S. ambassador’s residence. The South Korean government encouraged the United States to buy the property in 1986 as the site for a new chancery.

The site has been empty since 1988, when the high school was vacated. The $240 million chancery project has been in limbo since concerns arose over the value of the site, formerly occupied by royal family buildings in the late 19th century.

Historians believe King Kojong, Korea’s last king, used a path in the area to escape pro-Japanese collaborators who sought his removal. While many historical temples and royal palaces were destroyed during the 1910-1945 Japanese occupation and the later Korean War, some foundations and artifacts may lie beneath the soil.

Local activists have protested using the site for a chancery building, and South Korean law mandates site surveys before construction can begin on a site.

The study was commissioned by Baum Associates, the architectural firm contracted by the embassy to design the project. About 18 researchers worked from July to November 2003 on the study.

While not publicly released, the survey shows the site has historic meaning and should be preserved, an official from the Joongang Research Center of Cultural Heritage said last November. The study also was done with the Foundation for Preservation of Cultural Properties.

In addition to a new chancery, the embassy also plans an eight-story apartment building to house its employees.

The story of the land gets stranger and stranger as time goes on. On 17 Apr the Stars and Stripes ran an article where ROK government officials suggested Camp Coiner, located beside the Yongsan Garrison, for U.S. Embassy. The camp, adjacent to the U.S. Forces Korea headquarters at Yongsan Garrison, is slated to be handed over with the rest of the garrison when U.S. forces move to Pyongtaek in 2007. South Korean officials floated the camp as a possible compromise location. For now, the proposed $240 million chancery project remains stalled; originally, the new compound was to be finished this summer.

The previously agreed-upon plot in Seoul remains stalled because civic groups claim the site contains historical artifacts -- and the ROK keeps dragging its feet over convening a board of experts to settle the dispute. The U.S. Embassy remains "awaiting the decision of the Korean government on these property issues." Of course, the South Korean officials acknowledge, none of this has been proposed to the U.S. Embassy yet.

Supposedly the ROK is proposing switching Camp Coiner with the old site of Gyeonggi Girls High School. Because Camp Coiner is big, it has the advantage of being able to hold both the embassy and housing for the embassy staff.

Officially, the government also is considering a site in the Songhyeong neighborhood in Seoul; that site is being questioned because the neighborhood has zoning laws limiting the height of any buildings to under five stories. The chancery and housing for embassy staff, if not built vertically, would have too big a footprint to fit into the site.

---

Upsurge in Iraq Violence Cause Concern of Delay of ROK Troop Deployment Despite the ROK claims that its resolve to send troops to Iraq has not been altered, there were rumblings that there might be delays due to civic unrest. (See Protests: March 2004) The National Assembly voted for the dispatch "reconstruction battalions" by a vote of about 155 to 50, but there have been a series of delays as the ROK government vacillated in the dispatch date. It is now reported that the U.S. had been requesting combat troops all along -- not reconstruction troops. The ROK already has a reconstruction force operating in Iraq.

According to the Chosun Ilbo on 10 Apr, that from the beginning, the U.S. has NOT wanted engineering troops but rather combat troops. Between last October and early this year, when Korea was promoting the dispatch of troops for the reconstruction of Iraq, the United States clarified several times that such military aid would not necessary and instead requested combat troops. According to the news report, USFK's Gen Leon LaPorte personally told Defense Minister Cho Young-kil that there are many countries offering engineering troops and that such forces from Korea would not be necessary.

The United States’ request for combat troops was overtly discontinued when the National Assembly passed the motion for sending 3,600 peaceful reconstructing troops to Iraq. However, reports of ongoing requests for combat troops confirmed the differing stands the two countries are taking, which would likely bring about conflict concerning the duties of Korean troops.

A Defense Ministry official said that last month the United States reportedly expressed concern about the battle readiness of the Korean troops and suggested a joint combat attack in Kirkuk. However, the result was an assignment of Korean troops to another region. The Defense Ministry said that when its fact-finding group returns from Iraq on April 19, Korean troops are expected to be relocated to either Arbil or Sulaimany on a mission of peaceful reconstruction.

Which countries have provided military support
----------------------------------------------
United States 120,000
Britain 11,000
Albania 70
Australia 1,000
Azerbaijan 150
Bulgaria 470
Czech Rep. 92
Denmark 496
Dominican Rep. 300 (Pullout scheduled. Served under Spanish Brigade.)
El Salvador 360
Estonia 55
Georgia 70
Honduras 370 (Pullout in July speeded up to April by order of President Ricardo Maduro. Served under Spanish Brigade.)
Hungary 300
Italy 3,000
Japan 250 (750 on the way)
Kazakhstan 25
Latvia 120
Lithuania 105
Macedonia 28
Moldova 25
Mongolia 180
Netherlands 1,100
New Zealand 60
Nicaragua 230
Norway 150
Philippines 95 (175 on the way)
Poland 2,400
Portugal 130
Romania 400
Singapore 200
Slovakia 69 (120 on the way)
South Korea 675 (3,000 on the way)
Spain 1,300 (Pullout in Apr by order of Spanish Prime Minister Zapatero)
Thailand 443 (30 delayed on 10 Apr. May withdraw troops.)
Ukraine 2,000 (Abandoned base in Kut when under attack on 7 Apr.)

Sources: Reuters news via msnbc.com

A high level Defense Ministry official said, "The situation in Iraq is like a roller coaster, so it's quite difficult... If we withdraw our plan to send troops to Iraq just because the situation more or less deteriorated, we'll become an international laughingstock." However, the deteriorating situation in Iraq may make this a political issue and the increase in NGO activist protests over the kidnapping events of 8 April may cast doubts on the deployment.

The Grand National Party (GNP) and United Liberal Democrats (ULD) expressed support for the dispatch of troops, while the Millennium Democratic Party (MDP) demanded a complete review of the plan. Demand for rescheduling the troop dispatch is also rising within the Uri Party. All in all, debate over the issue has begun to rage on among politicians prior to the 15 April elections.

Military officials worry, however, that if the domestic situation in Iraq worsens to the point of civil war and American and allied casualties continue to mount one after the other, public opinion demanding a cancellation of the deployment may grow unmanageable. The atrocities committed in Fallujah by the desecration of four civilian security contractors burned and hung on a bridge was a result of deceit and a trap. Civil defense forces had promised safe passage to the Americans, but when they entered the town, they were surrounded and killed. The town of Fallujah has now become a symbol for the U.S. resolve. The town will be taken at ALL COSTS. If a negotiated settlement is not reached, the U.S. Marines WILL take the town with a massive loss of Iraqi lives -- along with the foreign fighters that are trapped in the city. The level of fighting indicates the forces are well-trained and disciplined -- unlike the rag-tag insurgents the military has encountered thus far.

On 4 April the simultaneous kidnapping of three Japanese, one Briton and two Israeli Arabs in Iraq shocked the world. Such kidnappings would be conducted with the intention of creating an anti-war atmosphere in countries either with troops in Iraq or planning to send troops to Iraq. There is concern that these kidnappings are a "strategic choice" made by armed anti-American forces in Iraq. Kidnappings of foreigners have suddenly increased following the opening of a "second war" by the "al-Mahdi Army" (a Shia militia) in places in central and southern Iraq on April 4.

The Ministry of Defense and Joint Chiefs of Staff confined Korean medical and engineering corps active in the southern Iraqi city of Nasariyah to their barracks in accordance with the rapidly deteriorating situation in the country. The Joint Chiefs sent emergency instructions to Korean forces on the ground that completely suspended out-of-barracks activities for medical and engineering units until the security situation stabilizes, and called for much strengthened security measures in Iraq, including heightened security checks for all those entering Korean bases. There is currently an engineer corps of 379 men and a medical corps of 85 men as a single base in Nasariyah; the units have been there since October. 53 of the engineering corps and 22 of the medical corps are Special Forces operatives assigned to guard the base.

The number of Koreans being abducted has increased as seven Korean missionaries were taken hostage and released on 8 April. According to the Korean media, Iraqi citizens have favorable feelings toward Koreans. According to the Chosun Ilbo, "There were no kidnappings of Koreans before the start of the uprising. When Shia militiamen kidnapped two Korean relief workers in Nasiriyah on 6 April, they were treated with much goodwill."

According to Yonhap news agency the group of pastors travelled to Iraq in order to attend a Christian missionary event scheduled for the northern city of Mosul from 9 Apr through 11 Apr despite having been 'strongly' advised by South Korean government officials not to make the journey. On the evening of 8 April, Reverend Heo Min-yeong and seven others left Amman, the capital of Jordan, in two cars and crossed the border into Iraq.

According to the Joongang Ilbo, "Arriving the next morning in an area 100 kilometers west of Baghdad, 10 armed men appeared on the road and demanded to search them. In the confusion, one pastor, Kim Sang-mi, managed to escape with the driver of her car by speeding from the scene. The remaining church workers' eyes were covered, and they were moved several times while being questioned. At one point they were told to stand in a line while guns were pointed at them. The number of captors rose to 40 after some time. When Reverend Hong Gwang-cheon of the Immanuel Mission of Seoul demonstrated a sports massage, the attitude of the captors changed. The clerics then received food and water. Their passports and money were returned. The captors later drove the ministers close to a U.S. military checkpoint. The clerics reached Baghdad eight and a half hours after their detention."

On 10 Apr, the New York Times reported that the seven South Korean missionaries kidnapped in Iraq were freed after paying their captors a $30,000 ransom. "The report was confirmed untrue," the ROK Foreign Ministry said in a statement. "Officials at the Korean Embassy in Iraq received testimony from the ministers that no money was given to the captors in return for their release." The Times also reported that the pastors pretended to be doctors and showed the insurgents medical skills -- giving a sports massage was admitted by one of the abductees -- in an effort to escape from captivity. Family members and friends of the seven pastors flatly denied the report.

Insurgents threatened in a video released on 8 Apr to burn three Japanese hostages alive if Tokyo does not withdraw from the U.S.-led coalition within three days, the first such ultimatum involving foreign civilians in Iraq. Armed with assault rifles and rocket-propelled grenades, the kidnappers shouted "Allahu akbar" - God is great - in the video and held knives to the throats of the Japanese, who screamed and whimpered in terror. Japan's government said it has no plans to pull troops out of Iraq in response to the threat, which came amid a series of other kidnappings targeting civilians. The Arab broadcasting network Al-Jazeera broadcast scenes of the three kidnapped Japanese (two men and a woman), blindfolded and seated on the ground, surrounded by unknown figures wearing masks and carrying guns. Al-Jazeera also broadcast images of the Japanese passports and ID cards. The "Saraya al-Mujahideen," the group responsible for the kidnapping, said, "Three of your sons have fallen into our hands... We offer you two choices: either pull out your forces or we will burn them alive."

Interestingly, the Japanese hostages were shown on Korean TV with knives to their throats -- however, after that the threatening scenes were censored out and media never mentioned the knives again. Japan stated it would not pull out and give in to terrorists -- but protests increased in the streets to bring the troops home. The three hostages were released and surprisingly, two stated that they wished to continue their work in Iraq. What was even odder was that on 21 Apr it was revealed that the Iraqi militants asked the three Japanese nationals to pretend to be scared when videotaping them after kidnapping them earlier this month according to the Japanese Police. The video showing the three being threatened with knives and guns was broadcast on the Al-Jazeera TV news channel on April 8 as part of the kidnappers demand that Japan withdraw its Self-Defense Forces troops from Iraq.

On 10 Apr an armed group, named Brigades of Martyr Sheikh Yassin, in Iraq claimed that it was holding 30 hostages, including South Koreans, Japanese, Bulgarians, Americans, Israelis, Spanish and other foreigners and threatened to kill them unless U.S.-led forces pull out of Fallujah in central Iraq. The unidentified, hooded spokesman said the group will kill the 30 captives if U.S.-led coalition forces do not leave Fallujah, 50 kilometers west of Baghdad. Currently the embassies of all countries are attempting to confirm the locations of all nationals to verify if the report was true.

On 10 April, militants continued to hold hostage two aid workers — a Canadian and an Arab from Jerusalem — but announced they would free the three Japanese civilians. In a TV interview with the Japanese network Asahi a top government official said the release was expected around noon 11 Apr Japanese time.

On Korean TV the video of the hooded kidnapper with a gun and an obliterated face of an American hostage (later identified as Thomas Hamil) was shown. On 16 Apr, militants showed video of Army Pfc. Keith M. Maupin of Batavia, Ohio, was captured in the same raid in which fighters seized Macon, Miss. truck driver Thomas Hamill on 9 April. The terrorists demanded the Americans military leave Fallajah, but the deadline passed with no word on his fate.

As the situation worsens in Iraq, Korean residents are fleeing the country. Only 127 remained in country as of 10 Apr. Ironically, in Aman, Jordan, Iraqi exiles were hiring taxis to take the $300 trip to Iraq to join the Shiite-Sunni fight against the Americans. The media feelings are that the U.S. has taken the lid off the boiling pot and can't put it back on. The U.S. military's death toll from the week of fighting (4-10 April) across the country stood at 47. The fighting has killed more than 500 Iraqis — including more than 280 in Fallujah, a hospital official said. At least 649 U.S. soldiers have died in Iraq since the war began in March 2003.

As of 13 Apr, the hostage situation worsened with about 40 foreign hostages from 12 countries being held by insurgents battling the US-led coalition in Iraq. On 15 Apr one Italian hostage was found dead. The footage of his execution was so violent that the Arab TV refused to air the tape showing the Italian defiant to the end. Slowly world opinion is now turning against not only the Iraqi terrorists, but also against the Muslim world in general. As such, Iranian diplomats have entered into the negotiations in Fallujah and with the breakaway Shia militia units.

On 17 Apr the ROK AGAIN for the umpteenth time said they were committed to the dispatch of troops to Iraq. It stated that the ROK will send an "advance contingent" to Iraq in early June as scheduled in preparation for the dispatch of 3,000 troops. However, there is a growing ground-level movement to not send the troops to Iraq after all the atrocities.

On 17 Apr Richard Armitage, U.S. Deputy Secretary of State, said, "The government of Korea seems to be quite stalwart (on the dispatch)." For a diplomat to use the term "seems" and "appears" is very significant. The remarks were said in an interview with Iraq coalition and pan-Arab reporters in Korea.

On 18 Apr a survey of all incoming members of the National Assembly revealed that about 70 percent of the Uri Party lawmakers support withdrawing plans to dispatch South Korean troops to Iraq, contrary to their party line. The Uri Party controls 152 seats. All incoming lawmakers of the progressive Democratic Labor Party, which will be the third-biggest party in the legislature with 10 seats, opposed the troop dispatch to Iraq. However, nearly 90 percent of the incoming legislators of the conservative opposition GNP supported sending troops to Iraq, abiding by their party line. Last year December, both the Uri Party and GNP supported the plan to send troops to Iraq.

On 19 Apr, the Hankyoreh had an editorial that stated, "Looking at recent trends in public opinion, one sees just how out of touch the government's plans to send troops to Iraq are with the will of the people. In a poll by The Hankyoreh and Research Plus, 51.7 percent of respondents said troop deployment should be "reconsidered," while only 39.5 percent said the government should maintain its current position."

On 23 Apr, the Chosun Ilbo reported that the government had tenatively chosen Irbil, located in the Kurdish autonomous region in northern Iraq, as the site to which it would dispatch troops in late June. Irbil was said to be better suited for the deployment in terms of is security situation, basing considerations, logistics and reconstruction demands based on the findings of a fact finding team sent to Iraq and U.S. requests. The government had initially considered Sulaimaniyah the stronger candidate, but the fact-finding mission revealed that Irbil had good airports and roads that would make logistics easier. Moreover, there was more demand for reconstruction work in Irbil, so the government slid in that direction. The U.S. military, too, is said to have hoped the Koreans would deploy in Irbil. During a National Security Council meeting -- attended by the foreign, unification and defense ministers -- held on 21 Apr, Irbil was selected as the deployment region. A final decision was to be made in the week of 25 Apr. Military authorities expect that if a final decision on the region of deployment is handed down in the middle of next week, the unit's equipment and materials -- taken by civilian cargo ships -- could arrive in Kuwait by the middle of next month. Advanced teams could be sent in late May or early June, with the rest of the unit being sent late June.

Yada...yada...yada...Iraq dispatch held up On 13 May Seoul announced that Iraq dispatch must be held up again, though it "official policy" remains at sending troops. Defense officials said another in a long series of fact-finding teams must be sent to the Kurdish area in Iraq to consult about conditions in the region. Originally scheduled to be sent in April, the government indicated that the earliest South Korean troops might arrive in Iraq is now late July. Actually the government is facing swelling grassroots disapproval of the action -- and the U.S. abuse of Iraqi prisoners is not helping matters. It is looking some strong rationale for sending its troops, but... This should not surprise anyone as we have been saying from the start -- the ROK will drag its feet hoping that actions at HOME prevent it from sending the troops.

Nam Dae-yeon, the spokesman for the defense ministry, said yesterday that Kurdish officials in the autonomous northern region of Iraq had sent a letter saying that they welcomed the South Korean troops' deployment. "We will determine the final destination of the troop deployment after a fact-finding team has made a field trip there," Mr. Nam said. The team is expected to head for Iraq by the end of this month. The defense ministry officials said that outstanding issues included determining specific areas of military operation, the use of the airport, where to set up billets, and the best way to integrate with U.S. forces.

Analysts said that while they believe these may be the official reasons for the delayed dispatch of Korean troops, the government is facing mounting public and official criticism of the deployment following the revelations of torture and other abuse of Iraqi captives by U.S. soldiers. In the meantime, it remains the government's official position that the dispatch of troops is a promise made to the international community, which must be kept. But the government is also searching for a stronger rationale for deployment.

Several civic groups said they will join in a candlelight rally on 14 May in central Seoul to protest U.S. soldiers' killing and abuse of Iraqi prisoners. They will also demand that Korea's plan to dispatch troops to Iraq be withdrawn. "Politicians are already reconsidering the troop dispatch," said Jeong Yong-jun, a rally organizer. "Through candlelight rallies and a petition movement, we will collect citizens' opinions for the withdrawal of the dispatch." Mr. Jeong said the rally would be more active than anti-impeachment rallies that took place in March -- meaning violence is expected. For the rally, various performances to denounce U.S. soldiers' atrocities in Iraq have been prepared and several famous singers will participate.

On 17 May the U.S. made the announcement that a Brigade would be sent to Iraq. Immediately there was shocked silence on the Korean newsgroups. Suddenly the berating of "America Go Home" stopped -- except for the American side which commented -- "It's about time!" This was the first pull-out (reduction in forces) since the Nunn-Warner initiative in the 1990s. The ROK government moved to calm security fears as the US confirmed plans to redeploy some 3,600 US troops from the DMZ to Iraq. US and ROK officials said the reduction in troop numbers would not weaken the ability of US forces based in the ROK for more than 50 years to deter the DPRK. Foreign Minister Ban Ki-Moon said, "I am convinced that there will be no security vacuum and the troop withdrawal will not lead to a weakening alliance between South Korea and the US."

It was announced that the U.S. was going to deploy more PAC-3 Patriots to the area. However, what is not said was this was part of the plan to beef up the JAPANESE Missile Defense Shield. The talk of more long-range US bombers being deployed indicated that the deployments of bombers to Guam will be increased. This was already in existence.

The U.S. current policy is to move like forces into to the area to make up for any short fall in forces. For example, if a 8th FW squadron of F-16s went to Alaska for an exercise, the Marine aircraft from Japan would come to Korea as a backfill. As for Army units, like Reserve forces would have been moved in. Unfortunately at this time there are no reserve forces left -- they are all in Iraq. Thus the speculation that this may be permanent may be true as there is no provisions for a backfill.

In addition, there is speculation that this was done because the ROK is continuing to drag its feet. The Democratic Liberal Party has been joined by members of the GNP and Uri Parties to call for a reinvestigation of the deployment. Thus President Roh can drag his feet again. The projected date of the ROK deployment in June looked very, very shaky. However, as the days pass, the projected date of the USFK deployment will become more solid...with talk that support units from Pyongtaek may be sent as well.

On 24 May, the ROK said it would send a military mission to northern Iraq to finalize plans for the deployment by August. The ROK has elected to deploy the troops to Irbil, in the Kurdish autonomous region of northern Iraq, where the 3,600 troops will carry out relief and rehabilitation work. The ROK pledged to dispatch the troops in support of the US-led occupation of Iraq in February but the deployment has been delayed as a result of deepening unrest in the war-torn country. Differences with Kurdish authorities in Irbil over the location of the ROK base and use of local facilities further delayed the deployment but have now been ironed out. Supposedly the Kurdish would not allow the ROK to use the international airport as their base, though they would allow the ROK to receive troops and supplies through the airport. However, now some are trying to get a "treaty" with the Kurdish authorities before departure -- which would really be a problem as any recognition of the Kurdish regime will create troubles with Turkey.

The bottomline is that this deployment of ROK troops is NOT needed in this area. There are 300 U.S. troops -- mostly Special Forces because of their language training and experience in the area -- will most likely stay. This ROK deployment from the U.S. perspective is worthless. If the significance of 3,600 U.S. troops leaving while 3,600 ROK troops are delayed is lost on the Korean populace, then there is some real problems coming up in the future.

On 6 Jun President Roh said that Korea's deployment of troops to Iraq would not be a "submission" to the United States, nor would it be a hostile move toward the Arab world. This comes right after Donald Rumsfield stated that the U.S. had stayed too long in Korea -- meaning as a fixed unit rather than a mobile one.

South Korean troops destined for the northern Iraqi province of Irbil will be stationed in two locations in the Kurdish-controlled region to cope with possible insurgent attacks. In a report to parliament, the Defense Ministry said 3,650 troops will be split up into two groups and stationed in Rashikin in the south and Shwarash in the northwest.

On Jun 20, the ROK again announced that the troops would be in place by the end of the year. According to the Joongang Ilbo the ROK troops would be in Iraq by year's-end.

Troops to be in Iraq by year-end

It's been a long road, but the Blue House yesterday confidently announced the "final" details of its plan to dispatch an additional contingent of troops to Iraq. But it will still be a long time before the deployment is complete.

The United States requested the additional help nine months ago; events in Iraq and public opinion here have combined to keep the issue controversial.

But the National Security Council decided yesterday that the Korean contingent would operate in the Irbil region in northern Iraq, the Defense Ministry said. About 660 Korean troops and civilian workers already in the country will begin moving from Nassyria to Irbil early next month. Those troops and construction workers will begin preparing the base camp for the Korean headquarters there.

They, plus the 3,000 additional troops to be sent, will be not all be in place until the end of the year, the ministry said.

The Korean operating area will also include Nineweh; both it and Irbil are in the Kurdish autonomous area of Iraq.

The Joint Chiefs of Staff said that two 25,000-ton ships carrying equipment and materials will leave South Korea in mid-July and arrive in Kuwait in early August. At the same time, the first 900 troops will fly to Iraq.

In August, 2,000 troops will arrive in two waves and begin working on the reconstruction of the area's infrastructure. The remainder of the troops will arrive by year's end.

The work of the Korean force, called the "Zayitun Division," include road reconstruction, rebuilding and repairing electrical distribution facilities, renovating water supply equipment and repairing buildings. They will also teach Iraqis the Korean martial art, taekwondo.

The troops will rely in part on Kurdish authorities for security, but they will also have the services of about 40 members of a Korean special forces unit to counter terrorist attacks. Thirty of those 40 commandos are already in Iraq, working with the Korean reconstruction troops already there. Ten explosive ordinance disposal technicians from the Korean Air Force will also join the contingent. An army officer said, "The special combat units in the deployment will ensure the safety and self-defense capabilities of the Korean troops. It is our aim to prevents terrorists from using explosives in attacks and to protect the people of Iraq."

The two ships that will set said for the region will also carry navy frogmen to protect the ships during their voyage.

On Sept. 4, 2003, Washington formally asked for the supplemental deployment of Korean troops, and the cabinet agreed on Oct. 18 to send more. But on Nov. 30, two Korean civilian engineers were killed by insurgents, triggering widespread opposition to the dispatch here that made the administration reconsider where the troops should be sent. On Feb. 13, the National Assembly approved the plan.

---

Future Pain in the Tush for USFK: Democratic Labor Party The Democratic Labor Party (DLP) is openly against the dispatch of troops to Iraq. On 22 Apr Kwon Young-ghil, the chairman of the Democratic Labor Party, said that his party would try to overturn the decision to send Korean troops to Iraq when the new National Assembly opened on June 5.

In addition, it is openly against the stationing of the U.S. military in Korea. It also is opposed to the relocation of the USFK to Pyongtaek because it is based upon the USFK remaining in Korea. Before the 15 Apr they were simply voices in the wilderness as they held no seats in the National Assembly. The blowback from the impeachment proceedings of President Roh gave it 10 seats.

Because of their stance, the business world is definitely anxious. Investment is based on security and the security of their investments in Korea is based on the USFK remaining in position. The ROK government immediately dispatched teams to set up "Information Conferences" in Hong Kong and the U.S. to explain away the "misgivings." The greatest worry is that the Uri Party which has a majority may try to form an alliance with the DLP to overcome the GNP's blocking vote of any constitutional amendment to reshape the framework of the Constitution.

However, the Korean Federation of Teachers Union (KFTU) supported it during the election -- and these are the very same elements that fostered anti-American lesson plans about a year ago. Now some civic groups are coming on board in support of the party. Several large civic groups in Korea are discussing some unspecified kind of cooperation with the Democratic Labor Party, Korea's first socialist representation in the National Assembly. According to the Joongang Ilbo on 22 Apr, "Standing members of the Civil Net of Korea, a coalition of 353 civic groups, met Thursday to discuss whether and how to align their agendas with that of the party, which will have 10 seats in the new Assembly. The umbrella group includes such organizations as the Citizens' Coalition for Economic Justice, People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy and the Young Women's Christian Association." These groups are well-known for their protests in the Tongduchon area over abuses of the military in the camptowns surrounding 2ID camps.

---

Two Articles on Why Protests Increasing in Labor The first is there is no jobs -- and the second is the increases in salary are not keeping up for the jobs that are available. The first problem is that joblessness is starting to be endemic. The Korean economy’s employment capacity hit a record lowest last year over the past five years. In particular, the manufacturing sector has grown without creating jobs for the past three years, causing concern for youth unemployment. Last year’s employment capacity of the entire industry was -0.05, the record low since 1998, the Bank of Korea (BOK). The number means that the Gross Domestic Production (GDP) increased one percent when the employment fell 0.05 percent. The "flexibility" of the job market is rated with negative numbers...meaning that there are fewer jobs than there are people. For example, in 2004 Korea imports more kimchi than it exports. Why? The small-mid size companies moved their operations to China to take advantage of the cheap labor. Where's the jobs for Koreans??? But this problem is not only a 3-D job problem. It is also affecting the college graduates as well. The major companies were not hiring in the first quarter of 2004...a repeat of the situation in 2003. A solution is the "brain drain" syndrome as people rush to emigrate to U.S. or Australia as "employment immigration."

Local Nurses Rushing to America

By Kim Rahn
Staff Reporter

South Korean nurses are rushing to the United States in a bid to seek better job opportunities and a more favorable educational environment for their children.

They are quite different to the nurses who went to Germany in the 1960s to earn a foreign currency. A 36-year-old housewife, Choi Jong-suk, has attended a course at a college of nursing since April to prepare for an exam to get a U.S. nurse’s license.

She had worked as a nurse for several years until 1995, but quit the job after giving birth to her first child. ``I'd like to get the job for a higher salary and better education for my children,'' she said.

A total of 1,058 Korean nurses applied for the exam for the U.S. license for nurse last year, according to the National Council of State Board of Nursing, Inc. (NCSBN), the U.S. council in charge of the examination. The number is the fourth largest following the Philippines, Canada, and India. For the last few years, the number of applicants has increased by almost 50 percent every year, with some 400 people in 2001 and 700 in 2002. Over 1,500 nurses are expected to take the exam this year.

Nurses will be able to sit the exam in Korea from October following the request in January made by the Korean Nurses Association to the NCSBN, in response to the boom.

The state-run Human Resources Development Service of Korea plans to supply 200 nurses to the U.S. this year, following 55 in 2003, seven in 2002 and one in 2001.

The Korean nurses' advance into foreign countries restarted when the IMF financial crisis hit, some 40 years after the nurses' advance to Germany. They have headed to Saudi Arabia, Norway, and the U.S., and now there are about 90 percent of applicants who want to work in the U.S.

In the U.S., a nurse with 2-3 years of a career earns an annual 60-70 million won, two to three times as much as what a nurse working at a general hospital in Korea makes. They can also obtain citizenship for immigration employment and their children can enjoy a better education service in America.

As nursing is recognized as a tough job in the U.S., the country is expected to suffer from a shortage of over 120,000 nurses in next 10 years.

``It is common in Korea that women quit their jobs when they are aged over 30 or subsequent to having children, but in the U.S., women in their 60s and 70s can work,'' a 28-year-old nurse, identified as Huh, said. For such reasons, female nurses in their 40s and 50s as well as male nurses are preparing for the exam to become nurses in the U.S.

However, not all successful applicants can work as nurses in the U.S. Even with the nurse license, they cannot get a job without good English skills.

``Nurses are required to have a good command of English so that they can communicate with their patients as well as with U.S. medical staff,’’ said Kwon Young-sun, assistant manager of the overseas employment team at the Human Resources Development Service.

rahnita@koreatimes.co.kr

The outlook for Korea looks great as exports do well with expected growth at 5.3 percent. Unfortunately, this is great for the conglomerates...but the common folks are not so lucky. Though the country became a G-11 nation, the average Gross National Income (GNI) is at 49th position. However, Korea's ranking in per capita GNI, calculated by dividing GNI by population, remained lower than its total GNI standing. Koreans' income per person stood at $11,400 in 2002, ranking 49th in the world, although it was up from 52nd in 2001. The per capita figure fell far behind Asian rivals, with Japan placing seventh at $34,010, Hong Kong 16th at $24,690 and Singapore 27th at $20,690. In other words, the rich are getting richer, but the poor are getting stiffed.

But the ROK explains it away with Parity Purchasing Power (PPP) voodoo statistics to say the ROK really has a GNI of $19470. But when you apply the same statistic voodoo to others, the Chinese are in #2 slot and the U.S. Huh???? The Chinese are still a socialist society so their free benefits push them up the scale. However, it is still number voodoo garbage. Does it mean the Chinese have as good a life as the U.S.??? Not hardly. Korea also ranked 11th in terms of GNI when it was calculated according to purchasing power parity, the equality of prices among countries when adjusted for currency differences. With the PPP calculation, Korea's GNI per capita came to $19,470, 1.7 times more than the general per-capita figure of $11,400. "This means Korean's real purchasing power is higher than their income figures calculated from the market foreign-exchange rate," said Yeon Mi-sook of the BOK's economic statistics department. China ranked sixth in terms of nominal gross national income, but its GNI based on the PPP calculation occupied the second place in the world, trailing only the United States. The World Bank estimated Bermuda topped the list of per-capita GNI statistics, followed by Luxemburg and Norway. The top 55 countries with GNI per head of more than $9,076 accounted for 80.7 percent of the total global income, according to the World Bank publication.

Korea's Per Capita GDP, $11,400 as of 2002, Ranks 49th In World

MAY 25, 2004 21:21 by Joong-Hyun Park (sanjuck@donga.com)

It has been disclosed that the amount of personal Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of Korea is ranked 49th in the world, which is similar to that of Greece and Portugal, and the economic scale of Korea is assessed as the world’s 11th biggest economy following that of Spain.

According to the report: “Korean Economy in the World,” released by the Korea Bank on May 25, the amount of personal gross domestic product of Korea has risen from 52nd place in the world 2001 to 49th as of 2002, recording $11,400. This report has been drawn up based on the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development’s (IBRD) “2004 World Standard for Development.”

The personal gross domestic product of Korea reaches one-third of the level of the U.S.’s $35,400, which is ranked as 6th, and Japan’s $34,010, which is placed at 7th. In addition, Hong Kong’s $24,690 and Singapore’s $20,690 are twice as large than that of Korea. Greece’s $11,660 and Portugal’s $10,720 are similar to the level of Korea’s personal GDP.

As of 2002, the place of the world’s largest personal GDP is occupied by Bermuda, which is estimated as being close to $40,000 level, but the precise amount has not been confirmed. China’s personal GDP level records $960, placing 136th.

“Korea’s personal GDP level in 2002 has been increased from $9,930 to $11,400 because we’ve altered the standard year for GDP calculation into 2000 in this April,” explained Yeon Mi-sook, the chief of GDP team of Korea Bank.

The level of Gross Net Income (GNI) of Korea, which shows the economic scale of countries, is disclosed to have amounted to $543 billion in 2002, placing it at the 11th position, which is a move up a notch from 2001’s 12th place.

The United States grasps the top place with 10 trillion and 207 billion dollars, and Japan, Germany, the United Kingdom, France, and China obtain the second to sixth places respectively with 4 trillion and 324 billion, 1 trillion and 876 billion, 1 trillion and 511 billion, 1 trillion and 362 billion, and 1 trillion and 234 billion dollars in order.

On the list of “Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) personal GDP,” that converts the personal GDP levels of countries into figures based on each countries’ level of public price, Korea records $19,470, placing it at the world’s 41st position. On this list, the United States and Japan record $36,110 and $27,380 respectively.

In addition, by this standard of calculation, the economic scale of China can be assessed as 5 trillion and 792 billion dollars, reaching the world’s second position following that of the United States, which is much larger than that of Japan’s 3 trillion and 481 billion dollars.

The sum of income earned by the whole population of a certain country in manufacturing activities within certain period is regarded as their GDP level. The Korean capitals and labor powers’ income earned from overseas is added on that level and the amount of foreign capitals and labor powers earned in Korea is taken away from the GDP level to finalize the calculation.

---

Suicide Rate Climbs in Korea An additional note about the types of pressures that Korea is facing from lack of wealth reaching the lower classes and higher expectations for education amongst young students. The fact is that South Korea's suicide rate is climbing. In June 2004, it was announced that South Korea's suicide rate had climbed during the last decade faster than most other members of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. The OECD health statistics indicate 18.1 of every 100,000 Koreans committed suicide during 2002. That figure makes South Korea's suicide rate the fourth highest among 29 OECD nations. Hungary topped the list with a suicide rate of 24.3, followed by Finland with 20.4 and Japan with 20.0, ministry officials said. South Korea's suicide rate rose an average of 1 percent annually during the past 10 years, compared with Mexico's growth rate of 0.61 percent and Japan's 0.44 percent.

Some 20 years ago in 1982, Korea was one of the countries with the lowest suicide rate with a rate of 6.8 out of 100,000, following Mexico with 2.3, Greece with 3.3 and Spain with 4.8. The surprisingly sharp increase in the country’s suicide rate over the past 20 years vividly reflects that living conditions have been getting worse. An official from the Ministry said, “A cause for the surge in the country’s suicide rate lies in the spread of a trend to belittle one’s life, which has resulted from highlighting negative aspects of our society. We have to take measures for preventing suicide and respond to this suicide problem as soon as possible.”

---

Social Problems on the Rise According to the Bae Keun-min, Korea Times, "Retail Sales Shrink for 15th Month" (7 Jun 2004), "The real estate and education industries, which have been brisk up to the beginning of this decade, are experiencing some of the worst conditions lately as frozen consumer sentiment has shown no sign of thawing. Retail sales posted a drop for the 15th straight month as they shrunk by 2 percent in April over a year ago. The National Statistical Office (NSO) said on Monday that the entire service industry grew by 0.4 percent in April from a year ago due to the strong performances of such sub-industries as telecommunications, shipping and business support services. But, the growth margin diminished from 2.7 percent in February and 2.6 percent in March. Wholesale and retail sales edged down 0.3 percent in April over the same month last year. Notably, the retail sector alone shrank for 15 months in a row through April with sluggish sales of home appliances and furniture. Sales of automobiles and fuel slipped 3.4 percent, stretching its downward curve to 10 consecutive months. Real estate and leasing services dwindled by 10.2 percent year-on-year, aggravating further from contractions of 2.2 percent in February and 9.4 percent in March to mark the largest decline since the NSO began tabulating the data in 2000. Education services shrank for two straight months with a fall of 6.9 percent in April due to tuition income contraction at private education institutions. Financial services business contracted for the 12th consecutive month as it shrank by 5.5 percent in April. Insurance and pension business, on the contrary, grew 12 percent to record a three-straight-month rise. The restaurant business, a major indicator to show domestic consumer sentiment, also dwindled for three consecutive months with a 5.5-percent drop in April. It shrank by 1.2 percent in February and 4.3 percent in March. The lodging and hotel sector expanded since July last year after it escaped from threats of SARS (severe acute respiratory syndrome). The combined entertainment, culture and sports-related business sector also declined by 5.4 percent, despite the favorable film industry that inflated by 29 percent. Strong exports pulled up the shipping sector by 6.7 percent, while business services, including data processing and computer system operation, grew 3.1 percent. However, telecommunication inclined 10.2 percent to post a three-straight-month rise. It expanded by double-digits for the three-month period.

According to Yonhap News, "Households Pressed to Make Ends Meet, Expenditures Up Sharply" (8 Jun 2004), " South Korean households are coming under greater pressure to make ends meet as expenditure outstrips income, a government report on income and spending said Tuesday,The National Statistical Office (NSO) said in its expanded household index, that combined monthly income for an average household grew 6.8 percent year-on-year to 2.77 million won (US$2,300) in the first quarter, while expenditures rose 9.8 percent to 2.37 million won. The new expanded household poll covers both urban and rural families not engaged in farming and fishing, with two or more members. It has been adopted by the NSO this year to provide more detailed coverage than statistics taken for urban families alone.

According to Yoon Young-shin, Chosun Ilbo, "30 Percent of Korean Families Live on Debts" (8 Jun 2004), "Due to the recent economic depression, three out of 10 Korean households are in deficit, as their expenditure surpasses their income. Moreover, despite a slight increase in their wages, their share of tax, social insurance and public pension burdens like the national pension system grew by 22 percent year-on-year. The National Statistical Office (NSO) said Tuesday that in the first quarter, 31. 9 percent of the households in the nation were in the red with consumption expenditure exceeding disposable income -- the post-tax income that can be freely used. In other words, 4.56 million out of 14.3 million families across the nation are experiencing economic difficulties like preparing living costs by getting loans. According to research by the NSO, the bottom 20 percent of householdsmonthly average disposable income was W621,000 in the first quarter, while their consumption expenditure was W1.07 million. As a result, they have W459,000 in debts a month. Their economic difficulties are serious with a deficit accounting for 72 percent of disposable income. The disparity between the rich and the poor has widened, as the property income of the wealthy increases, while urban poor folks face difficulties like job loss and a reduction in their wages amid an economic slump. The average income of the top 20 percent of urban households was 7.75 times as much as that of the bottom 20 percent. The gap was 7.28 times as much in the same period of the previous year. During the first quarter, Korean householdsmonthly average income was W2.77 million, up by 6.6 percent (175,600.) Urban familiesmonthly average income was W2.86 million, increased by 6.8 percent (182,300.) However, they have to pay W333,600 a month in tax, social insurance and public pensions like the national pension system, an increase of 22 percent. As consumption expenditures like education costs increased, Korean households were in an average deficit of W37,100 a month. The housing ownership rate of the bottom 20 percent of households fell from 42.70 percent to 42.15 percent during the same period, as the poor confront more difficulties than ever in getting their own house. According to data released by the Korean Development Institute, Ginis coefficient of Korea rapidly rose from 0.298 in 1998 to 0.358 in 2000, ranking high along with Mexico (0.494 in 1998) and the U.S. (0.368 in 2000) among member countries of the OECD. Gini's coefficient is an indicator for income disparity.

According to Chosun Ilbo, "Political Uncertainty Market Burden: Morgan Stanley" (9 June 2004), "A foreign investment firm has said that political uncertainty has become a new burden on the Korean stock market. Pak Cheon-ung of Morgan Stanley said in the firm's Tuesday investment strategy report that while the entire world has had to deal with the tighter Chinese economy, rise in oil prices, possible rise in U.S. interest rates and the rapidly changing global economy, the Korean stock market is dealing with one additional negative factor -- political uncertainty. Pak also said that when one considers the withdrawal of some U.S. troops from Korea, the proposal that big corporations contribute to a social welfare fund and plans to redefine irregular workers as regular workers, one can see that the Uri Party's policy directions have been more nationalistic and dogmatic than market expectations. He said that the inflow of capital to the Korean market depends on where the president and ruling party sit in the ideological spectrum. This inflow of capital, he said, is an important factor in deciding the long-term growth potential of the Korean economy. Pak claimed that if the government and ruling party divide the citizens into a wealthy 20 percent and the rest and execute policies aimed at the low-income bracket, it would slow the inflow of investor funds and retard the economy's long-term growth potential. Only if you adopt practical policies focusing on the 80 percent in the upper and middle-income brackets while providing social welfare to the remaining 20 percent will one be able to create jobs and raise the growth rate, he said. Pak said, however, that he was sticking to a positive outlook concerning the political environment in that the president and ruling party could enact reform policies that are market-friendly and growth-seeking. He explained that how the government solves tensions between management and labor would become an important economic barometer."

---

Protest near Humphreys According to a Stars and Stripes article on 28 May 2004, Camp Humphreys officials geared up for a large anti-American demonstration on 29-30 May near the base and cautioned U.S. soldiers to steer clear of the protest. Protest leaders objected to plans by the South Korean government to buy farmers' land to enlarge Camp Humphreys. They say the farmers should be paid more than the government has offered. Camp Humphreys is a 1,230-acre U.S. Army helicopter base in Pyongtaek's Anjung-ni section, about 45 miles south of Seoul. It's also a centerpiece of U.S. plans to consolidate many forces to bases south of the Han River.

Protest planners scheduled a two-day "anti-war, pro-peace" festival at the Pyongtaek Sports Complex; the "peace march" is scheduled for May 30. Organizers sold festival tickets for 10,000 won [around $8]. Events included an anti-war concert and other entertainment, street vendors — selling only peace-related items — and a "turtle marathon" running event with prizes that include "anti-war" T-shirts. Turnout estimates vary, but planners forecast at least 2,000. Officials said marchers are expected to proceed to the Dae Chu-ri Elementary School about a block from the camp's northern perimeter. Korean National Police will maintain a cordon outside the installation perimeter.

A protest sponsor's Web site states in Korean, "For so many years, the city of Pyongtaek was putting up with the foreigners who came in and took over our lands. At first, it was the Japanese, then it was the Americans. We've shared a part of our land with the Americans this long, and now our own government is giving them more of OUR land."

It was estimated around 700 marchers marched along the perimeter of the base. The protestors, shouting "No to the U.S. expansion of the military base and dispatch of troops," marched some 800 meters along Camp Humphreys in Pyeongtaek. That evening some 2000 NGO civic activists held a rally to protest a U.S. plan to expand the base and Seoul's upcoming contribution of 3,600 troops to U.S.-led efforts to rebuild war-torn Iraq.

Rev. Moon Chong-hyon of Kunsan heads up the Anti-War NGO activist group.

The gradual enlargement of Camp Humphreys is called for under the Land Partnership Plan, a 2002 U.S.-South Korean agreement. The United States is to close many existing U.S. military installations around South Korea but expand certain others — including Camp Humphreys — with additional lands provided by the South Korean government.

What is NOT mentioned here is that the ROK actually stalled the withdrawal from Yongsan back in 1992 when it shrugged its shoulders when the Pyongtaek mayor and politicians refused to accept additional GIs into their community. This caused the Yongsan move to return to the status quo. The difference is that if the ROK refuses to grant the lands this time, the troops have every reason to be removed from the country. The U.S. is playing hardball and the ROK is against the wall. The ROK cannot waffle as it has in the past -- it is put up or shut up...despite the protestors.

---

Silliness in Action: Plant flag on Tsushima On May 29 five civic groups in Gangwon Province said they would land on the Japanese island of Tsushima in protest at a Japanese right-wing organization's attempt to land on Dokdo, South Korea's easternmost island group. Members of the South Korean groups held a ceremony to mark the inauguration of the "Tsushima landing campaign" at a beach on the east coast. The silliness is Tokdo/Takeshima/Liancourt Rocks is a disputed island that Korea seized in 1954. A Japanese activist was killed by Korean mortar fire when he attempted to land on the Tokdo island in 1954. Tsushima is NOT disputed. Tsushima was given to the Japanese while Ullungdo island was given to Korea in negotiations to settle Syngman Rhee's "peace line" claim that Tsushima should be given to Korea as "reparations" from WWII.

---

JUNE 2004

Protests over ROK Troop Dispatch AGAIN On 7 Jun 20 national legislators from both governing Uri Party and opposition GNP parties took part in a rally to protest South Korea's plans to dispatch additional troops to help Iraq in its reconstruction. The lawmakers include all 10 representatives from the leftist Democratic Labor Party and members of the majority Our Open Party as well as the conservative opposition Grand National Party. The rally was organized by a civic group called the "Emergency People's Movement Against Dispatch of Soldiers to Iraq." The group said it had sent invitations to all 299 of the incoming legislators in the 17th National Assembly to exert public pressure and gather support in the legislature for stopping the government dispatch plan. On 8 Jun 57 legislators of the Uri Party supported the National Assembly reconsidering the additional troop dispatch to Iraq after a meeting with civic groups.

The protestors can't seem to realize that this all a moot point now. The 3,600 USFK troops are on the way out the door -- and whether they send the ROK 3,600 troops is irrelevant. The ROK messed themselves over on this...and delays only add to the world outlook of the value of a ROK government promise. Besides, the 3,600 man ROK brigade to Irbil replaces only 300 Special Forces -- which won't be removed because of the type of operations they are involved in. These protests are only for the local market and have no effect on the decisions already underway.

Everyone seems to forget the fact that during the 17 Nov 2003 35th Security Consultative Meeting (SCM), the topic of this dispatch was discussed. According to the Economic Report, "Seoul, Washington Fail to Agree on Troop Dispach to Iraq" (1 Dec 2003), "Prior to Secretary Rumsfeld's arrival in Seoul for the defense ministers' annual meeting, the South Korean government had devised plans to limit the size of its additional troop dispatch to Iraq to 3,000, possibly noncombatants, despite the U.S. request for at least 5,000 combat infantry troops. Previously, South Korea had dispatched a 600-strong noncombat force of medics and engineers to the war-torn country. The secretary's remarks on the issue of the troop dispatch are being interpreted that the U.S. still hopes that South Korea will send as many combat troops to Iraq as was originally requested, according to senior officials at the Korean defense ministry. "If Washington is satisfied with Seoul's offer to send 3,000 noncombat troops to Iraq," says one of the officials, "Rumsfeld would have stated as much at the press conference." Several days earlier, a South Korean delegation, led by an assistant foreign minister, flew to Washington to discuss the sending of additional troops to Iraq. But these talks ended without agreement as the American side was reportedly unhappy with the South Korean offer to dispatch only noncombat troops to the increasingly quagmire-like situation that the U.S. finds itself in.

However, the withdrawal of USFK troops has led some civic groups to call for the renegotiation of the Mutual Defense Treaty -- a very stupid idea. If done, it will reveal to the world all the problems with South Korea over the past 50 years -- and may even result in the inclusion of MORE caveats. The Mutual Defense Treaty of 1954 is the only one the the U.S. has that requires approval of the U.S. Congress before it enters the fray. This is why the "trip wire" function of the 2d ID was so important in the past. To squelch this protest, South Korea's foreign minister Ban Ki-moon said that there was no need to revise the U.S.-Korea Mutual Defense Treaty in light of recent redeployments. "There is no change in the intrinsic role of the U.S. troops in South Korea, which is to mitigate tension and maintain peace," said Mr. Ban. "Regarding the flexibility of U.S. troops in South Korea, we will carry out consultations with the U.S. government. The status of U.S. troops here will not change."

The Khaleej Times on 11 Jun stated, "South Korea plans to deploy 3,600 troops to the area around Irbil in northern Iraq by late August, a newspaper reported on Friday, as pressure mounts on the government to reconsider the already long-delayed dispatch. The Defence Ministry has drawn up a plan to send a first batch of 900 troops to Irbil on July 21, the Hankook Ilbo newspaper reported, citing unidentified government sources. The last batch of 1,000 troops would head for Irbil on Aug. 28." However, the MND would not confirm the report.

South Korea had originally planned to send its troops to the northern Iraqi town of Kirkuk as early as April. The plan was canceled amid concerns it would involve combat operations, in violation of a parliamentary mandate for peacekeeping duties only. South Korea has since decided on Irbil as a new location. But the dispatch has been further delayed as officials try to sort out details on the use of airports, barracks and other logistics issues. Opposition against sending troops to Iraq has been rising amid increasing violence in the war-torn nation. Seoul has portrayed the dispatch as a way of winning US support for a peaceful end to the North Korean nuclear crisis.

---

GNP Bounces Back After General Election Defeat The ruling Uri Party suffered a crushing defeat in the four major by-elections -- one mayor and three governors. The GNP won three of the four major mayoral and gubernatorial posts up for grabs, while the remaining post went to the minor opposition Millennium Democratic Party. The four winners were Hur Nam-sik (GNP) in Pusan, former home minister Kim Tae-ho (GNP) in South Kyongsang Province, former chief presidential secretary Park Joon-yong (MDP) in South Cholla Province and former Cheju mayor Kim Tae-hwan (GNP) in Cheju Province.

The major opposition Grand National Party emerged victorious less than two months after it suffered a crushing defeat in the April general election. This move is expected to hinder President Roh Moo-hyun and his ruling camp as they pursue an ambitious reform drive because they cannot claim the majority of the populace support their party. The National Election Commission (NEC) put the turnout at about 28.2 percent. The ruling party suffered a complete defeat apparently because of continuous controversial remarks of President Roh Moo-hyun after he was restored from the impeachment. We have always felt that the victory for the Uri Party on April 15 was a vote against the GNP/MDP for their high-handed methods in the impeachment and not a vote for the Uri Party -- and that these "analysts" have misread their own people for a long time. There is also a growing concern due to the USFK downsizing -- with reductions -- that will cause the reprecussions in the local business sphere. Despite the claims of growing exports, the claims that the recession is over has not come about.

---

USFK Curfew Over Anti-American Demonstrations (12-13 Jun) USFK imposed a curfew on its servicemembers to keep them away from anti-American weeken protests marking the anniversary of the deaths of two Korean teenage girls in a roadside accident involving U.S. soldiers. A 9 p.m. to 5 a.m. curfew has been declared from Friday to Sunday. "The curfew was expanded this weekend out of respect, and also to avoid potential conflicts or offending unnecessarily. Prevention is better than regret," Bertrand said. Normally, the curfew for U.S. GIs in South Korea is 1 a.m. on weekends.

Local civic activists said they plan to hold mass anti-U.S. demonstrations on major streets in Seoul to commemorate the 2002 accident, whose anniversary falls on Sunday. The roadside accident spurred a wave of anti-U.S. candlelit vigils by South Koreans, following the acquittal of two U.S. GIs charged with accidentally killing the girls while driving an armored vehicle during an exercise.

Reunification Rally (12 Jun 04) (Tongil News)

As it turned out, about 2,500 protestors showed up for the candlelight vigil on 12 Jun. According to the Yonhap News, "Candlelight Vigil Marks 2002 Death of Two S. Korean Schoolgirls SEOUL, June 12 (Yonhap) -- More than 2,500 demonstrators gathered in central Seoul Saturday for a candlelight vigil to mark the second anniversary of the death of two South Korean schoolgirls in a roadside accident involving a U.S. armed forces vehicle. No violence has been reported, but traffic near the Gwanghwamun area was backed up for blocks as participants in the vigil were joined by members of a coalition of civic organizations working for withdrawal of U.S. forces from South Korea."

Tongil News showed photos of a typical organized demonstration with a march on 12 Jun by NGO Reunification groups with the blue Korea banners of the reunification movement. There were some banners and signs of the girls, but most were focused on the reunification issues -- primarily the America Go Home and we will have peace rhetoric. The march was peaceful and then the rally culminated with the candlelight vigil.

Reunification Rally (12 Jun 04)

---

Korean Worker Beheaded in Iraq The kidnapping of Kim Sun-il, a worker for the Cana Corp -- a subcontractor in Iraq for the U.S. military -- shocked and mesmerized the ROK populace. The 33-year-old Kim, a translator for Cana General Trading Corp. for the past year, a South Korean supplier for the U.S. military in Iraq, was reportedly kidnapped by Muslim militants in early June. At first the ROK tried to bribe the terrorists to get Kim's release, but this failed. It is unclear how many contacts that the ROK negotiators actually had with the terrorists. The Korean government refused to accept the captors' demand to reverse Seoul's planned troop dispatch to Iraq.

The National Security Council continued to advise Roh Moo-hyun that the prospect of saving Kim looked bright -- even after Kim Sun-il was beheaded. The NIS (National Intelligence Service) proved equally worthless in its information and contacts. Roh had effectively neutered the NIS by his appointment of "left-leaning" reformists to key positions. The NIS was forbidden from domestic investigations and was supposed to expand its intelligence of businesses overseas -- whatever that meant. Unfortunately, the NIS could not find a direct communication channel to get in contact with the armed insurgents in Iraq, not to mention keeping track of the development relating to Kim Sun-il’s case. Both the NSC and NIS proved to be worthless in this situation.

Officially, Roh Moo-hyun stated on 21 Jun that it would not give in to terrorism and the troop dispatch would proceed as planned. Kim Sun-il had appeared on Korean TV pleading for his life by demanding the ROK troops be withdrawn from Iraq. Now Roh was taking a hard stand against negotiating with terrorists -- though it had initially tried to bribe the terrorists into an early release as its first answer to the situation.

Following Roh's get tough on terrorism statement, the National Police Agency (NPA) on 24 Jun announced measures to strengthen anti-terror operations at airports and key government buildings as concerns are mounting over possible terrorist attacks here following the tragic death of Kim Sun-il in Iraq. Police kept a close eye on some 3,000 foreign residents from the U.S.-designated terror-sponsoring countries, such as Iraq, Iran and Libya, while increasing manpower to strengthen the monitoring of suspected foreign terrorists. The agency deployed police SWAT teams in airports and places where international gatherings were scheduled.

An ultimatum was given that Monday the 21 Jun would be the execution date. After the deadline, there were hopes that he was still alive, but later the body was found on 22 June between Baghdad and Fallujah. Al-Zarqawi's group claimed responsibility for the beheading for the beheading of American hostage Nicholas Berg and Kim Sun-il, whose decapitated body was found on 22 Jun between Baghdad and Fallujah.

According to Yonhap News, a video showing Kim before the killing was aired by Arab satellite network Al-Jazeera TV at 1:30 a.m. 23 Jun Seoul time. "The aired footage only showed Kim kneeling down in front of the masked kidnappers with his eyes blindfolded while one of the militants read out a statement. The original version of the video contained the beheading of the Korean man, but Al-Jazeera did not air the gruesome part, saying the broadcast could cause anguish for viewers, the network said."


TV Broadcast of Kim Sun-il Plea (23 Jun 04)

The government moved to block the showing of the beheading video on the internet by ordering Internet service providers to impose a strict ban on the possible spread of footage of a hostage killing in Iraq following complaints from some Web users who said a video showing the beheading of Kim Sun-il was circulating. The government requested that major Internet service companies such as KT Corp., Hanaro Telecom Inc and Thrunet Co. shut down access to Web sites that were found carrying the video footage, the Ministry of Information and Communication said. (See OhMy News for video links to protest and video of Iraq terrorists.The government has blocked the showing of the beheading footage.)

The following is his message made in the video pleading for his life: "To President Roh Moo-hyun. I want to live. I want to go to Korea. Please, don't send to Iraq Korean soldiers. Please, this is your mistake. This is your mistake. Many Korean people don't like their to send (their families) to Iraq. All Korean soldiers must be out of Iraq. Please, please this is your mistake. Why do you send why did you send Korean soldiers to Iraq? To my all people all Korean people please help me. Please, President Bush, please President Roh Moo-hyun (leave Iraq). Please I want to live, I want to go to Korea."

This is somewhat contrary as the ROK allowed the showing of the bloody execution of an American Nicholas Berg -- for a period of days on TV without one word of disapproval. According to Chosun Ilbo (13 May 04), "TV audiences are expressing strong voices of criticism towards the news report by MBC's "News Desk" on Tuesday, which aired the whole process of a U.S civilian being beheaded by an armed Islamic group. Under the title, “Horrifying Decapitation Scene,” MBC’s "News Desk" reported the incident from the very beginning. The tape contained a U.S. civilian named Nicholas Berg, tied with a rope, sitting in front of five men wearing headscarves. The men then read aloud what seemingly sounded like a statement of reason for the execution. Berg was then slain to death immediately afterwards. MBC’s ‘News Desk’ failed to omit graphic details of this execution and one of the five men holding Berg’s cut-off head filled the TV screen. KBS’s “News 9” and SBS’s “8 News” did not broadcast the latter part of the execution and covered the knife from being seen on screen."

Thus it is obvious the Ministry was NOT worried about any morality issue -- but concerned with the spread of emotional outcries detrimental to the government.

The media started into saturation coverage on all channels round-the-clock. It was then that people started to ask questions. On 23 Jun, there was one news report that suggested the ROK government incompetence in negotiating. According to Yonhap News, "Foreign Ministry Tipped About Korean Hostage in Early June:AP" (23 June 2004),

SEOUL, June 24 (Yonhap) -- South Korea's Foreign Ministry was notified by a U.S. television company in early June of the kidnapping of Kim Sun-il, who was killed in Iraq on June 22, foreign wire reports said Thursday.

The reports immediately triggered a controversy over a possible South Korean government attempt to cover up Kim's kidnapping, as the foreign ministry has claimed that it was not aware of his capture until Arab TV station Al-Jazeera aired a videotape of his detention on June 20.

On Wednesday, the ministry said it was in the process of confirming remarks from Kim's company boss that the actual kidnapping date was May 31, not June 17 as previously claimed by himself.

Associated Press Television News (APTN), an affiliate of U.S. news agency AP, said it received a videotape showing Kim Sun-il in captivity in early June, according to an AP report on Wednesday.

At that time, APTN immediately asked the South Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade about the identity of Kim Sun-il, who claimed on the tape to be a 33-year-old math teacher, as well as about whether he was actually kidnapped.

The ministry replied that it had not been notified of any kidnapping of a South Korean, the AP report said. APTN did not air the videotape because it was unclear whether Kim was being held hostage. No gunmen were shown, and no demands were made to suggest Kim was being held against his will, AP said.

Asked to comment on the AP report, meanwhile, Foreign Ministry spokesman Shin Bong-kil said Thursday that the ministry is now in the process of confirming the wire report.

"It is not clear whether APTN contacted the foreign ministry headquarters in Seoul or the Korean embassy in Baghdad (in early June). We are now talking to AP about that," Shin said.

On the tape, Kim said in English that he liked the Iraqi people and criticized the United States for the war in Iraq, according to the AP report.

Kim clearly stated his name and that he was from South Korea in a dialogue with an unidentified interviewer who was not seen in the tape. "(My name is) Kim Sun-il. I am from Korea, South Korea," Kim said on the tape.

The former employee of a military supplier to the U.S. military, however, clearly appeared to be working to win his release by trying to disassociate himself from the U.S. forces in Iraq while praising and sympathizing the Iraqi people.

"I delivered items inside the American camp, but I don't like American, American soldiers and George Bush," Kim said on the tape, referring to the U.S. president as a terrorist. He then said he knew George Bush and America attacked here because of oil. "I like Iraqi people. Iraqi people is very kind. In Baghdad street, there are some poor Iraqi people, but I just give them money."

Asked when he entered Iraq, he said,"Baghdad? After a week, six months. I came here and I wanted to learn more about Iraq."

TV Broadcast of Kim Sun-il Plea (23 Jun 04)

At first all the ministry would say was that they were looking into the matter, then they tried to blame the U.S. for not providing the information in a timely manner -- and then when Kim Sun-il's boss stated that the embassy in Iraq was notified at least four times, the manure hit fan. There were cries of outrage from the public.

Initially, the ROK decided to blame the US for not notifying the ROK government in a timely manner. The Hankyoreh newspaper -- the liberal government mouthpiece -- attempted to force this issue but it soon became obvious that this would not fly. However, they soon saw that this was ridiculous as the ROK embassy in Iraq was being shown as incompetent in not keeping control of its nationals. However, the volatile "386 generation" liked the sound of blaming an outside party -- instead of accepting the blame as a Korean problem.

"U.S. Most Responsible for Death of South Korean: Korean Netizens
SEOUL, June 25 (Yonhap) -- The United States holds more responsibility for the death of a South Korean taken hostage by insurgents in Iraq than the terrorists who beheaded him, early figures from an Internet poll said Friday. Freechal, a leading South Korean portal site (http://www.freechal.com), opened the poll Tuesday on who should take the most blame for Kim's death. It will continue to run until Monday."

+++++++++

A SBS News poll asked 700 Korean adults, "Who is responsible for Kim Sun-il's murder," they responded as follows:

• 31.1%: The USA (who started the war in Iraq)
• 26.3%: The Korean Government (who insisted on sending more troops)
• 21.2% Iraqi Armed Groups (who murder civilians)
• 19.9% The Korean Embassy & Kana Trading Company
• 1.5% No Answer

According to the Donga Ilbo, the government wasn't aware of Kim's kidnap for three weeks. But then other information started to surface. Supposedly, South Korea's Foreign Ministry was notified by a APTN, a U.S. television company, on 3 June of the kidnapping of Kim Sun-il, who was killed in Iraq on June 22. According to Yonhap News, "Associated Press Television News (APTN), an affiliate of U.S. news agency AP, said it received a videotape showing Kim Sun-il in captivity in early June, according to an AP report on Wednesday. At that time, APTN immediately asked the South Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade about the identity of Kim Sun-il, who claimed on the tape to be a 33-year-old math teacher, as well as about whether he was actually kidnapped. The ministry replied that it had not been notified of any kidnapping of a South Korean, the AP report said. APTN did not air the videotape because it was unclear whether Kim was being held hostage. No gunmen were shown, and no demands were made to suggest Kim was being held against his will, AP said."

Then the government attempted to blame the KOREAN company boss claiming he didn't notify the embassy of ITS employee status. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs said on 23 Jun it was in the process of confirming remarks from Kim's company boss that the actual kidnapping date was May 31, not June 17 as previously claimed by himself. The government blamed the president of Cana General Trading Co, Kim Chun-ho, for changing his statements. Supposedly Kim Chun-ho was initially known to have testified that the abduction took place on June 17 when Kim Sun-il disappeared on his way to deliver supplies to the U.S. army base near Fallujah. But he later said the kidnapping occurred on June 15, and again he changed his statement, saying it happened on May 31. Later it was reported that Kim Chun-ho visited the South Korean Embassy in Iraq four times before the abduction of Kim Sun-il became public knowledge, which fuels speculation that the embassy knew of it but kept it to themselves.

The president of the Baghdad-based foodstuff supplier for the U.S. Army has given contradictory statements on the timing of the kidnapping, efforts he made to rescue his employee and U.S. military's knowledge about it. The trading company chief has now changed his statement and said he had lost contact with his 33-year-old subordinate several days after the late Kim left for Falluja from Baghdad on May 31 and learned from people in Falluja on June 10 that his employee might have been kidnapped, according to his statement. It was about three weeks before his employee Kim was murdered by al-Qaida-linked Islamic terrorists.

In stark contrast, however, the employer initially claimed the U.S. Army informed him of the abduction on June 20, but he immediately retracted this statement. He then revised this, first to June 15 and then May 30.

Another nagging question is whether the Korean mission in Baghdad was left in the dark about the abduction. Kim said he had been negotiating with the captors personally but chose not to inform the embassy of the abduction after an Arabic lawyer advised him not to do so for safety reasons. Considering he visited the South Korean embassy in Iraq four times after he learned of the abduction it remains questionable whether the embassy was unaware of the event. However, later Kim Chun-ho, head of Cana General Trading Co., repeated that he did not report the abduction to the Korean Embassy in Baghdad as he believed his negotiations with the hostage-takers were going smoothly. He also claimed he did not contact U.S. military authorities in Iraq regarding the kidnapping.

As public outrage grew louder, on 24 Jun President Roh asked the Board of Audit and Inspection (BAI) to investigate the Foreign Ministry over the allegations -- to detract attention away from the issue. The BAI formed a special 15-member team and started collecting relevant data. The BAI said its investigation would be focused on the alleged telephone call between the ministry and an AP reporter. However, Kim's mother was furious that the government didn't do enough to save her son and threw out the flowers sent by President Roh to her son's memorial ceremonies.


Mother of Kim Sun-Il throws out flowers sent by President Roh (24 Jun 04)

Backed against the wall, the Foreign Ministry on 25 June demanded the Associated Press to disclose the full truth behind its alleged inquiry to the ministry on June 3 about Korean hostage Kim Sun-il. "Again, the South Korean government strongly urges AP to tell the truth," ministry spokesman Shin Bong-kil said in a press briefing. "AP should clearly state how and what it had confirmed about Kim's kidnapping without mentioning the existence of his videotape. The tape could have been the decisive material in resolving the kidnapping case."

After the grilling by the BAI, the Foreign Ministry acknowledged on 25 Jun that its two employees received a telephone inquiry from the Associated Press on the kidnapping of a South Korean in Iraq on June 3. The acknowledgement came as public anger had sharply risen since the AP said one of its reporters in Seoul asked the ministry about Kim Sun-il about 20 days before he was beheaded by Islamic insurgents in Iraq.

On 26 Jun both the Uri and GNP parties promised to launch a parliamentary investigation into allegations that the government bungled attempts to rescue Kim Sun-il. The decision reflected the seriousness of the case that threatened the the effectiveness and morality of President Roh Moo-hyun's government. Under pressure, Roh ordered state auditors Friday to look into charges that some government officials had neglected their duties in handling the case.

The finger pointing at the Foreign Ministry continued. On 26 Jun the Joongang Ilbo editorial stated, "There are more than 10,000 Koreans in the Middle East, and there are 19 Korean embassies or consular offices in the area. It has been 30 years since Seoul opened its first diplomatic mission in the Middle East. In spite of that, the government has been seen running around in confusion without a source of information in Iraq. The Foreign Ministry blames its lack of personnel whenever large-scale incidents occur. But it is doubtful that the ministry is utilizing its existing manpower efficiently. In the Korean embassy in Baghdad, which will soon be involved in the deployment of 3,000 additional troops, there is literally no expert diplomat with a command of Arabic and expertise on Iraq. Surprisingly, only one staff member speaks Arabic at all. With such limited capacities, how could the embassy gather information and assess the local atmosphere? We wonder to what extent the embassy has figured out the local situation, and to what degree it has established networks of local contacts. Consequently, it has occurred to us to wonder whether the government could have found a proper channel for negotiation even if it had learned of Kim Sun-il's kidnapping sooner."

After the shock started to wear off, the Koreans started to look at the abysmmal performance of the Korean embassy in Iraq in keeping track of Korean nationals. Anti-War activists who entered Iraq against the warnings of the Embassy complained the loudest. A Foreign Ministry official who is familiar with the situation in Iraq said, "Communication facilities in Iraq are destroyed by the war and it is not easy to keep contact. Anti-war activists made their independent activities even though we urged them to return to Korea. It was almost impossible to supervise them." The Foreign Ministry explained that it is not easy to check Koreans arrivals in and departures out of Iraq with eight diplomats and one local employee to supervise all the Koreans in Iraq.

---

NGO Anti-Troop Deployment tied to Kim Sun-il Terrorist Incident Though the ROK has decided to FINALLY send troops, the US finally said, "I don't care if you do or not -- as I'm sending 3,600 troops from the 2d ID because you cannot be trusted at your word." The people in the NGO activist groups and the radical Korean Confederation of Trade Union (KCTU) cannot seem to get it through their heads that their fate was sealed after the 35th Security Consultative Meeting (SCM) in November 2003. The ROK promised a 3,000 non-combatant contingent when the US had requested a 5,000 man combat unit. After the meeting, the Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfield was not a happy camper -- and the everything from then on was hardball. The US was fed up with the ROK antics. If the ROK sends troops fine, they're going to an area that 300 US Special Forces soldiers controlled -- and the soldiers will be there if they get in trouble. (OPINION: There is growing bitterness -- versus uneasiness -- against the ROK government for being incompetent and then turning around to try to blame otheres. The ROK Army are fine soldiers, but their government is run by bozos.)

As soon as the Uri Party along with the left-wing Labor Democratic Party (LDP) were in office, the promises of "reviewing" the troop deployment was turned up. Signatures from the public were gathered -- with these reformist politicians showing up to beat the drums. (NOTE: An article in the Donga Ilbo pointed out that 44% of the "386" generation in the National Assembly didn't serve their militalry duty. It went on to say that 17 were arrested for protesting so they didn't have to perform their military duty. These are the new "reformist" politicians that are protesting.) Later even GNP members started to jump on the bandwagon. However, though the NGO activists were on the streets condemning the troop deployment, but there was not much interest because the bad economy was more on the minds of the people -- and the pull-out of the USFK troops.

Then suddenly the kidnapping of Kim Sun-il, a worker for the Cana Corp -- a subcontractor in Iraq for the U.S. military -- provided the catalyst. The 33-year-old Kim, a translator for Cana General Trading Corp. for the past year, a South Korean supplier for the U.S. military in Iraq, was reportedly kidnapped by Muslim militants several weeks ago. The body was found on 22 June, nearly a day after the Korean government refused to accept the captors' demand to reverse Seoul's planned troop dispatch to Iraq. Al-Zarqawi's group claimed responsibility for the beheading for the beheading of American hostage Nicholas Berg and Kim Sun-il, whose decapitated body was found on 22 Jun between Baghdad and Fallujah.

After the announcement of the beheading death on Kim Sun-il on 22 June, the NGO Anti-War factions took up the banner to halt the deployments to Iraq. A candlelight vigil was organized for 23 Jun. Some 3,000 South Koreans took part in a candlelight rally in downtown Seoul to mourn 33-year-old Kim Sun-il. While paying tribute to Kim, they also demanded the government to immediately cancel its planned troop dispatch to Iraq. Though turnout was small, it may grow if public sentiment against the troop deployment grows. This however, will place the government in a very embarrassing position. If it stalls again, its word internationally -- including at the upcoming summit -- will be worthless. If it doesn't the popularist Roh may undermine his public support with the radical elements he seems to cater to.

Daylight Protest (23 Jun 04)

Candlelight Vigil (23 Jun 04)

On 24 Jun approximately 700 protestors mainly there to protest the troop dispatch to Iraq were confronted by 3,000 riot police anticipating trouble. They demanded that the South Korean government immediately scrap its planned dispatch of additional troops to the Middle Eastern country, claiming it could cause other South Koreans to become victims like Kim.

Organizers planned a nationwide rally on June 26 "to mourn the Kim Sun-il -- the excuse for anti-troop dispatch rallies. Even North Korea chimed in with a statement that the beheading of Kim was a "natural consequence" of the ROK following U.S. policy -- a definite idiot comment.

South Korea's hard-line labor umbrella group, the Korea Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU), on 24 Jun launched a full-scale protest against the government's planned dispatch of additional troops to Iraq. "We'll set up plans to struggle with other umbrella labor unions. We're all determined to fight against the government plan to send more troops to Iraq," the KCTU said. The following appeared on the MSSC STRUGGLE REPORT(6.21/22/23) and is hard-core activist rhetoric by a foreigner who is involved with his "Korean comrades" in the "struggle." English skills indicate a non-English speaker from outside of Korea -- Outside agitator comes to mind along with "communist" sympathizer.

First of all the news about our latest developments: Before yesterday, Thursday morning, we wanted to join the rally and demonstration (to the National Assembly on Yeouido) of Korea Exchange Bank Card manufacturers. Since long time they are struggling against outsourcing of their workplaces. In the beginning, on Myeong-dong's KEB branch, everything was fine, but later – because only few people joined, we wanted to take the subway to Yeouido – riot police blocked the way and then they started to hunt us. As a result we got in some small clashes with them. During this our Korean comrades advised us to leave the place, because for us it would be too dangerous. So we went back to our struggle size. Not really successful!

The evening before, on Monday June 21, we joined the rally near Gwanghwamun against the troop dispatch plan to support the ongoing occupation of Iraq. The rally was organized because of the current situation in Iraq, the situation of Kim Seon-il, taken as hostage early that day. Around 1,000 people joined the event – and the rally was really powerful and there were some nice scenes. If this would be just the beginning – it would be a hope for a powerful movement… But what we had to see yesterday, Tuesday evening on Gwanghwamun… Totally inadequately reaction!

Short after we got the news that Iraqis had a Korean Hostage and they want to kill him if Korean government will send the troops, Roh (of course) said that he will not give up his plans, even (at least) one Korean there is in mortal danger. And the government knew from the beginning that sooner or later something like that will be happen, but they made the plan to send additional combat troops…

In April 2003 we couldn’t stop the troop dispatch (read this), but we had the possibility to learn from our mistakes

… But before yesterday again we failed: even there were some nice moments, but 200 people protesting against troop dispatching, no one cares about it.

Now Kim Seon-il is beheaded and we’re (partly) guilty too! The majority here is complete against the US led aggression in Iraq, as well as to send Korean troops to Iraq, but we were not able to mobilize this forces. The death of Kim Seon-il is the direct result of government’s policy… and our failure!

And now after the tragic death what the government is doing? Just continuing with their plans, without any changes! WE HAVE TO STOP THEM IMMEDIATELY!

In contrast to Tuesday night, yesterday everything changed: More than 2,000 people gathered near Gwanghwamun. Their protest was mainly directed to the policy of the government, especially against Roh’s sticking to the troop dispatch plan, which “will kill more Koreans in Iraq”, one student from Seoul National University said. “They don’t care neither about the life of Iraqi civilians, nor Koreans, employed in Iraq”, a student from Korea University complained. Remarkable, but this is also the weakness of the movement (if it is/will be a movement), that mainly young activists were joining yesterday’s rally. Where were the proletarians? It is not enough if just Dan Byeong-ho is participating for a while the protest!

To force the government we need a large movement, uniting all parts of the society: unionized workers, students, activists, public figures and “ordinary” citizens – just like the movement against USFK in fall and winter 2002. Only with such a broad movement we can push the “rulers”! Let’s look forward and build a strong opposition outside of the parliament!

On 26 Jun about 6,000 people showed up to protest the government -- others blaming the U.S. government -- in a candlelight vigil in memory of Kim Sun-il. Earlier in the day, Kim's body arrived in his hometown of Busan.

The labor unrest is attempting to tie the anti-Iraq troop deployment to its labor rallies. The ROK's auto industry was hit by nationwide strikes on 29 Jun as unions demanded higher wages and better working conditions. The 41,000-member union at Hyundai Motor Co., the nation's top auto manufacturer, staged a full-day strike after partial walkouts on 25 Jun and 28 Jun. Another 23,000 laid down their tools at Kia Motors Corp., a Hyundai affiliate, while Ssangyong Motor Co. was hit by a four-hour morning shutdown. Hyundai's union said it will stage another full-day strike on 29 Jun. Workers there have demanded a 10.5 percent wage hike. They also asked that contract workers be guaranteed pay amounting to 80 percent of regular salaries, and that management set aside 5 percent of the company's net profit to establish a welfare fund for contract workers. Negotiations with Hyundai management broke down earlier this month. On 29 Jun the Yonhap News stated:

Labor Union Vows to Thwart Seoul's Troop Dispatch Plan

SEOUL, June 29 (Yonhap) -- Thousands of unionized workers held massive rallies in central Seoul Tuesday, calling on the South Korean government to withdraw its plan to contribute more troops to the U.S.-led coalition in Iraq.

Lee Soo-ho, head of the nation's militant labor umbrella, the Korea Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU), vowed to thwart the government's plan to send the troops through its strong anti-war campaign.

"We have been opposed to the troop dispatch plan as we had anticipated there would be South Koreans victims like Kim Sun-il," Lee said at one rally, referring to the ill-fated South Korean who was kidnapped and slain by Islamic militants in Iraq.

In a protest letter to the U.S. Embassy here, the labor umbrella called on U.S. President George W. Bush to apologize to South Koreans, including Kim's bereaved family, for what it claims is a U.S. cover-up of Kim's kidnapping to ensure Seoul's troop dispatch plan would not be derailed.

The union, which boasts nearly 600,000 members nationwide, also called on the United States to immediately stop the war in Iraq and not to twist the arm of South Korea into contributing troops.

Earlier in the day, Labor Minister Kim Dae-hwan warned that the government would take stern action against strike leaders if they link labor protests with the troop deployment plan.

"A labor action motivated by political purposes can not be justified," Kim told reporters.

Despite mounting public outcry against the troop dispatch following Kim's slaying in Iraq last week, South Korea has reaffirmed its unwavering commitment to send soldiers to Iraq to help in efforts to rebuild the Middle East country.

Seoul plans to 3,000 troops to Iraq, starting in July, to join 660 army medics and engineers already operating there since early last year. It would make South Korea the largest U.S. coalition partner in Iraq after Britain.

The South Korean plan is unpopular among its people. Some argue the U.S.-led war is unjustified and voice concerns about possible further South Korean deaths, while others say the dispatch will help get U.S. assistance in resolving the North Korean nuclear crisis.

Tuesday's protest rallies were also attended by several lawmakers of the progressive Democratic Labor Party, and some participants of the rallies took part in a candlelight vigil for the South Korean victim near Seoul's city hall.

Police deployed some 6,000 riot police outfitted with helmets, batons and shields near city hall where some 3,500 union workers held a demonstration, according to the police. No clashes were reported.

The KCTU claimed as many as 100,000 people participated in the rallies.

---

Yongsan Base Workers Rally over Job Loss According to the Stars and Stripes on 24 Jun stated that a 24 Jun rally would close the Yongsan Main and South gates temporarily. An estimated 2,000 base employees marched along the road separating the two sides of the U.S. Army's headquarters in South Korea. The Korean employees rallied against possible job cuts at American bases in South Korea, chanting and singing their fears that they could be left out in the cold by proposed U.S. base realignments or troop reductions on the peninsula. Korean Employees Union members from as far as Pusan and Taegu took part in the afternoon-long rally in front of the Korean War Memorial, just down the road from Yongsan Garrison. Because neither relocation nor reduction plans have been finalized, U.S. military officials said, it's too early to speculate about future job cuts.

According to Stars and Stripes on 26 Jun:

"We do not know what the effects of future decisions will be on the workforce," said 8th Army spokesman Lt. Col. Steve Boylan. "But 8th Army will work closely with the Korean Employees Union to provide information on any loss of jobs as far in advance to minimize any disruption. "Our agreement is to provide six months' notice for issues such as these to the KEU. We will continue to strive towards that end," Boylan said.

But many of the workers said they are upset with the South Korean government's inability so far to come up with job training or adjustment plans for any future large-scale layoffs. "They say our companies will be protected. But what about the people?" asked Kim Ki-tae, who works at Yongsan Garrison.

Under contract agreements, the U.S. military does not provide severance benefits to employees who lose their jobs. Many of those at the rallies demanded the South Korean government make the positions public servant jobs, ensuring them benefits.

The crowd Thursday stretched from the main entrance of the War Memorial up the street to the overpass linking the two sides of Yongsan Garrison. A sea of workers in white paper hats — adorned with pro-union slogans and small heart-shaped cutouts — sported yellow and red bibs with messages of protest. "Don't move Yongsan base!" they chanted, following that with cries of "Don't move 2ID to Iraq!"

At one point, several union leaders had their heads shaved as a symbolic protest; another union leader sliced open two of his fingers, then scrawled a sign reading "Defending peoples' right to survive" with his own blood. The rally was largely peaceful until a few participants got overly zealous with protests against the militants in Iraq who beheaded a young South Korean businessman earlier this week. After one protester burned a poster with the image of the young man being held at gunpoint, several union leaders shoved the protester away from the rally, causing a brief melee in front of the crowd.

But the focus quickly returned to the job security issue, with speaker after speaker voicing support for the United States and its presence in South Korea but also condemning the possible moves. "Not only is the American presence essential for our national security but also for our economy," union boss Kang In-shik told the crowd.

"Throughout the years, they are the ones who fed and saved our families." But now, he claimed, "they work us hard and dispose of us when they no longer need us."

Local base workers were worried about losing their jobs in a proposed U.S. troop reduction. Union officials representing the estimated 18,000 Koreans working on U.S. bases fear up to 40 percent will be laid off under a plan to remove 12,500 U.S. troops from the peninsula.

U.S. Forces Korea officials have acknowledged some 40 job reductions in recent weeks but said those were unrelated to any troop movements or base realignments. The reductions were due to the closure of the JSA area and the decrease in MWR usage.

---

For Young Koreans, U.S. 'Main Enemy' According to the Chosun Ilbo on 30 Jun 2004:

A recent survey showed that the Korean people's anti-communism has decreased while anti-Americanism has notably increased. Prof. Koh Sang-doo of Yonsei University cited the joint questionnaire report on Korea's policy toward North Korea and the U.S., which is produced by Research & Research and Gallup Korea in coming up with the above analysis.

In 2004, Research & Research carried out a survey to find out which country is the key enemy of Korea. And according to Koh, people aged between 20s to 40s picked the U.S. (57.9 percent in their 20s, 46.8 percent in their 30s and 36.3 percent in their 40s) as Korea's biggest enemy, but people over 50 said North Korea (52.5 percent) is the key enemy.

All generations agreed that National Security Law must be reformed (72.4 percent in their 20s to 30s, 70.2 percent in their 40s and 49.8 percent in those over 50s).

In addition, Gallup Korea ran a survey in 2001 and 2003 to investigate what people thought about the possibility of North Korea invading the South, and that there was no big change in the reply for people over the age of 30 (30.6 percent to 31.1 percent in their 30s, 32.6 percent to 32.0 percent in their 40s and 26.8 percent to 30.5 percent in those over 50), but there was a significant decrease in younger generations (52.3 percent to 30.9 percent in their 20s).

"The Korean people's structure of consciousness has become very flexible so that it cannot be identified with the concept of anti-communism and many Koreans treat the U.S. as the number one enemy, which tells us that anti-Americanism is notably increasing," added Prof. Koh.

Contradicting this negative viewpoint was surveys that showed the US was still the best-liked country in the world. The Korea Post stated, "This was disclosed as a result of a survey jointly conducted by Samsung Economic Research Institute (SERI) and Sungkyunkwan University in Seoul published by mass-circulated independent Korean-language daily, Joong-Ang Ilbo on June 3, 2004. In the polls conducted through consultation with a total of 1,315 grownup above the age of 18 on the question as to which country they felt was the closest to them, the US came with 44% which was followed by North Korea with 26.5%, China with 10.5% and Japan with 9.4%."

The article went on, "It appears that the poll results fairly accurately reflect the general feelings on the part of the Korean people who have a fixed conviction that the US is the only country in the world who has not invaded the Korean peninsula. The people in the South have bitter memories of being attacked and subjugated by all the other three countries."

It is true that there have been clashes between Korea and the US, e.g., the General Sherman Incident, but Koreans generally feel that the US is located too far away geographically to physically want to occupy and make it a part of its or a suzerain state like China did.

As for North Korea today, respondents of the SERI- Sungkyunkwan survey, however, seemed to have a sympathy in view of the extremely difficult living forced upon the common people by the dictatorial regime of Chairman Kim Jong-il of the NorthKorean Military Affairs Committee.

Some 57.4% of the respondents said that North Korea is a country with which the ROK should try to develop and maintain a friendly relationship, while only 9.1% said North Korea should be treated as a hostile enemy. Some 29.5% of the respondents said that North Korea should be watched with a due precaution.

The higher the level of education the friendlier were the attitude of the respondents. Friendly feelings were 57.4% from those with a university education or higher (including university students). In the case of those with a high school education or lower, the friendly response was much smaller with 51.2%.

---

Go to Kunsan AB Protests: January-May 2004.Go to Kunsan AB Protests: April-June 2004. Go to Kunsan AB Protests: July-September 2004. Go to Kunsan AB Protests: July-September 2004.

RETURN TO MAIN TABLE OF CONTENTS

Return to Top

---

For comments or inputs, contact:

Kalani O'Sullivan .

NOTICE/DISCLAIMER: The content of this page is UNOFFICIAL and the views and opinions expressed do not necessarily reflect those of anyone associated with this page or any of those linked from this site. All opinions are those of the writer and are intended for entertainment purposes only. Links to other web pages are provided for convenience and do not, in any way, constitute an endorsement of the linked pages or any commercial or private issues or products presented there. Neither the DOD, the Air Force, the 8th Fighter Wing nor Mickey Mouse has endorsed any of this site. All Air Force links are publicly accessible through the worldwide web. If there is any discrepancy between eye-witness accounts and OFFICIAL DOD records, this site opts to lend credence to the eye-witness views.

---

Return to Top

Weekly

---