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This page is graphically intense with long load times due to photos. However, the photos and narratives by the men who served at Osan Air Base makes the wait well worthwhile. The opinions expressed are those of the author and in no way represents any official statement of Osan AB or the USAF.

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If you wish to listen to some golden oldies from 1940s-1990s, click on the selection on the list below. There are about 80 full-length songs to choose from. (NOTE: Song audio degraded due to space limitations, but adequate for computer listening.) Click For Music 1940s: Billie Holiday_As Time Goes By 1940s: Kate Smith_God Bless America 1940s: Mills Brothers_Glow Worm 1950s: Big Bopper_Chantilly Lace 1950s: Bill Haley Comets_Youre Never Too Old To Rock 1950s: Coasters_Yakety Yak 1950s: Danny And TheJuniors_At The Hop 1950s: Del Shannon_Handyman 1950s: Doris Day_By The Light Of The Silvery Moon 1950s: Fats Domino_I Hear You Knockin 1950s: Freddie Canon_Palisades Park 1950s: Nat King Cole_Ramblin Rose 1950s: Pat Boone_Love Letters In The Sand 1950s: Red Skelton_Pledge Of Allegiance 1950s: Ricky Nelson_Listen To The Rhythm Of The Falling Rain 1950s: Ritchie Valens_Boney Maronie 1950s: Ritchie Valens_Donna 1950s: Ritchie Valens_LaBamba 1960s: Beach Boys_Surfin USA 1960s: Beach Boys_Barbara Ann 1960s: Beatles_Strawberry Fields Forever 1960s: Bobby Vee_Go Away Little Girl 1960s: Chubby Checker_The Twist 1960s: Chuck Berry_Johnny Be Good 1960s: Crosby Stills Nash_Teach Your Children 1960s: Dean Martin_Make The World Go Away 1960s: Elvis Presley_Blue Suede Shoes 1960s: Elvis Presley_Love Me Tender 1960s: Harry Belafonte_Day O 1960s: James Darren_Goodbye Cruel World 1960s: Johnny Mathis_Chances Are 1960s: Kingsman_Louie Louie 1960s: Marcels_Blue Moon 1960s: Marvin Gaye_Lets Get It On 1960s: Paul Anka_Put Your Head On My Shoulder 1960s: Harry Belafonte_Day O 1960s: Righteous Brothers_Youve Lost That Loving Feeling 1960s: Johnny Mathis_Chances Are 1960s: Peter Paul Mary_The Marvelous Toy 1960s: Roy Orbison_Only The Lonely 1960s: Roy Orbison_Pretty Woman 1960s: Sam The Sham_Wooly Bully 1960s: Shirelles_Soldier Boy 1960s: Silhouettes_Get AJ ob 1960s: Simon And Garfunkel_Bridge Over Troubled Waters 1960s: Thunderbirds_Hippy Hippy Shake 1960s: Tony Bennett_San Francisco 1960s: Ventures_Apache 1970s: Bette Midler_The Rose 1970s: Cher_If I Could Turn Back Time 1970s: Commodores_Three Times A Lady 1970s: Crystal Gayle_Ill Do It All Over Again 1970s: Dione Warwick_Ill Never Love This Way Again 1970s: Engelbert Humperdink_Release Me 1950s: Fleetwoods_Mr Blue 1970s: Lovin Spoonful_Rain On The Roof 1970s: Mamas And Papas_Age Of Aquarius 1970s: Mamas And Papas_California Dreaming 1970s: Mamas And Papas_Monday Monday 1970s: Tina Turner_Whats Love Got To Do With It 1970s: Tony Orlando And Dawn_Tie A Yellow Ribbon 1970s: Troggs_Wild Thing 1980s: Aaron Neville Linda Ronstadt_All My Life 1980s: Bruce Springsteen_Born In The USA 1980s: Kenny Loggins_Footloose 1980s: Kim Carnes_Betty Davis Eyes 1980s: Kris Kristofferson_Loving Her Was Easier 1980s: Lee Greenwood_God Bless The USA 1980s: LindaRonstadt_Desperado 1980s: Linda Ronstadt_Thatll Be The Day 1980s: Marie Osmond Dan Seals_Meet Me In Montana 1980s: Michael Jackson_Billie Jean 1980s: Michael Jackson_You Are Not Alone 1980s: Michael Jackson And Friends_We Are The World 1980s: Michael Jackson_Ill Be There 1980s: Phil Collins_In The Air Tonight 1980s: Ricky Nelson_Garden Party 1980s: Ronnie Milsap_Lost In The 50s Tonight 1990s: Kenny G_Auld Lang Syne 1990s: Luther Vandross_Id Rather 1990s: Ricky Martin_Livin La Vida Loca Free JavaScripts provided by The JavaScript Source

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KOREA POLITICS 2006

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RETURN TO MAIN TABLE OF CONTENTS

2006 :

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Private School Law: A National Crisis (Jan-Dec 2006)

Private School Law Escalate into Nationwide Crisis (Jan 2006) Protracted political wrangling over a controversial reform bill that affects private schools is showing signs of escalating into a nationwide crisis, with private high schools on Jeju Island now refusing to accept new students. About one-third of all schools in South Korea are privately owned, with institutes of higher education having an even higher rate. Over 80 percent of the nation's universities are private.

Initially the private schools asked for a two-year grace period during which corrupt schools could straighten themselves out -- a plea to hold off amending the private school law until later if their efforts failed. Instead the Uri Party railroaded the bill through the National Assembly. (See Education Law to Hobble Private Schools (Nov 2005-Dec 2005) for background.)

(SITE NOTE: The GNP boycotted the National Assembly over this issue, but there appears to be an ulterior motive to let the Uri Party have its way because the GNP could not stop the legislation they opposed (real estate speculation reform) from being passed. In essence, it the same plan put forward by Prime Minister Lee when he was education minister under Kim Dae-jung. However, the Uri Party on its part also has an ulterior motive to "dumb-down" the Korean education system. It is to install the Korean Teachers and Educational Workers' Union (KTU) into private school boards to teach "progressive" ideas to Korean youth -- anti-Americanism and the blind belief that reunification will cure all of Korea's ills. The egalitarian education movement seeks to equal the educational opportunities for all -- but in reality, only makes smart students equal to dumb ones. The standardization of education services has brought down service quality and encouraged overseas spending by the wealthy. The mass exodus of families and students to foreign countries for education, and overseas education spending amounting to 10 trillion won annually are testament to the social polarization brought about by the government's ineffective educational policy.)

Private Schools Confrontation Schools in Seoul, Ulsan, Daegu, Busan and South Jeolla Province had already decided not to admit new students according to the private middle and high schools association. They criticized the regulation saying that it would violate the autonomy of private schools while the Education Ministry maintained it would help improve transparency in private school management.

Fifteen private school operators also filed a petition with the Constitutional Court against the revised law late in Dec 2005, claiming it is an unwarranted intrusion into the property rights of private foundations guaranteed by the Constitution. The court has six-months to respond to the petition.

The Uri Party had strongly denounced the private schools, accusing them of violating students' rights merely to safeguard their own vested interests. GNP leader Park Geun-hye, referring to the strife in Jeju, blamed the ruling party for sparking the crisis and said it had long been predicted.

South Korea's spring semester begins in March, with middle school graduates randomly allocated by a lottery system to high schools in their districts. The office earlier warned that it would take strong disciplinary measures, including the dispatch of state directors to the five schools, if the deadline was not met.

The presidential office of Cheong Wa Dae also issued a strongly worded warning in which it threatened to adopt strong punitive measures against those responsible for private schools' barring entry to new students. The warning came after President Roh Moo-hyun instructed his secretaries to devise strong countermeasures against the defiant private schools.

Face off in Jeju Island -- and Private Schools Blink (Jan 2006) The first test case of confrontation happened in Jeju Island. Five private high schools on the South Korean resort island declared on 5 Jan their resolve not to admit freshmen for the 2006 semester. The Jeju Provincial Education Office asked the island's public and private high schools to receive rosters of new first-grade students selected through a random draw. But the five private schools, including Ohyun High School in downtown Jeju City, ignored the administrative order. They also ignored an ultimatum by the office demanding the schools present their schedules to accept new students.

Many observers feared the situation would snowball, with Jeju's educational turmoil potentially spreading across the country and triggering an unprecedented shutdown of private schools on a national level. Indeed, the Seoul branch of a nationwide association of private middle and high schools on 6 Jan threatened to close all of its member schools, which account for over 40 percent, or 250, of the metropolitan city's institutes in this school category. Private high schools in other provinces outside Jeju, which are supposed to receive new students on January 12, have repeatedly refused to receive new students, showing their opposition to the revised private school law.

Ultimately though the five schools on the southern South Korean resort island said in a joint statement that they suspended their struggle against the private school reform bill and admitted new students for the 2006 semester. Their apparent surrender came after the presidential office Cheong Wa Dae issued a strongly worded warning in which it threatened to adopt strong punitive measures against those responsible for private schools' barring entry to new students -- including the Bolshevik practice of simply replacing the board of directors enmasse and investigations of financial corruption.

After the Jeju high schools backed down on accepting new students, the attention shifted to see what the Seoul Schools would do. On 8 Jan, it appeared the Association for private schools nationwide were backing off their tough stance on not registering students -- though the directors of the association needed to vote on the action in early Jan. (SITE NOTE: Our daughter will attend Songtan Girls High School which is a private high school and we were wondering what would be the next step. No statement was made about not accepting students. At present, the strategy of the Private Schools seems to have shifted to the Constitutional Courts as the expected support from parents did not arise. The GNP will also have to back off as the private school associations were backpedalling. The GNP boycotted the National Assembly for its own agenda -- claiming it was the railroading of the private school law.)

The Ministry officials said they were considering a provision in the implementing regulations that would give private schools a veto over the naming of any specific outside director. Those representatives are, under the law's wording, to be recommended by a school's teachers and the parents of students. This "carrot" was rejected by the private school associations previously.

GNP Boycott and Constitutional Court Challenge (Dec 2005-Jan 2006)The controversial reform law was passed through parliament in December with the backing of the Uri Party and minor opposition parties. The conservative main opposition Grand National Party (GNP) did not participate in the voting and boycotted parliamentary proceedings in protest. GNP Chairman Park Geun-hye vowed to take the protest to the streets though some in her protested the move. The private school law, which is to take effect on June 1, was challenged by fifteen school owners resistant to it when they filed a petition with the Constitutional Court in late Dec 2005, arguing that the measure hinders their right to own private property.


Park Geun-hye The reform bill required private schools to fill a quarter of their board seats with outside figures selected from among teachers and parents. The religious leaders and the private school operators say the new system threatens to breach their educational autonomy. They particularly oppose the inclusion of unionized teachers on boards of directors, claiming they would introduce "radical" ideas into the classroom. The Uri party contends that the bill is aimed at preventing corruption through closer oversight of school finances and management affairs. But the GNP argued that it violated a free market economy that guarantees the private ownership of property and will allow hard-line unionized teachers to impose their left-leaning political views on school policies. Leaders of Catholic, Protestant and Buddhist groups, which own over 70 percent of private schools in the country, have also threatened to shut down their schools should the new law take effect.

On 29 Jan 2006 Uri and GNP broke the deadlock that saw the GNP boycott parliamentary sessions since 9 Dec 2005 in protest against the Uri Party's railroading of controversial private school legislation. The two reached a vaguely worded agreement that they "can discuss the revision of the law for the development of private schools and rooting out corruption." The ruling-party leadership made it clear it had no intention to change the law again. Some within the GNP have turned on the party leaders -- both GNP floor leader Lee Jae-oh who led the negotiation and chairwoman Park Geun-hye who led the boycott -- grumbling that the situation is going exactly the way the ruling party wanted. After the private school associations broke ranks, the public support started to turn against the GNP for not participating in the passage of the 2006 budget and fighting -- though they would have lost anyway.

"Progressive" Parents, Teachers and Civic Groups enter Fray (Jan 2006) In Jeju each of the five high school's alumni association as well as civil groups of parents increasingly demanded the schools their refusal to accept new students. The heads of the five high schools' alumni associations held a meeting on January 5 at the Jeju KAL Hotel and agreed to jointly handle the issue, and requested the schools to accept new students. Their actions coupled with the Presidents "warning" might have caused the schools to change their minds on not accepting students. The expected support from parents over the issue evaporated and with the alumni -- their strongest supporters -- turning against them, it was apparent they had lost the battle.

Responding to the schools' resistance nationwide, civic, parents and teachers' groups jumped into the fray calling for private schools to abandon their action and criticized them for using students as political pawns. Sporadic rallies condemning the owners of private schools continued on 6 Jan. "We will not tolerate refusing to admit students for the 2006 academic year," said an alliance of parents groups that held a joint conference on 6 Jan in front of the government's complex in Seoul. (NOTE: These are the "progressive" NGO civic groups that earlier came out in support of the bill when the GNP boycotted the National Assembly.) This "progressive" association of parents of students nationwide held a press conference to announce they will ask the prosecution to probe the chairman of the private school association who initiated plans for the enrollment boycott. The Nationwide Parents' Group for True Education said it would open a center to accept informants' reports on corruption in private school management and undertake its own inspection of private schools.


Private School Protest (Dec 2005)

The "progressive" Korean Teachers and Education Workers' Union (KTU) demanded the plan to refuse the new student intake be abandoned and urged the government to take strict measures. "Private schools, refusing to accept students, are abandoning their moral position as educators," said Han Man-jung, spokesman of KTU. "Refusing new students amounts to a negligence of the fundamental responsibility of education."

As a spin-off of this incident, a group of teachers announced on 9 Jan 2006 plans to establish a new union as a viable alternative to the left-leaning progressive teacher's union, Jeongyojo or the Korean Teachers and Education Workers Union (KTU). Calling itself the Liberal Teachers' Union (later "New Right Teachers' Union), the group criticized Jeongyojo for its leftist tendencies and hard-line attitude. The group said it will advocate the principles of a free democracy and market economy in education. KTU, the nation's leading teachers union expressed its concern over the creation of the new union, saying the opposition Grand National Party might be pulling strings behind the scenes. The promoters of the new teachers' group expressed its opposition to a newly enacted law on private schools though it will NOT join in action led by school owners and the opposition GNP party. "We think some private schools went too far by refusing to admit new students. But we will support GNP's outdoor protest campaign against the law," said an official of the group. The union also declared its support the government move to introduce a new evaluation system for teachers which the KTU has vehemently opposed. The plan would have students fill out a survey measuring how satisfied they are with their teachers, and parents would also evaluate their children's satisfaction level with school. Teachers would also evaluate other teachers' work on class preparation materials and curricula. It stated it would seek cooperation from the Korean Federation of Teachers' Associations to keep the KTU in check.

Up until now, the BAI has conducted examinations of school subsidy spending and has sent special inspection teams to investigate particular issues, such as unfair admission policies. This round of inspections will be the first to examine the general state of private school administrative and managerial affairs. The BAI says it will look for corruption in new faculty recruitment and new student admissions, and new facilities and construction embezzlement. It will also examine how private school foundations collected and spent school development funds, and whether the level of foundational investment in the schools was proper. The BAI also plans to examine whether school foundations conspired with local education officials to make above actions possible.

To accomplish this, the BAI will use a two-step inspection process. The first step will be conducted in March and concentrate on uncovering school corruption by examining changes in the amounts of school property and personnel recruitment frequency. The second will be conducted through April and focus on the schools that fail the first step of inspections. (SITE NOTE: On 13 Mar it was reported that about 150 private schools would be audited by 130 BAI inspectors. The targets were selected based on information from whistle blowers as well as from accounting documents submitted by 1,998 private schools, ranging from primary to university, across the nation. The BAI extensively reviewed the accounting records in a preliminary investigation that began in January to detect any illegalities. The government provides more than half of the funding for elementary, middle and high schools operated by private foundations. The audit was to center on the schools' budget spending and private assets, as well as the system of employing teachers and accepting new students.)

"According to Board of Audit and Inspection Act, schools that don't receive subsidies from the government are also subject to inspection," a BAI spokesperson said. (SITE NOTE: The election is in May 2006 so the political fallout is enormous in the findings either way -- if minimal corruption, the Uri Party faces censure. If major corruption is revealed and not the 2 percent claimed, the GNP will be publicly humiliated.)

"We will ask the Ministry of Education and Human Resources Development to end its private school inspection plans because they overlap with ours," said Lee Chang-hwan, director of the BAI social welfare inspection department. "According to Board of Audit and Inspection Act, the BAI has the right to do so." (SITE NOTE: This is a significant step in that it removes the Roh administration influence to turn this into political advantage.)

The BAI will prosecute those who are found guilty of embezzling school money, taking payoffs, or using school development funds for personal use. It will also ask the education office to fire the presidents of the schools involved. (Source: Donga Ilbo.)

A middle school teacher and member of the Korean Teachers and Educational Workers Union is under investigation for taking his 180 students to an event commemorating the deaths of communist partisan guerrillas. Authorities said Tuesday the teacher identified as Kim (48), who worked at a middle school in North Jeolla Province, took the students to the event on May 28-29 last year. It was organized by an “unconverted” long-term prisoner, a term referring to convicts who served on average 31 years in jail for violating the National Security Law and refusing to disavow their communist beliefs. Some 300 people including Solidarity for Reunification representative Han Sang-ryul, Democratic Labor Party supreme council member Ha Yeon-ho and Korean Peasants League vice chairman Seo Jeong-gil attended.

The students went up on stage and told participants they had distributed anti-war badges around the nation in protest against the Iraq war and said they felt unifying the two Koreas was a way to create “a world without wars.” They also joined the former communist guerrillas in the shouting of their old slogans against “imperialist Yankee soldiers” and the “puppet regime of Syngman Rhee.” Kim, who also instructed his students to operate an online group that opposes the U.S.-led war in Iraq, now serves as an official with the KTEWU's North Jeolla Province chapter.

The union has frequently revealed a political bias, from teaching aids instructing students about the wrongs of Seoul's troop dispatch to Iraq in June 2004 to materials criticizing the APEC summit in Korea in November 2005 and the planned free trade agreement between Seoul and Washington in May 2006. A video clip produced by its Busan chapter as a teaching aid at the time of the APEC summit there is full of four-letter-words and lampoons national leaders. The Busan chapter also drew attention to itself when it ran three seminars between Oct. 18 and Nov. 1, 2005 that borrowed heavily from a North Korean history textbook hailing and praising North Korean leader Kim Jong-il's Songun or military-first policy. (Source: Chosun Ilbo.)

The outlawed Korea Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU), the second largest labor group, is controlled by the carmakers' unions. However, in 2006 the Korean Government Employees' Union (KGEU), the second largest of two labor unions of low-level government workers with over 140,000 members, joined the KCTU to demand full guarantee of their rights as unionists. The second of the government labor unions, the Confederation of Government Employees' Unions (CGEU) with a 70,000 membership, decided to establish a new umbrella labor group with the KTEWU and other public workers' unions.

The KCTU has been under fire from the public over its disruptive strikes. It is also facing an internal crisis as opposing factions clashed over whether to return to talks to discuss the government's package of labor bills. As hard-liners insisted that agreements reached through social dialogue would only destabilize the labor market and aggravate the livelihood of workers, Jo had called for a sixth general strike beginning Nov. 15. But the response was lackluster, with less than 10 percent of union members participating. The KCTU currently has about 642,000 members nationwide. (Source: Korea Herald.)

The more radical elements of the union have repeatedly resorted to violence or physical takeovers of company premises. For example in July 2006, the unions took over the POSCO headquarters -- even though their dispute was with the POSCO Construction Company. The Pohang construction labor union, to which the striking unionists belonged, was a regional union under the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU), comprising day laborers. They knew that their negotiating partner should be the construction companies, in this case the POSCO Construction Company, a contractor of the steelmaker. However, they occupied POSCO’s headquarters. It was an inevitable consequence of the multi-stage subcontract system unique to Korea. POSCO issues construction work orders to the POSCO Construction Company and/or others, which in turn, assign orders to subcontractors. As a result, guaranteeing pay for non-working Saturdays is no easy matter in this complicated structure. Accordingly, first of all, efforts should be made to revise the laws and regulations of the subcontracting system. (Source: Korea Focus: The Hankook Ilbo, July 27, 2006

Unions are noted for resorting to violence to obtain their demands. In 2006, the KCTU Hyundai automotive union paralyzed the car production for the company creating massive losses due to shutdowns in its operations. In Dec 2006, some 40 trucks of non-unionized truckers were set on fire or otherwise damaged across the country during a strike by the KCTU Truck Drivers' Union. Trucks were blocked from wharves, forcing ships to leave port without full cargo.

Far-left Activists The far-left activists are a subset of the far-left progressive group. The radical Unification (NL off-shoot) and Anti-War (PD off-shoot) NGO groups -- along with other hate-based groups who focus on the US as the blame for every Korean ill -- are troublemakers when it comes to spreading lies or reshaping the truth. To them the end justifies the means -- meaning it is perfectly all right to purposely lie to the people to incite them to anger. These activists appeal to the emotions of the populace rather than the intellect. They are the manipulators who stir up social unrest -- an item the DPRK loves to watch). The most recent dupe of this group was Cindy Sheehan. These activists seem to have one common denominator in the view that the US has caused most of the social ills of Korea.

Green Korea is another example of the far-left Activists. Though its causes for the environment are noble, it purposely chooses to ignore the dumping of tons of toxic waste by companies, in order to pursue the dumping of two gallons of formaldehyde in the Han River by a USFK employee. Its agenda is anti-American (Haemangri/Kooni Range) or anti-government (Kumgang River project). It is currently in the forefront of protests (with government support) against the return of camps under the Land Partnership Program -- though the US contends that it has fulfilled its obligations under the SOFA.

Within this far-left group, you have the student radical elements. The Hanchongryeon, Federation of University Student Councils, was outlawed because it was found to have supported the DPRK juche policies in violation of the NSL -- and many of its leaders have been holed up in the universities since 1997. In about 2004, the Hanchongryeon changed its tactics. Instead of the juniors/seniors getting involved in the street battles, they recruited freshmen/sophomores as "foot soldiers." Their first use came in 2004 with the break ins at the Rodriquez Range. Since that time, they have been effectively organized to be the strike troops in battles with riot police from Seoul to Puan to Daechuri -- and are famed for their use of steel pipes flattened into hooks that can slash under the helmets and throats of the riot police; as well as the 8 foot bamboo poles with one end splintered to slice up the riot police in confrontations. (NOTE: President Roh has attempted to legalize this student activist group despite its violent anti-government actions leading to wonder about Roh's affiliations.)

Far-left Communists But my own personal note is that the left spectrum doesn't stop with the Hanchongryeon. In my opinion, there exists a far, far left element. They are the underground spy cells that I believe continue to exist in Korea. Arrests of these sleeper cells were seen each year until the Kim Dae-jung/Roh Moo-hyun policy of "don't tell me and I won't search for you" took effect. Past evidence indicates these cells have infiltrated the government infrastructure (rail, water and electric) as low-level workers, the academic circles (colleges) and unions -- including the KTEWU teachers union. These cells have been around since the 1950s and now are into the second-generation. But this is another topic.

It's really a moot point about spies and DPRK infiltrators as the ROK gave up trying to protect the coastlines back when Kim Dae-jung took over. The DPRK infiltrators can come and go as they please in South Korea. Favorite spots using submersibles are islands off Jeju and Mokpo to the south; Sochon on the west coast; and Tonghae on the east coast. These folks are the recruiters and troublemakers who spread social dissent by infiltrating unions, academia, and governmental infrastructure.

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POLITICAL EVENTS

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PRESIDENTIAL HOPEFULS

Presidential Poll (Korea Times) (30 Dec 2005)

In Jan 2006, Seoul Mayor Lee Myung-bak placed first in the survey with an approval rating of 23.3 percent, overtaking former Prime Minister Goh Kun, who had topped most of the recent polls, by a tantalizing 0.5-percentage point. Rep. Park Geun-hye, chairwoman of the main opposition Grand National Party (GNP), found her place at third (19.9 percent) and Unification Minister Chung Dong-young was fourth (6.4 percent).

Lee, former CEO of Hyundai Engineering and Construction, enjoyed strong support from residents in Seoul (33.8 percent), Inchon and Kyonggi Province (29.1 percent), business owners (31.1 percent) and those in their 50s (30.5 percent).... Goh's supporters are white-collar workers (28.4 percent), residents in the Cholla provinces (34.2 percent), Uri Party backers (32.5 percent) and Democratic Party supporters (41.3 percent). Park, the third-placed runner, is still considered a strong candidate, who enjoys overall support from the Kyongsang provinces. She draws support from those over 60 (25.7 percent), housewives (28.6 percent), people who finished middle school and below (31.8 percent).

The 20 May attack on Park Geun-hye benefitted not only the GNP, but pushed her to the lead of presidential hopefuls. In a May 20-22 survey conducted by MBC, Park placed first with 21.5 percent, followed by former Prime Minister Goh Kun with 21.1 percent. Seoul Mayor Lee Myung-bak, who ranked first after the successful restoration of the Chonggyechon stream in downtown Seoul late last year, placed third with 18.1 percent. Lee's approval rating plummeted after allegations were raised in March that he had the free use of a public tennis court in return for business favors.

• LEE MYUNG-BAK: Lee Myung-bak is the former Mayor of Seoul and member of the GNP. Checkered past with allegations of campaign abuse, but allegations appear as partisan bickering. Largest claim to fame is the restoration of the Cheonggyecheon Stream.
  
  Former Hyundai President and current Seoul Mayor Lee is no stranger to controversy. True to his long-time nickname "bulldozer," Lee is well known for devising and implementing large-scale projects single-handedly. His landmark projects have generated much debate over their political purpose; they include restoration of the Chyeonggyechun stream to be finished this October, overhaul of the Seoul City bus system last July, and construction of an opera house that is still being discussed. Lee openly promulgates his intention to run for the presidency and has been speeding up his political moves recently by meeting members of his party, the GNP, and the media. He is acknowledged to be aggressive and realistic but critics say he lacks public friendliness. (Source: Asianews.net.)
  
  In Mar 2006, Lee's approval rating plummeted after allegations were raised that he had the free use of a public tennis court in return for business favors. Though the fees were paid by an anonymous donor, the cloud lingered over Lee's head over this seemingly trivial affair. Despite the affair, Lee still was well-thought of by constituents because of the Chyeonggyechun Stream project that has brought so much media attention to the area.
  
  For the 31 May 2006 elections, Lee stepped down as Seoul mayor paving the way for his run for the presidency. In May 2006, he had fallen from the front-runner amongst presidential hopefuls to third.
  
  In July 2006, after Park Geun-hye had stepped down as Chairman and replaced by Kang Jae-sup, the Lee Myung-bak faction saw the Party Presidential Nomination process to their disadvantage and attempted to change the rules. Although Park Geun-hye, former chairwoman, won the competition for the "supreme manager" of the presidential candidate race, the committee, whose role is to check and balance, was still left to be constituted. Lee Jae-oh, GNP supreme council member and Floor Leader, complained of the fairness of the presidential candidate race. Lee argued, "There was a structural limit to a fair party convention as one person had been controlling the party and the supporters in charge of the central party and local branches for a long time. We first need to constitute a fair competition committee with those we can trust." His underlying intention is to transfer the authority of presidential candidate race management to the committee -- instead of Park Geun-hye. It means that the "rules of game," including how to organize the electoral group, can be changed through the fair competition committee. According to the current party rules, the electoral group is constituted with 20 percent delegates, 30 percent party members, 30 percent general people, and 20 percent poll results. The ratio of party members and general people is half and half. Kang Jae-sup argued it was not the right time to change the rules and viewed a change in the constitution of the party was needed instead..
  
  Members close to former Seoul Mayor Lee Myung-bak stepped up calls to allocate more votes to general public outside the party. They want "an open primary," in which all voters are eligible to cast ballots regardless of their party affiliation. Under the party's statutes, party delegates and registered members account for 50 percent of the voters, while the other half are nonmember ballots. Lee's rival, Rep. Park Geun-hye and her supporters wanted to retain the current rules, which were revised last year under her leadership.
  
  
  Seoul Mayor Lee Myung-bak
  
  
  
  
• GOH KUN: Longtime politician Goh Kun was former Prime Minister under Roh. His able management of the nation during the impeachment of Roh Moo-hyun garnered him the respect of all parties. After Roh returned to office, he resigned. According to the Flying Yangban blog, "a big part of Goh's popularity is that many Koreans see him as a kind of Cincinnatus; someone who wants to serve Korea and who is without political ambition for himself. Were he to run for the presidency, he would be at least partially undercutting the very thing that makes him popular with the Korean people in the first place." Currently he is waiting to be nominated by popular demand -- instead of announcing his run for the Presidency.
  
  In Jan 2005, supporters of Goh Kun prepared to form a new political party in March. "After a launching ceremony on Jan. 20, we will form a preparatory committee and a new party will be up and running around March," said Lee Yong-hwi who leads the Great Korea Society, a private club of Goh supporters. The group consists of around 1,000 opinion leaders from various areas and announced their intention to support the former prime minister to become the next president, though the move by the Great Korea Society was not directed by Goh himself. "We're supporters of former Prime Minister Goh and of course would like to have him onboard once the party is formed. But the plan to launch a political party is our own idea, not Goh's," he said.
  
  Goh's close aides reportedly said the envisioned party is not being pushed by Goh nor it is linked to him directly. As of January 2006, Goh was not a member of any party, and had yet to declare his presidential bid. "We will be playing a role of a think tank once former Prime Minister Goh makes his presidential ambitions official," Lee said. The group is relatively young, with 60 percent of the sponsors in their 40s and 50s. Future and the Economy will hold an establishment meeting and symposium on February 13. The group already has an office in Seoul. Hence, the predictions that this group would ultimately go down as a think tank for Goh. As his supporters have organized themselves in this way, political analysts said that is likely for Goh to publicly pursue his political goal. (Source: Korea Herald.)
  
  Goh began his bureaucratic career after passing the state civil service examination in 1961. Goh retired last year after serving as prime minister from Feb. 2002 to June last year. His past service as Seoul City mayor twice (1988-1990, 1998-2002) earned him positive reviews as an efficient administrator. During his tenure, Goh initiated and completed construction of Seoul subway lines 5, 6, 7 and 8.
  
  He also calmly managed the state as acting president during the three months when Roh's presidency was in hiatus between his impeachment in March and the Constitutional Court ruling overturning it. Despite repeated denials by Goh, there have been persistent reports over the possibility of him running for the presidency. Goh's administrative style is widely perceived as being stable and reliable, which is viewed as the main reason for his high popularity ratings months after his retirement. Those who are critics refer to him as an "opportunist." (Source: Asianews.net.)
  
  Goh is known as the "master administrator" in South Korea. He served as the 30th Prime Minister (1997-1998), twice as the Mayor of Seoul, (1998-2002, 1988-1990), Minister of Home Affairs (1987), Member of the National Assembly (1985-1988), Minister of Agriculture and Marine Affairs (1981-1982), Minister of Transportation (1980-1981), and Chief Secretary of Political Affairs to the President (1979-1980). He holds the record as the youngest Governor in South Korea. At the age of 37, he became the Governor of Jeonnam Province in 1975. He was appointed by the President to lead a national agricultural modernization program called the New Village Movement, which transformed South Korea's agricultural sector into one of the most modernized and productive in Asia.
  
  
  Former Prime Minister Goh Kun
  
  
  
  Ranked as the front runner as a presidential hopeful in Jan 2006, he slipped to number two and has remained a solid second place choice with Lee Myung-bak (1) and Park Geun-hye (3). The Uri Party Chairman Chung Dong-young, a presidential hopeful himself, attempted to entice him to run for the local office of his choice for the 31 May 2006 elections, but he turned him down. The MDP then tried to get him to join their party as did the People First Party -- the splinter party of the now defunct LDP, but again he remained uncommitted to a party. In MBC's poll on April 2, Goh held 23.8 percent with Park (2) at 20.3 percent and Lee (3) at 19.5 percent. In an opinion poll by CBS in mid-May, Park placed first with 27.2 percent, followed by Mayor Lee with 21.9 percent and Goh with 17.7 percent.
  
  Prior to the 31 May local elections, both the Uri Party and Democratic Party attempted to attract him into their ranks. He declined and remained non-committal. The 31 May local elections ended in a sweep by the GNP -- mainly as a condemnation of the Roh administration's policies. After the resignation of the Uri party chairman Chung Dong-young and the ruling party in disarray, Goh stated that a President and his party should be one. This was interpreted to mean that Goh might be considering forming a party of his own. However, ``I'll begin to make efforts to unite all reform-oriented political forces with neutral ideological backgrounds by forming a group, which will be more like a civic group than a political party,'' Goh was quoted as saying by his spokesman Kim Duck-bong. Goh did not rule out the possibility the new group could become a political party after winning more public support and confidence. Goh Kun said on 2 June that he and his supporters will form an ``alliance of forces pursuing pragmatic reforms'' in July -- distancing himself from the Uri Party and Democrat Party which refer to themselves as "reformists."
  
  On 28 Aug Goh Kun launched a civic organization to "reform broken politics," in a move widely seen to prop up his bid for the presidency. Goh, a leading presidential hopeful with no party affiliation, defines his group as a "pure" civic group in an apparent attempt to distance itself from the nation's "hopeless" politics.
  
  "The current politics do not give any hope to people. People should come forth and rectify the situation," Goh said in a launching ceremony for the Hope Solidarity. The group consists of 106 opinion leaders from various fields. Political observers say Goh will focus on civic activities for the time being, trying to establish his image ahead of the 2007 presidential election.
  
  Goh also suggested that he may form a new political association or align with an existing party to run for next year's presidential race. "Hope Solidarity has nothing to do with my political path. If I start a political path, I will do so in real politics which is totally different from Hope Solidarity," he told reporters yesterday. He also said he is seeking an "alliance with center pragmatic reformists. I unofficially keep in touch with politicians who share thoughts." Goh, a popular presidential aspirant, has been flooded with alliance offers from the ruling and opposition parties. He did not rule out the possibility of forming an alliance with an incumbent party.
  
  On 1 Nov 2006, Goh Kun said that he intended to form a new political party as a vehicle for his candidacy. Goh broke a long silence about his plans. The former prime minister and Seoul mayor said he would start to build his party in Dec 2006, after the current National Assembly session closes. He said firmly that he was "not interested" in joining forces with President Roh Moo-hyun's Uri Party or with the Democratic Party, the remnant of a party from which dissidents bolted to form Uri in 2003. Mr. Goh's standing among the Korean public has led to a highly publicized courtship by existing parties, especially by Uri, whose leaders have appealed to him to compete in their planned "open primary" to select a presidential candidate. Those primaries would not be limited to Uri members. Mr. Goh said he liked the concept, but it was not for him. His new party, he said, would be an alternative to Uri, and would be "middle-of-the-road pragmatist." He said it would be open to all but the political fringes on the left and right.
  
  
• PARK GEUN-HYE: After the disastrous decision to impeach Roh in Mar 2004, the GNP brought Park Geun-hye in to "save the party." Surprisingly, she proved to be effective in turning the negative public opinion around enough to prevent a total debacle for the party. In the Apr 2004 election, as expected the Uri Party received a "backlash" vote that put it into power. Roh then started to push through his agenda claiming he had a mandate from the people -- and the GNP has been almost powerless to stop. However, by May 2005 the GNP had made in roads and took five of the six seats up for grabs in the by-election -- while the Uri Party won none.
  
  Park Geun-hye's main claim to fame is her link to her father Park Chung-hee, who despite being vilified as a tyrannical despot is revered by the Korean populace as the mastermind of the Miracle of the Han that made Korea into an industrial giant. Park entered politics in 1998 so lacks the "seasoning" of the other candidates, but she has proven an able leader by turning around the disaster of the GNP participation of the Roh Impeachment and the resultant loss at the polls to regaining the popularity of the party. In 1998, Park ran for office as a candidate of the GNP and was elected to parliament in Daegu. She was reelected to the National Assembly in the April 13 general elections in 2000. In the same year, Park gained the GNP vice presidency and came to receive nationwide recognition as a representative politician, just three years after first entering politics.
  
  A third-term lawmaker and current chairwoman of the main opposition GNP, she enjoys steady support from the public with her signature serene image that also radiates a resolute character. Park's support rating both within and outside the GNP skyrocketed last year when she successfully helped the party recover from a strong backlash after it led the impeachment of President Roh. Her feminity gives her an added advantage if she pursues her attempt to become Korea's first woman president. But Park's position at the moment is shaky as a series of government-led probes continue into the contentious past involving her late father. Criticism of her leadership has also recently escalated inside the GNP. (Source: Asianews.net.)
  
  
  GNP Chairman Park Geun-hye
  
  In April 2006, Park Geun-hye announced her intentions to step down as head of the GNP. This was viewed as her opening herself for nomination by the party for the Presidential race in 2007. Candidates must step down from their party leadership one year prior to the start of the campaign. Polls indicate that Park is one of the leading possible candidates for the next presidential election in 2007. In MBC's poll on 2 April 2006, the chairwoman came in second with 20.3 percent, trailing behind former Premier Goh with 23.8 percent. Mayor Lee ranked third with 19.5 percent. In an opinion poll by CBS in mid-May 2006 Park placed first with 27.2 percent, followed by Mayor Lee with 21.9 percent and Goh with 17.7 percent.
  
  Park Geun-hye Attacked during Campaign (May 2006) Park Geun-hye was attacked by a drunken men in western Seoul on 20 May and underwent hours-long surgery at a nearby hospital. Park was canvassing for Oh Se-hoon, GNP candidate for Seoul mayor, in Sinchon in Seoul when one of the men, identified as Ji Chung-ho, 50, allegedly slashed the right side of her face with a utility knife. Police said Ji approached Park Geun-hye as if to shake her hand, but instead took out his box cutter to attack her. In TV footage, Park was walking unsuspectingly amongst the crowd when a hand reaches out from the crowd and slashed at her face. Park Geun-hye instinctly grabbed at the wound. (See OhMy News for video of attack.)
  
  
  GNP Chairman Park Geun-hye Attacked in Seoul on 21 May 2006
  
  According to the Seoul Metropolitan Police Agency which questioned Ji Chung-ho overnight, the 50-year-old suspect has previously been convicted eight times for crimes such as violence, serving a combined jail term of over 14 years. He was imprisoned for 14 years and four months for eight previous convictions before being released in August of last year. He is still on probation. "Ji said that because of our country's diluted democracy, he had to live 15 years behind bars even though he did nothing wrong," Han Jin-ho, chief of the SMPA, told reporters.
  
  

  At first the Prosecutor's Office investigated if there was a conspiracy, but concluded that there was none. Ji, who supposedly lived on 180,000 won/month government aid since March possessed an expensive cell phone and had a substantial amount of cash at the time of detention which he said he borrowed, but would not say from whom. He ran up credit card bills of W7.64 million (US$7,000) over the last six months and spent on average W1.27 million a month on his credit card. As it turned out, the "purchases" on his credit card were really illegal advance transactions from private lenders -- in other words, the people were lending money, but using the credit card "purchase" as a cover. (SITE NOTE: But the next question is who would be foolish enough to trust an ex-con with no job or means of support with loans -- especially in the risky business of illegal loan sharking. Something doesn't add up.)

  Ji later claimed it was the GNP Seoul mayoral candidate, Oh Se-hoon, that he was aiming to target. It was hard to determine if was after Oh or not. Ji said he carefully planned to attack Park in Sinchon, central Seoul, where he is familiar with the surroundings. He visited Oh's election office early on 20 May to find out his campaign schedule. An arrest warrant was issued for Ji for attempted murder as there appears to be evidence that the attack was premeditated and carefully planned.
  
  The second man named Park Jong-ryeol, 54, created a commotion -- and reportedly punched Park Geun-hye in the face, but this proved erroneous. The Park was caught shouting and throwing chairs at the crowd after Ji attacked the GNP chairwoman. Park was found to be a member of the ruling Uri Party and the party has decided to revoke his membership. It was later reported that Park claimed he did not remember the creating the disturbance because of his intoxification. Police initially said both Park and Ji were drunk, but tests later showed that only Park was intoxicated. Police first believed the two suspects were accomplices, but later said the men seemed to have little connection. Park, has been donating 2,000 won every month to the governing Uri Party since early 2004.
  
  The two suspects were detained by GNP officials at the scene and taken to a nearby police station. However, a supposed third suspect fled the scene. Ji and Park at first refused to cooperate with the investigation. Supposedly were shouting the slogan, "Let's save democracy. Long live the Republic of Korea" -- but later information that Park was a member of the Uri Party makes it more likely that it was only he that was shouting this. (SITE NOTE: This incident bodes darkly on the "progressive" candidates as the slogan is from the radical elements of the Uri Party and the Liberal Democratic Party. The fact that Park was a dues paying member of the Uri Party also served as an embarassment -- just days before the 31 May election.)
  
  Park Geun-hye had an approximately 10-centimeter cut (4 inch) to the face from ear to jawline from a utility knife was used. Park received about 17 stitches and her life is not in danger. She then underwent a two-hour operation. Before entering the operating room, Park asked party leaders and officials not to be affected by the incident and to continue with their electioneering.
  
  The office of President Roh Moo-hyun immediately criticized Saturday's assault on opposition leader Park as an "unpardonable incident" and called for a thorough investigation. As the suspects were apprehended at the scene of the assault, the prosecution will swiftly carry out the necessary measures, including their formal arrests. The two men were in custody at the Seodaemun Police Station. Shortly after the incident, Lee Taek-soon, head of the National Police Agency, went to the police station and was personally overseeing the questioning of the suspects, police officers said.
  
  Unfortunately, some GNP members are claiming this as some sort of conspiracy and calling for the resignation of the Police Commissioner. ``The incident appears to be an election terror. The government should thoroughly investigate the suspects and find out why they attacked the GNP leader,'' Rep. Lee Ke-jin, spokesman of the GNP, said. ``The police are attempting to make it look like a mere unfortunate accident by drunkards,'' GNP floor leader Lee Jae-oh said, demanding the police commissioner take responsibility for the incident and resign. (SITE NOTE: The Police Commissioner is a school mate (high school and college) of disgraced Prime Minister Lee Hae-chan who resigned in March 2006. He replaced the former Police Commissioner who was forced to resign in Dec 2005 over allegations of riot police brutality by the Human Rights Commission (controlled by President Roh) after two farmers attacking the riot police with pipes and split bamboo poles were painted victims. It appeared that the GNP wanted to have some paybacks.) (Source: Korea Herald and Korea Times.)
  
  Immediately following the attack, the GNP saw its support rating increase to 48 percent from 45.4 percent after its chairwoman Park Geun-hye was attacked. Support for the ruling Uri Party decreased from 20 percent to 18.9 percent in the 21 May opinion poll. The Democratic Labor Party went from 10.5 percent to 9.7 percent, and the Millennium Democratic Party from 4.3 percent to 3.8 percent. (Source: Chosun Ilbo.) Later polls showed that the GNP had taken the lead over the Uri Party in Daejon and Cheju Island which were previously considered neck-and-neck races. In other words, the "progressive" parties ALL lost support from the voters, while the conservative GNP gained 2.6 percentage points. The 31 May elections ended in a sweep for the GNP and Park Geun-hye's star shined, while the Uri Party's Chung dong-young and Kim Geun-tae sank. Park was stepped down as Chairman on 16 June to allow a change in leadership for the Party.
  
  After Park Geun-hye had stepped down as Chairman, she was replaced by Kang Jae-sup. Although Park Geun-hye, former chairwoman, won the competition for the "supreme manager" of the presidential candidate race, the committee, whose role is to check and balance, was still left to be constituted. A "proxy" battle ensued with Lee Jae-oh, GNP supreme council member and Floor Leader, who complained of the fairness of the presidential candidate race. Lee argued, "There was a structural limit to a fair party convention as one person had been controlling the party and the supporters in charge of the central party and local branches for a long time. We first need to constitute a fair competition committee with those we can trust." His underlying intention is to transfer the authority of presidential candidate race management to the committee -- instead of Park Geun-hye. It means that the "rules of game," including how to organize the electoral group, can be changed through the fair competition committee. According to the current party rules, the electoral group is constituted with 20 percent delegates, 30 percent party members, 30 percent general people, and 20 percent poll results. The ratio of party members and general people is half and half. Kang Jae-sup argued it was not the right time to change the rules and viewed a change in the constitution of the party was needed instead.
  
  
• LEE HOI-CHANG The former Grand National Party chairman Lee Hoi-chang, a former presidential candidate against Roh Moo-hyun, was to come out of retirement early next year to form an "anti-left" coalition of conservative forces. Four years have elapsed since, in a press conference in the wake of his defeat in the 2002 presidential election, he promised to quit politics for good. But Kim Young-sam came out of retirement and Kim Dae-Jung reneged on his promise to retire, so a precedent is set. After losing the 2002 presidential election, Lee declared that he accepted his defeat and vowed to retire from politics.
  
  Lee Hoi-chang stated that wants to help the main opposition party win the next presidential election by resuming his political activities but has no personal ambitions for the presidency. However, he left open a back door, with aides claiming some recent surveys showed that more than half of GNP supporters are in favor of Lee's return to the political arena.
  
  A Chosun Ilbo editorial stated, "Perhaps the 11.44 million votes he won in the last presidential election persuade him that he has many enthusiastic supporters. Perhaps he takes heart from the fact that that many now regret having voted for Roh Moo-hyun. There is also some sympathy for the grievance Lee sustained from the ruling camp's campaign offensives, like Kim Dae-eop's false allegation that his eldest son dodged the draft, which essentially cost the Grand National Party its election victory, and another false allegation by a Kiyang Construction executive that Lee's wife received W1 billion (US$1=W923) from his boss." (Source: Chosun Ilbo.)
  
  Lee's former public relations secretary Lee Jong-koo told the Chosun Ilbo his former boss has "virtually returned to the political arena" with lectures criticizing the incumbent government. He said the one-time presidential candidate would make "big, conspicuous political strides" next year, "although some might call it an attempt to form a new political faction." In a series of lectures, the former GNP chief has recently said his task is preventing "leftists" from taking power. He added he did not care what people say about his return to the political scene.
  
  
• CHUNG DONG-YOUNG: Chung Dong-young had been groomed for the Presidency by being appointed Unification Minister and Chairman of the powerful National Security Council (NSC). The National Security Council and the Ministry of National Defense are the primary executive bodies responsible for military affairs. The former, comprising the prime minister, the director of the Agency for National Security Planning (ANSP), and the ministers of national defense, foreign affairs, home affairs, and finance, is responsible for advising the president on security issues and was convened at the pleasure of the president. In this position, he was able to affect the domestic policies dealing with the North while at the same time dealing directly with the North internationally. From a conservative standpoint, he can be criticized as fostering "left-leaning" policies for the ROK in neutering the National Intelligence Service (NIS) and attempts to eliminate the National Security Law (NSL) -- which so far have been unsuccessful. However, he did succeed early on in making domestic surveillance a Korean National Police investigative function -- for which it is not funded or manned adequately -- while the NIS would handle external espionage. He has also been sent on international trips to meet with foreign political leaders to foster his image as a statesman on the international stage -- mostly to the US to explain the South's actions that have strained US-ROK relations. Chung Dong-young is listed as being "Imprisoned for Involvement in Mincheong Hakryeon Case" in 1973 -- two years after he graduated from Jeonju High School. (Source: Korea Net.)
  
  Chung Dong-young is a former TV journalist and ex-leader of the Uri Party. He is widely credited for his gentlemanly manner and public-friendly image, as well as his exceptional speech-making talents. He successfully led the Uri Party though the victorious April general elections in 2005 by riding on the bandwagon of the public's anger over the Roh impeachment. Chung is currently refraining from making political statements and is concentrating instead on improving his diplomatic image both internally and externally. He recently made a well-publicized surprise visit to the Korean Zaytun troops in northern Iraq. (Source: Asianews.net.)
  
  After leaving his Unification Minister job, he garnered the position as head of the Uri Party -- a position he held before becoming the Unification Minister. He continued to attempt to build his international image by visiting the Kaesong Industrial Zone and making visits to international capitals to meet with heads of ministries there.
  
  
  Chung Dong-young
  
  Prior to the 31 May elections, Chung Dong-young's future lay in the balance. For the 53-year-old Chung both his and Uri's political career were on the line since polls indicate that the ruling party could win only two of the 16 key seats in the upcoming elections. With the exception of North Jeolla Province and possibly Daejeon City, the entire nation appeared to be leaning toward the Grand National Party. There was speculation that the Uri Party after facing a defeat could join the Democratic Party, but given the severe distrust the DP harbors, experts warned that even if an alliance was produced, much bickering was expected over who would obtain the upper hand in the presidential ballot.
  
  After the 31 May elections where the GNP swept the elections, Chung Dong-young accepted responsibility for the Uri Party defeat at the polls and resigned. With his resignation, his chances for running for the Presidency was severely diminished. He suddenly "went abroad" and disappeared from the political scene. In Nov 2006, he again reappeared to test the waters, but the Uri Party was in disarray -- with suggestions that the party either (1) disband (2) change its name or (3) form an "alliance" with the DP. He remains a much diminished presence in the 2007 Presidential elections.
  
  In Dec 2006, he along with Kim Tae-geun announced that they were breaking away from the Uri Party and forming a new party called the "People's Party."
  
  
• LEE HAE-CHAN: (SCANDAL: RESIGNED MAR 2006) Lee Hae-chan was considered a potential Presidential candidate in 2007 until the 1 Mar 2006 golfing scandal that toppled him from grace -- leading to his resignation. It was not his golfing that led to his downfall, but the golf partners he chose to associate with on that date. However, in Korean politics under the Roh administration, a person who has fallen from grace -- and even convicted for a felony and served prison time -- can rise to prominence in the cabinet. He may return to positions of leadership after a "cooling off" period.
  
  He is a member of the liberal Uri Party, and was elected five times for the National Assembly. He also served as the minister of education under former president Kim Dae-jung from 1998 to 1999, presiding over controversial education reforms including revamping the college entrance process and lowering the retirement age of teachers. The first reform in particular, which at the time was summed up in the slogan that being good at one thing was enough to get into college, was criticised for allegedly lowering dramatically the scholastic competence of the so-called "Lee Hai-chan generation" of then-high school students. Most admit that he is a much better Prime Minister than an Education Minister.
  
  Lee was concurrently Prime Minister and in his third-term in parliament and has served briefly as education minister. His past activities as a staunch democrat is reflected in his openness in dealing with state problems. After succeeding Goh Kun as prime minister in June last year, he created an uproar in the National Assembly by provoking anger among members of the GNP by calling it "a party of bribes" during an overseas trip in September. Lee refused to apologize for a couple of weeks, causing suspension of the Assembly because of a GNP boycott. The incident left a scar on parliament but raised Lee's political visibility as a potential presidential hopeful. Lee is likely to continue serving as President Roh's right hand man for the time being. (Source: Asianews.net.)
  
  Lee's selection as Prime Minister was first thought to be so he would act as a lightning rod for Roh Moo-hyun, but it has turned out to be the opposite. Lee has become the real power behind the presidency in domestic policy making.
  
  During his younger years Lee Hae-chan, was an activist as is listed as being "Imprisoned for Involvement in Mincheong Hakryeon Case" in 1974-1975. (Source: Korea Net.) He stated that his wife, the daughter of the top taxi company owner in Pusan, was forced to renounce her family in order to marry him. The daughter inherited a great deal of wealth and land from her father and now owns a 291 taxi company in Pusan.
  
  
  Lee Hae-chan
  
  

  In March 2006, he created a stir during the national railway strike by playing golf in Busan on 1 Mar, when railway workers started a general strike and triggered transport turmoil nationwide. Lee offered a public apology on 5 Mar for playing golf "at an inappropriate time." What made it worse was that he was playing golf with a group of businessmen . Some of those who played with him were convicted of bribery or stock market manipulation. This act of hobnobbing with people convicted of corruption -- but having finances to support political campaigns -- is of major consequence as Roh has made an issue of stamping out corruption -- and in fact, has been the only area that he has received high marks in by the Korean polls.
  
  Of course, the opposition parties demanded his resignation. Instead, Lee Hae-chan tried to focus attention on his playing golf -- not with the golf partners which was the center of the hubbub. It failed and the newspapers -- especially the conservative ones -- zeroed in on the relationship Lee had with his golf partners. Lee issued an apology to the public on 5 Mar, but it did no good. In April 2005, Lee Hae-chan came under fire when he played golf on Arbor Day, while a big fire was spreading throughout Gangwon Province. Only three months later in July 2005, Lee played golf on Jeju Island while part of the region suffered torrential rainfall. (SITE NOTE: Actually we see nothing wrong with the playing of golf -- national holiday or not -- as it is an informal form of business meeting -- but we do question his choice of partners and therefore the topic of what "informal business" was discussed becomes of interest.)
  
  Next the staff of Cheong Wa Dae gave him a clean bill of health to sweep it under the carpet. Presidential Chief Secretary Lee Byung-wan told reporters Lee's golfing partners were not trying to lobby him over the investigation, despite appearances to the contrary. He added the president "puts the emphasis on truth" rather than appearances" -- a remark that suggested that Lee would not have to resign. "It is not compulsory for the prime minister to attend the ceremony for the March 1, 1919 Independence Movement, and he believed the rail strike would not present a problem because he had taken the necessary measures," Lee said. "The prime minister felt exhausted from excessive work, and he often plays golf at weekends for health reasons. There was no lobbying directed at him" on the golf course. This did NOT stop the press who now smelled blood. Lee made another apology at a cabinet meeting and explained that he attended the golf round on the way to pay a visit to his sick mother-in-law in Pusan, as it was customary for the premier to skip the Independence Movement Day ceremony, which is attended by the president. This didn't fly with the public either. The Cheong Wa Dae started an OFFICIAL inquiry but the everyone knew what the results would be before it started.
  
  All the newspapers now were running articles over the golfing partners. The first shady partner was reportedly Choi Do-sul, former presidential secretary for general affairs who was imprisoned in 2004 on charges of receiving illegal funds ahead of the 2002 presidential election. He was the man who paid for Prime Minister Lee Hae-chan's golf outing on 1 Mar, according to a Dong-A Ilbo investigative report. "As far as I know, the businessman paid for the entire outing," said a source involved in the event. "But I don't know if he paid by check or cash."
  
  Another of Lee's golf partners that day were "Y" who was jailed years ago on charges of stock price manipulation. Later it was reported that "Y" was Ryu Won-ki (Yoo Won-gi), the head of Yongnam Flour Mills. He came into the spotlight recently because on the day after the golf meeting (2 March), the Fair Trade Commission (FTC) fined Ryu 3.516 billion won ($3.58 million) for violations of the Monopoly Regulation and Fair Trade Act. Ryu was involved in attempts to fix flour prices last year in cooperation with seven other companies. The fact that the FTC was levying its massive fine on him for price-fixing on the day he was playing of golf made the meeting suspect. Some newspapers questioned whether Ryu attempted to lobby Lee to reduce his fine. The anti-trust FTC watchdog is controlled by the prime minister's office. This led to suspicions that the businessman may have tried unsuccessfully to lobby the prime minister during the game of golf to avoid further penalty.
  
  However, the FTC said the decision to impose the fine on the company was made on Feb. 28 and it announced that decision on March 2. Therefore, it rejected any possibility that a hypothetical lobbying effort would have been successful. However, the newspapers pointed out that the businessman was NOT included on the list of people the FTC referred to the prosecution for further action in the price-fixing case.
  
  

  On 14 Mar it was reported that on 25 Nov 2005, Youngnam Flour Mills sold 9.37 percent (1.95 million) of its shares in a lump transaction. Youngnam Chairman Ryu Won-gi (Yoo Won-gi), who played golf with Prime Minister Lee Hae-chan on March 1, owns the company. Youngnam Flour Mills earned a profit of 6.7 billion won on November 25 when it sold 1.95 million shares through over-the-counter transactions.
  
  On 14 Mar it was reported that seven corporate investors bought Youngnam Flour Mills shares through over-the-counter transactions in November 2005 and resold them within either a week or month, triggering a decline in the company's share price. The companies made huge profits, but individual investors who invested in Youngnam Flour Mills without knowing this situation appear to have suffered large losses. All seven corporate investors who bought the nearly 9.37 percent of the outstanding shares didn't become main shareholders. This means that most of them sold their shares before December 27. (Source: Donga Ilbo.) (SITE NOTE: In Mar 2006, it appeared in the papers that Yoo Won-gi's ex-wife's appeal to a life sentence for the murder of a woman who her son-in-law was having an affair with. She supposedly hired her nephews to kidnap and kill the woman -- though she claims she only ordered them to "hold her." After she was sentenced to life, Yoo divorced her.) Another element that made the Ryu Won-ki case interesting was the other golf partners. Suspicion increased that there might have been an attempt to conceal this meeting with Ryu because other members of the group who played golf that day gave different statements. Soon the newspapers zeroed in on Lee Gi-woo, vice minister of Education and Human Resources Development, played golf in a different group and said, "I joined the game instead of 'Y' because I was informed that 'Y' cancelled." (Source: Donga Ilbo.) Lee Gi-woo, is a lifelong education official and a close associate of the prime minister Lee Hae-chan, who served as education minister in 1998-99. (Source: Yonhap News.)
  
  A local newspaper noted that Lee Gi-woo once served as head of the Korea Teachers' Credit Union (KTCU), which has bought up to eight percent of the total shares of the flour company since last May. It is unusual for a large institutional investor such as the KTCU to buy the shares of a relatively small and unstable flour company. Suddenly the newspapers had a link and the feeding frenzy started. The Korea Teachers' Credit Union purchased 8 percent of the Yongnam Flour Mill's shares last year, and that transaction was suspicious. The credit union said it was an innocent investment and that it had purchased shares of 20 small firms under its own investment principles; the milling company was one of them. However, the flour mill was under investigation at the time of price-fixing and the Credit Union investment guidelines state that investment in such companies was prohibitted.
  
  Mr. Lee, a close friend of the prime minister, was the head of the Korea Teachers' Credit Union, which bought 8 percent of the shares of Mr. Ryu's company, Youngnam Flour Mills, shortly after he stepped down from that position. That connection turned the spotlight on him, and the Blue House made no effort to deflect it. "As soon as we confirm Mr. Lee's inappropriate behavior as a senior civil servant, we will receive his resignation," a Blue House source said. (Source: Joonga Ilbo.) In addition, there were added charges that the KTCU may have used insider information to make the purchases. (Source: Donga Ilbo.) The hope was the sacrifice would stop the feeding frenzy -- and take the heat off Prime Minister Lee. It did not work. (NOTE: On 15 Mar Vice Education Minister Lee Gi-woo resigned on the same day as Prime Minister Lee.)
  
  Another golfing partner was Jeong Sun-taek, the former presidential secretary of cultural affairs and the current principal of the Korean-German Culture Girls' High School, but whether he was involved in the growing scandal was unknown.
  
  At the time, Roh was in Africa and no decision would be made on Lee until he returned. The main opposition Grand National Party said it would seek a no-confidence motion on Lee if President Roh doesn't sack him. (Source: Chosun Ilbohttp://english.chosun.com/w21data/html/news/200603/200603070032.html.)
  
  On 13 Mar it was reported that Uri party had decided to press for Mr. Lee's dismissal. The decision was based on its assessment of the impact the incident could have on the May 31 local elections. It surveyed its members over the weekend before deciding on its recommendation, and asked its legislators to take more soundings in their districts to buttress their case for Mr. Lee's dismissal.
  
  Lee again apologized at a cabinet meeting on 13 Mar, "I apologize to the public for my inconsiderate behavior. I realize that I have to be more prudent and considerate." In the meantime, on March 13, the Seoul Supreme Prosecutors' Office launched an investigation into the "March 1 golf case" in which the Grand National Party filed a complaint against the prime minister and Deputy Minister of Education and Human Resources Lee Ki-woo on charges of bribery. Roh returned from his Africa trip on 14 Mar but was angered by the Uri Party turning on his administration. Lee offered his resignation upon Roh's return, but Roh "made no response" -- meaning he neither accepted nor refused it. However, on 15 Mar it was announced that Roh had accepted the resignation of Lee after consulting with Uri Party Chairman Chung Dong-young.
  
  In addition, on 15 Mar Vice Education Minister Lee Gi-woo said he offered to resign. Lee had been in public office since 1967 when he started out as a government official on the ninth level. He has held the position of chief of staff in the office of the prime minister and is known as a mythical figure in the public service society for his final academic achievement standing as a high school graduate. Lee was appointed the position of vice education minister on February 1, but as explanations regarding the March 1 golf scandal turned out to be false, he resigned in just 43 days.
  
  On 27 Oct 2006, President Roh appointed Lee Hae-chan as one of four special presidential advisers on policy affairs after his Defense Minister, Unification Minister and National Intelligence Service ministers resigned in short order. With the appointment of his cronies, Roh came under much criticism for his nepotism.
  
  
• KIM GEUN-TAE: Kim Geun-tae, former Minister of Health and Welfare. From Oct. 1985-1988 Imprisoned for Anti-Government and 1990-1992 Imprisoned for Violation of National Security Law. His testimony that he was tortured in 1985 established him as a leading activist.
  
  He received the Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Award with his wife, In Chae Keun, in 1987 and was recognized as the World Conscientious Prisoner for Political Reasons by the Hamburg Freedom Foundation in 1988. His memoir "The Namyungdong" is one of the most popular readings among the public, which unveiled the torture in the process of the police investigation. Later, he served as the Chairperson of the Executive Committee of the "Chunminryun" (the National Democratic Alliance of Korea), the first nationwide civic organization to promote democracy in Korea. He was imprisoned again in 1990 for breach of the National Security Law. Congresspersons in the U.S House of Representatives wrote to the Korean government to file a protest against his imprisonment. Later on, the UN Commission on Human Rights urged the Korean government to reverse the decision on his imprisonment. In his human rights movement, his focus was on the freedom of thought and conscience, as well as political freedom. He was longing to see a free and democratic society.
  
  After the Roh government ended in1993, he joined the Democratic Party (later renamed the National Congress for New Politics or NCNP) as a Vice Chair and changed his career from human rights activist to politician. He was elected to the National Assembly in 1996, starting his first term as a lawmaker. (See Kim Geun-tae Bio.)
  
  Health and Welfare Minister Kim is also a third-term lawmaker and former floor leader of the Uri Party. Although he led the party through the general elections in tandem with Unification Minister Chung, the two have distinctively different styles. Ex-dissident Kim is well-known for his resoluteness and steadfast principles. Quiet and reserved, he is acknowledged for pushing policies and sticking by them.
  
  But in November last year, he faced criticism by openly opposing the government's plan to activate pension funds in investments and quickly retracted his views under pressure from Cheong Wa Dae. Kim focused on improving the welfare sector with a series of visits to public facilities. (Source: Asianews.net.)
  
  After resigning his office, he took on Chung Dong-young for the leadership of the Uri Party and lost. He returned to the National Assembly and sought to improve his standings but has not given up his hopes for the 2007 Presidency run. However, the fate of the Uri Party hinges on the 31 May elections. Chung's ascendency would nose-dive if the Uri Party disintegrates, but Kim will also disappear into oblivion as the leader of the "reformist" wing of the Uri Party.
  
  
  Kim Geun-tae, Minister of Health and Welfare
  
  Prior to the 31 May elections, Kim Tae-geun's future as a presidential hopeful was on the downhill skids. Since polls indicate that the ruling party can win only two of the 16 key seats in the upcoming elections, the Uri Party may be forced to attempt a merging with the Democratic Party (MDP). There was speculation that the Uri Party after facing a defeat might join the Democratic Party, but given the severe distrust the DP harbors, experts warn that even if an alliance was produced, much bickering is expected over who would obtain the upper hand in the presidential ballot. Kim Tae-geun's star seems to be fading quickly unless some miracle happens.
  
  After the defeat of the Uri Party in the 31 May elections, Kim Geun-Tae was touted as a replacement, but hardliners stated that the entire leadership needed to be replaced. Despite opposition, he was selected to the Chairmanship position. Some party members who doubted whether the former student activist representing the left wing of the Uri Party would appeal to Koreans who have seemed to reject many of the party's liberal-oriented reform efforts by their voting patterns in the 31 May elections. In the end, most analysts concluded, there was no real alternative. Mr. Kim placed second to Chung Dong-young in party leadership elections in February. He became the chairman of the Uri Party. Regardless, the Uri defeat has tarnished his star.
  
  In Aug 2006 he attempted to woo business support by proposing reforms that benefitted business. He then proposed to extend pardons to convicted business leaders, but was rebuffed by Cheong Wa Dae. Relations with President Roh became estranged. After the defeat of the Uri Party again in by-elections in Sep 2006, his star grew more tarnished as the Uri Party suffered from internal problems between those who championed reform of the Uri Party and those who remained loyal to Roh Moo-hyun refusing to even consider an Uri party reform.
  
  In Dec 2006, he along with Chung Dong-young announced that they were breaking away from the Uri Party and forming a new party called the "People's Party."
  
  
• SOHN HAK-KYU: Sohn Hak-kyu, Governor of Kyonggi Province. of the GNP. Listed as being "Imprisoned for Involvement in Mincheong Hakryeon Case," the student democracy incident.
  
  Gyeonggi Governor Sohn is often compared to Seoul Mayor Lee as they belong to the same party. A former professor at Inha and Sogang Univeristy, Sohn has also served three times as a lawmaker. He is currently stepping up his contacts with key party officials and the media and is implementing various milestone projects in Gyeonggi Province such as the recent "Hallyuwood" plan to create a cultural town in Ilsan. He also proposed the formation of an English village in Paju city to combat what he called the "Father Goose" phenomenal where students leave Korea and never return. (Source: Asianews.net.)
  
  
  Sohn Hak-kyu, Governor of Gyeonggi Province
  
  
• CHUN JUNG-BAE In Apr 2005 after President Roh's impeachment was overturned, Chun Jung-bae took over as the Uri Party floor leader. He resigned in June 2005 to become the Justice Minister. In July 2006, Chun resigned and called Uri Party floor leader Kim Han-gill and told him he wants to return to being a lawmaker. Chun, who returns to the Uri Party floor after 13 sometimes turbulent months with the justice portfolio, says he will take some rest in August and then "do my utmost to revive the Uri Party." Chun is known to be interested in running in the party's presidential primaries, and his resignation is understood to be the first step along that road. The former human rights lawyer would be considered a dark horse for the Uri Party nomination.
  
  
  Chun Jung-bae, Justice Minister

---

POLITICAL PARTIES

Party Poll (Korea Times) (30 Dec 2005)

• Uri Party

  The Uri party has been struggling with its low approval ratings, which have remained slightly over 10 percent. In the latest survey of 1,010 adults by The Korea Times, 46.3 percent of the respondents answered they would support candidates of the Grand National Party (GNP), with only 20.9 percent expressing their support for ruling party candidates in the local elections. But whoever wins the Uri Party nomination for President will have to face adverse circumstances against the ruling camp in the local elections on 31 May 2006 and tide over setbacks after possible defeats in the elections. If the ruling party fails to win the local elections, especially in the Cholla provinces, more party members will call for a merger between the ruling party and the minor opposition Democratic Party (DP), party sources said. (Source: Korea Times.)
  
  
  "I said I'm leaving! Giving up my power! All of it!" President Roh tells an indifferent people. (26 Aug 2005) (Chosun Ilbo) (SITE NOTE: This is a recurring feature with Roh. In 2003, during illegal political funding scandals between the MDP and GNP, Roh stated that if the amount found was only 1/10 of what the GNP had received he would resign. It was -- and he didn't. However, Lee Sang-soo received W3.2 billion (US$3.2 million) in illicit funds and sentenced to a one-year prison term by the Supreme Court in November 2004. Roh pardoned him -- and now he is the Minister of Labor. Only in Korea can one's crony's as a convicted felon get to be rewarded with a cabinet post.)
  
  In Jul 2005, Roh started making conciliatory remarks to the GNP in order to form a coalition form of government when it became apparent that the Uri Party was losing its hold on political power. The defeat in Sept 2005 was a major setback for the Uri Party as they did not win a single seat back in the byelections -- losing all four. After this major embarassment, the Uri Party chairman stepped down and Roh once again attempted to persuade the GNP -- but by Oct the GNP made it very clear that they were not interested.
  
  The tactic the Uri Party undertook was to form a coalition with the DLP and DP to railroad measures through the National Assembly. This resulted in the walkout of the GNP in Dec 2005 when the passed the Private School Law. In addition, the contentious Labor Reform Package and Police Promotion Bill were also passed.
  
  On 10 Feb the Supreme Court upheld a lower court ruling that sentenced Lawmaker Shin Gye-ryun of the ruling Uri Party to eight months in prison, two years probation, and a 55 million won fines on charges of accepting illegal funds from Good Money, a loan service company. Shin also lost his lawmaker post according to the election law that says a legislator sentenced to more than confinement on charges other than violations of the election law has to step down. In addition, he will lose the right to run for office for two years.
  
  Without Shin, the Uri Party now holds 143 seats in the Assembly. The main opposition Grand National party has 126 seats; 11 are held by the Democratic Party, nine by the Democratic Labor Party, five by the People First Party, one by the Liberal Democratic Union, and two seats are independently held. (Source: Donga Ilbo.)
  
  However, the Uri Party was becoming anxious over the May elections. Ministers from the Roh cabinet were flagged to run for Mayor and Governor offices as the May election was considered a mid-term report card for Roh. In doing so, the Uri party started to bend the rules. In the case of Maritime and Fisheries Minister Oh Keo-don who will be running for Mayor of Pusan, he violated the election rules by (1) starting the electioneering before May 18 and (2) engaging in electioneering while still a member of government. The same holds true for Environment Minister Lee Jae-yong, who is running for Daegu Mayor, participated in an Uri members' gathering in the city Feb. 19. Standing side by side with Uri leaders, including Chairman Chung Dong-young, Lee shouted, "Let's change the corrupt local power in Daegu." In both cases, the NEC only issued warnings. However, the point is that the Uri Party is willing to take chances because the party popularity with the voters remained low. (Source: Korea Herald Editorial.) Former Ministry of Justice Kang Kum-sil was being considered as a candidate for the Seoul Mayor slot, but she remained uncommitted as of Mar 2006.
  
  Four ministers were to step down to run for the local elections on May 31. According to personnel decisions made on March 2, Oh Young-kyo, minister of Government Administration and Home Affairs, Chin Dae-je, minister of Information and Communication, and Oh Keo-don, minister of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries, are all resigning and running as governing Uri Party candidates for the office of South Chungcheong provincial governor, Gyeonggi provincial governor, and Busan mayor, respectively. Another man on the Uri Party's candidate list of former ministers is Lee Jae-yong. He was chosen to compete for the office of Daegu mayor at an early stage of the election process. But his successor has yet to be selected. (Chung Dong-chae, who has served as minister of culture and tourism since 2004, will also quit his post but not to run for office.) In its March 2 cabinet shakeup, the administration announced that several ministers would be replaced. But instead of immediate assumptions of office by the nominees, the president let the outgoing ministers, who will be participating in the May local elections, stay on in their position. Although the administration says the reason for this decision is because the appointees need to undergo parliamentary confirmation hearings, the political neutrality of the administration is being questioned. As ministers they have government perks of free transportation and aides -- and the opposition are questioning whether Roh is giving "government support" to the Uri Party instead of remaining neutral. (SITE NOTE: In the 31 May elections, the voters rejected all four former ministers in the election.)
  
  In an attempt to resolve opposition claims of illegal electioneering by incumbent government ministers, public prosecutors said on 6 Mar that they have launched investigations into at least two cabinet members suspected of pre-electioneering. Prosecutors said the probes follow official complaints by the GNP, and they may summon Environment Minister Lee Jae-yong and Maritime Affairs Minister Oh Keo-don for questioning.
  
  Going into the 31 May local elections, the country's populace was surveyed over and over by the news media with surprising results. There was a definite shift amongst the young to the middle -- away from the left-leaning positions of the Uri Party. The polls showed that the country's voters were shifting to the conservative side. The candidates that were picked for their popularity by the Uri Party were proving to be a bust. As they started their campaigns, it was apparent that the candidates from the Uri Party were facing an uphill battle. In North Cholla polls indicated that the Uri Party held a lead, but the South Cholla area was solidly in the DP (or MDP) camp. In the 31 May local elections, the GNP was expected to upset the Uri Party -- handing it a crushing defeat that might see it return to the fold of the DP (former MDP) from which it split away in 2003. The Uri Party is suffering from low approval ratings ahead of the May 31 local elections, amid public dismay in the Roh administration. The Uri candidates are leading the polls in only two of 16 key election battlegrounds while GNP counterparts enjoy healthy support ratings in 11 contests. The Uri Party started talking of a coalition with the DP even before the elections were held, but the animosity from its splitting away from the MDP (now DP) left some festering wounds.
  
  In the 31 May election, the GNP swept the elections in Seoul, leaving both executive and legislative representation in Seoul devoid of Uri members. On top of winning the mayor's post, the GNP clinched the entire 25 ward headship and 96 seats in the city council up for grabs. Six out of 10 council seats that were reserved for proportional representatives also went to the GNP candidates. The ruling Uri Party managed to get only two seats by proportional representation and the small opposition Democratic Party and Democractic Labor Party each got one seat.
  
  Among the 16 regional top posts, the main opposition GNP snatched 12 including Daejeon while the Uri took only one, North Jeolla Province. Even the Democratic Party outdid the ruling camp's count winning elections for South Jeolla governor and Gwangju mayor. Voters on the southern island of Jeju chose independent Kim Tae-hwan (the incumbent governor who was previously of the GNP) over GNP's Hyun Myung-kwan as its governor. Across the country, over two thirds of the 230 low-level headships went to the GNP. The GNP clinched 155 out of the 230 in stark contrast to Uri's humiliating 19. The vote share in the 31 May nationwide local elections shows the GNP on 51.3 percent, Uri on 26 percent, and the DP on 22.3 percent. Turnout is estimated at 51.6 percent - up 2.7 points from 2002.
  
  As the 31 May elections forecast a crushing defeat for the Uri Party, the Uri Party started to talk of a "coalition" with the DLP and DP. However, the DLP has often confronted the Uri party over several sensitive issues including the deployment of South Korean troops to Iraq and Assembly ratification of the government's rice talks as well as the planned free trade agreement between Korea and the United States.
  
  In response to the resounding defeat, the Uri Party Chairman Chung Dong-young stepped down accepting responsibility for the defeat. "The election results reflect the sentiment of the public and I respect that. By all means, I take full responsibility for the election outcome and will thus resign," said Chung at a press conference. It was Chung's second resignation since 2004, when he bowed out for making allegedly derogatory remarks against elderly electorates. The party was in complete disarray as it needed to seek new leadership -- and the electorate's rejection of the party made some state that the Uri Party was no longer effective. The DP said it was willing to welcome back former party members who defected to Uri when the new party was formed by President Roh and his loyalists. With less than two years left in the president's term, Uri's defeat was expected to weigh heavily as President Roh tried to advance the policy agendas of real estate reform and engaging North Korea.
  
  On 11 Nov Uri Party Representative Ahn Byong-yub was convicted of receiving 46 million won ($49,245) in political donations without filing receipts before the 2004 legislative election. Upholding a lower court's ruling, the Supreme Court ordered him to pay 3 million won in fines and forfeit 27.6 million won for violating the nation's political fund law. The ruling stripped Mr. Ahn of his seat, lowering the number of Uri Party seats to 139. The opposition Grand National Party holds 127 seats in the 299-seat National Assembly.
  
  President Roh's popularity sat at 10 percent after the Oct nuclear test highlighted the failure of his rapproachment policy. President Roh in an administrative policy speech to the National Assembly on 7 Nov called North Korea's nuclear test a "foolish act" and vowed to continue the Mount Kumgang tours and Kaesong Industrial Complex, two projects under his engagement policy, within the "spirit of the UN resolution." The friction grew within the Uri Party and the members started distancing themselves from the Blue House.
  
  In Nov 2006 Uri Party floor leader, Kim Han-gill, sounded as if he were delivering a funeral eulogy for his party. Mr. Kim said in a speech at the National Assembly, "The foundation of the Uri Party was a meaningful political experiment that history will remember. But now is the time to conclude the political experiment." He added, "We should sort out what we should keep and what we should discard, and we need another morning to start anew." He repeated his remark of last week that the future course of the party would be decided after this session of the National Assembly concluded in early December.
  
  The defeats of the Uri Party continued until it was apparent that the failed policies of Roh Moo-hyun would mean the defeat of the party in the 2007 elections. Kim Geun-tae, former Minister of Health and Welfare, who took over the Chairmanship from Chung had a falling out with President Roh and soon the party was divided along supporters who wished to seek "alliances" with the DP and those that remained firm supporters of Roh. In Dec 2006, the Uri Party sought out advice from its members whether to (1) rename the party or (2) seek "alliances" with the DP. There was much dissention in the ranks as loyalists to Roh refused to consider disbanding the party or other alternatives.
  
  In Dec 2006, Kim Tae-geun along with Chung Dong-young announced that they were breaking away from the Uri Party and forming a new party called the "People's Party."
  
  

• People's Party

  Uri Party chairman Kim Geun-tae and former chairman Chung Dong-young in an emergency meeting on 28 Dec 2006 agreed to create a new party, to be called the People's Party. In a thinly veiled warning to President Roh to keep his hands off, the two said it will be "autonomous and independent from outside political influence." That finalized the two ex-Cabinet minister's break with their former boss.
  
  A clash between supporters of the president and followers of Kim and Chung, the largest faction in the party, seems inevitable. In a letter to Uri Party members on Dec. 4, Roh opposed the creation of the new party, which he accused of being "regionally based" -- a dire failing in the eyes of a man who made overcoming "regionalism" a top priority. On Thursday, Cheong Wa Dae made it clear once again that it does not want to see the ruling party return to regional base and that the party identity should be maintained. It added the fate of Uri and creation of a new party should be determined at the party's national convention.
  
  But the rebels rejected any intervention by the president. According to Uri Party spokesman Woo Sang-ho, by calling for an autonomous and independent party, the group made it clear that it would be inappropriate for outside political forces, including the president, to comment and cause "unnecessary misunderstanding." Kim and Chung in the text of their agreement said people "despair" of the ruling party and vowed to join hands with "peaceful, reformative and future-oriented forces." However, they promised to faithfully support the administration for the success of the government during Roh's remaining tenure. In response, lawmaker Lee Hwa-young, a Roh loyalist, blamed Kim and Chung for the failure of the ruling party, urging them to quit the party if they don't want to stay with it.
  
  

• Democratic Party

  This is the party that Kim Dae-jung built as the Millineum Democratic Party (MDP). After Roh Moo-hyun won the Presidency under the MDP, Roh split away to join the Uri Party. Centered in the Cholla provinces, it competed with the GNP whose power base was in the more populous southeast. It holds 11 seats in the 299-member legislature,On 6 May 2005, it changed its name to the Democratic Party attempt to show that it was a changed party. In Dec 2005, the DP joined with the ruling Uri Party to provide the votes to railroad legislation through the National Assembly that would otherwise have been stymied. The DP's power base is in the Cholla area, but seems to lost much of its former prominence to the GNP. The ruling was a major setback for the DP, which has been seeking more political clout through alliances with an infant opposition group, the People First Party or former Prime Minister Goh Kun. The DP is expected to continue to ask former Prime Minister Goh Kun, who is believed to be one of the possible candidates in the next presidential election, to join the party this year. Goh has been reluctant to select a party at this time. President Roh and the DP have maintained an uneasy relationship since the president bolted from the party with his supporters shortly after winning the presidency on the ticket of the Millennium Democratic Party, predecessor of the DP.
  
  Rep. Hahn Hwa-kap, chairman of the minor opposition Democratic Party (DP) and four-term lawmaker, described the suspended 10-month jail term he received in a court ruling as ``political persecution by the Roh Moo-hyun administration.'' Hahn, was convicted by the Seoul High Court for receiving illicit political funds worth some 1 billion won ($1 million) from companies, including SK Group during the party's primary race in early 2002. If the top court upholds the ruling, Hahn will lose his parliamentary seat. Hahn pledged he would appeal to the court to suspend the ruling of the Supreme Court until President Roh finishes his single five-year term in February 2008 -- claiming that Roh is as guilty as he is. On 22 Dec 2006, Hahn Hwa-kap, the head of the opposition Democratic Party (DP) was sentenced to probation by the Supreme Court Friday. The sentence automatically stripped him of his seat in the National Assembly. The nation's highest court upheld a lower court's ruling that sentenced Hahn to 10 months in prison, two years of probation, and payment of one billion won of forfeit for taking illegal political contribution of 1.5 billion won from SK Group. Furthermore, a provision of party rules prohibits one who doesn't have the right to vote from being a party member. Under these rules, Hahn lost his party membership and resigned his position as head of the Democratic Party.
  
  "We will continue to seek alliances with moderate reformist and pragmatist forces to win the forthcoming local elections," he said, confirming there was "no interest" in joining hands with the Uri. Some Uri members, calling for a united front of all liberal democratic forces to counter the fast-grouping conservatives, floated the idea of Uri-DP coalition. The DP, despite its reduced political presence, still holds sway in the southern province of Jeolla.
  
  On 22 Apr 2006, Seoul Police yesterday arrested the MDP secretary-general Jo Jae-hwan on charges of accepting 400 million won from a former lawmaker seeking candidacy in an upcoming May 2006 mayoral election. Police caught Jo, 57, in his car carrying two boxes filled with hundreds of millions of won on the night of 19 April in Hongeun-dong, western Seoul. Jo allegedly took the bribe from former MDP lawmaker Choi Rak-do, 68, in a hotel in return for backing Choi during the party's nomination process for the Gimje mayoral race in the upcoming May local elections. Jo was immediately arrested and faces detention. Choi, who fled the scene is currently banned from overseas travel.
  
  There was speculation that the Uri Party after facing a defeat might join the Democratic Party, but given the severe distrust the DP harbors, experts warn that even if an alliance was produced, much bickering is expected over who would obtain the upper hand in the presidential ballot. The DP has called President Roh, who won the 2002 presidential election on the MDP's ticket, a ``traitor,'' and urged him to pay back some 4.3 billion won left as a debt to the MDP after the presidential race.
  
  In the 31 May elections, the Democratic Party said it would soon put forth a presidential candidate of its own, possibly by allying with former Prime Minister Goh Kun -- who had remained non-committal. "Next year will be the year we come back to politics," said DP leader Hahn Hwa-gap. After the Uri Party's trouncing at the polls, the DP said it was willing to welcome back former party members who defected to Uri when the new party was formed by President Roh and his loyalists. The DP gained strength after winning the Kwangju mayoral and South Cholla gubernatorial seats on its home turf of Cholla in the 31 May elections. The DP took 20 lower-level leadership posts mostly from Jeolla provinces.
  
  

• Democratic Labor Party

  The DLP was founded in 2000 to advocate workers rights and social equality. Until 2004, when it won 10 parliamentary seats, the DLP had been largely dismissed as a radical party for activists and university students. The DLP was further inspired to expand its political clout since it succeeded in entering the National Assembly for the first time after general elections in 2004. The DLP garnered 10 seats in the backlash vote following the fiasco dealing with the impeachment of President Roh. One of the seats was lost due to violations of the election campaigning law.
  
  The 26 Oct 2005 by-elections dealt a blow to the DLP as it lost the Ulsan constituency, a political stronghold of the party. The DLP has joined with the Uri Party to railroad bills through the National Assembly in 2005. The contentious non-regular workers bill is going to be the top priority for the progressive Democratic Labor Party (DLP) ahead of the local elections. The DLP has strongly opposed the government's plan to allow companies to hire short-term contract workers for over three years, claiming that the three-year condition would significantly increase the number of non-regular workers and aggravate overall job security.
  
  As forecast, the Uri was soundly trounced in the May elections, but the DLP also saw itself rejected as well. The DLP secured no gubernatorial or mayoral posts and less than 200 local council seats. The liberal party received 11.9 percent of votes nationwide, far lower than its goal of 15 percent. The figure is lower than the 13.1 percent it received in polls during general elections in 2004. The DLP's losses on its home turf Ulsan, where the party had expected to sweep ward office headships, further dismayed the leftist-wing camp. The recent losses of Uri and DLP seem to reflect a reversal in ideological trends, disfavoring progressive camps, analysts said.
  
  The DLP came under intense scrutiny in Sep 2006 after some of its members were found to be part of Ilsimhoe, an DPRK espionage network that sought to unify the fifth column elements. Except for the leader, Michael Jang (Jang Min-hoe), a Korean-American, the four other members of the charged with espionage were DLP members.
  
  

• Grand National Party

  (BACKGROUND: After the disastrous decision to impeach Roh in Mar 2004, the GNP brought Park Geun-hye in to "save the party." Surprisingly, she proved to be effective in turning the negative public opinion around enough to prevent a total debacle for the party. In the Apr 2004 election, as expected the Uri Party received a "backlash" vote that put it into power. Roh then started to push through his agenda claiming he had a mandate from the people -- and the GNP has been almost powerless to stop. However, by May 2005 the GNP had made inroads and took five of the six seats up for grabs in the by-election -- while the Uri Party won none.
  
  The Fair Trade Act was railroaded through in Dec 2004 by passing it when most of the GNP was not present in the National Assembly. This gave Roh the power to use the FTC as a tool to go after the chaebols and the "gangster press" was passed in 2005. (Source: Donga Ilbo.)
  
  On 15 Mar the Roh government appointed Prof. Kwon Oh-seung of Seoul National University's Law Faculty as head of the Fair Trade Commission. Kwon, who teaches a course in fair trade law, is known as the country's top authority in the area and has often criticized the commission when there were problems with its independence and regulatory policies. According to the Chosun Ilbo, "The role of the FTC, the Fair Trade Law says, is "to foster creative corporate activities by facilitating fair and free competition and ensure the protection of consumers and balanced development of the national economy." With outgoing commissioner Kang Chul-kyu at the helm, it has hardly been faithful to these essential functions. To be sure, the FTC regulated numerous businesses and imposed a lot of fines during Kang's tenure. But little of that has benefited the people or spared the consumer inconvenience, and the reason is that the commission gave priority to political considerations when it made its judgments."
  
  In Mar 2006, the hope was that the FTC would return to being an independent body. The FTC was originally established so it would take orders from no one, including the president, so that the commissioners could perform their duties according to their independent judgment.
  
  Though the U.S. Federal Trade Commission neither attends meetings chaired by the president nor reports to him, the Korean FTC "has practically acted as a sort of economic prosecution for the government. In attempts to punish newspapers critical of the government since the Kim Dae-jung administration, the government has often wielded the weapon of tax audits or FTC investigations. Following a politically motivated investigation of the head offices of newspapers in 2001, the FTC imposed W24.2 billion (US$24.2 million) in fines which it later had to cancel when it became clear that the courts would strike them down." (Source: Chosun Ilbo.)
  
  The issue of abolishing the National Security Law (NSL) and revising the criminal law, was pressed by the Uri Party in Oct 2004 when the bill to abolish the NSL was submitted by the Uri Party. In August 2004 the Constitutional Court ruled that the law did not excessively restrict human rights, but in October 2004, the ruling Uri party introduced legislation to loosen or scrap the law, offering the country alternatives ranging from revisions of the existing law to the drafting of an entirely new law. The move was part of the government's broader reform drive, but thousands of people rallied in protest, asserting that the law in its current form was still a necessary safeguard against security threats from North Korea. The GNP occupied the Legislation and Judiciary Committee's chambers to prevent Uri's version from being introduced for committee review. In Apr 2005, the GNP input a revision bill that eliminated some of the provisions but retained the NSL. The GNP proposed excluding "failure to report" pro-North Korean activities from the list of punishable crimes and limit the prosecution of "praise and encouragement" for the North to cases in which such activity is done with intent to aid the enemy. The Uri Party could only muster 107 votes from Uri and opposition legislators in favor of abolishing the NSL and the push failed. The Uri Party floor leader resigned over the "embarrassment." (Source: Asia Media.)
  
  The "progressive" activist movement to abolish the NSL is not over. On 18 Dec 2005, 5,000 people gathered in Kwanghwamoon to hold a 'Candlelight March to Stop Anti-Communist Attacks and for Abolition of NSL' to "strongly condemn" the GNP. On 22 Dec 2005, the 'National Solidarity for Abolition of the NSL' condemned the leadership of the Uri Party while mobilizing campaigns in cyber space and mass candlelight demonstrations. "The leadership of the Uri Party has backed away under the formalistic rhetoric of normalizing the National Assembly, and has accommodated most of the demands of the Grand National Party. There are dangers now that they will attempt to revise or legislate alternative laws through 4-party talks. The weight lies on the opinion that it will in fact be impossible to abolish the NSL within this year." (Source: KCTU.)
  
  The media relations act or Press Arbitration Law was passed in 2005. This law along with the Newspaper Law of 2004 was aimed at subjugating the conservative press. Decisions on the laws' constitutionality are pending before the Constitutional Court through petitions by the Donga Ilbo and Chosun Ilbo. They claim they are being "punished" through the use of the National Tax Service (NTS) audits and Fair Trade Commission (FTC) crackdowns on alleged "monopolies." (See Freedom of the Press: Korean-style (or "Gangster Press" Under Siege) (Jan 2006) for details.)
  
  The act on fact-finding investigations on past events creating the "Truth Committee" was passed in 2005. In February 2005, the National Intelligence Service (NIS) Development Committee for Clarifying the Past, or "Truth Committee," led by Rev. Oh Choong-il, began to reinvestigate seven suspicious cases from past authoritarian regimes, including Inhyoktang. Roh defended it as a matter of utmost importance to redress the past wrongs that had been hidden in secrecy. The history law passed in May 2005 under the mantle of righting past wrongs will obviously play a key role in portraying privilege and former governments as enemies of the nation and the state. (See Roh to "Correct" History by looking into Past Wrongdoings of NIS for recent events.) The first report in Dec 2005 condemned Park Chung-hee for his role in the executions of 8 protestors but it was a report based on "circumstantial evidence" and opinion -- not "proof." The "Truth Committee" was to look into the kidnapping of Kim Dae-jung in 2006 in hopes of discrediting Park Geum-hye, Park Chung-hee's daugher and chairman of the GNP.)
  
  

  The private school act was railroaded through in Nov 2005 causing the GNP to walk out of the National Assembly. Though the Uri Party had lost its majority -- and Roh's call for a coalition government was rebuked by the GNP -- the Uri Party joined with the Democratic Party (DP) and Democratic Labor Party (DLP) to pass the legislation. (See Education Law to Hobble Private Schools (Nov 2005-Dec 2005) for 2005 actions and Private School Law Escalate into Nationwide Crisis (Jan 2006) for on-going Jan 2006 actions.) As of Jan 2006, the GNP continued their walkout and "took their campaign to the streets" along with the private school associations stating they would not receive new students in 2006. In addition, petitions were submitted to the Constitutional Court to overturn the law. However, the GNP campaign was blunted when Roh threatened to punish the schools by replacing their school boards if necessary. The schools relented leaving the GNP alone -- and many GNP members wanted to abandon the campaign. However, Park convinced them to continue the protest alone in Jan 2006.
  
  On 29 Jan Uri and GNP broke the deadlock that saw the GNP boycott parliamentary sessions since Dec. 9. in protest against the Uri Party's railroading of controversial private school legislation. The two reached a vaguely worded agreement that they "can discuss the revision of the law for the development of private schools and rooting out corruption." However, soon they were again at odds with the Uri Party as they railroaded their legislation through the National Assembly again. The GNP used the same methods that they denounced the Uri Party of by blocking the private residence of the Speaker.
  
  GNP Chairwoman Park Geun-hye repeated her strong resistance to the governing Uri Party's private school reform law in Jan 2006 and the continuing National Assembly boycott. Ms. Park blamed the political deadlock on the Uri Party. Ms. Park said, "The governing party first started it all, so it has to make efforts [to end the deadlock]. There's nothing we can do." This is a strange statement that the GNP walked out of the National Assembly when it was apparent that the Private School bill was going to be railroaded and has boycotted the National Assembly ever since. (See Education Law to Hobble Private Schools (Nov 2005-Dec 2005) for background on dispute.)
  
  The GNP boycott was supposedly over the Private School issue, but it was apparent that the GNP strategy was to boycott the National Assembly because it could NOT block the key legislation passage. After the Uri Party banded together with the Democratic Party (DP) and the Democratic Labor Party (DLP), the Uri Party had the votes to pass the legislation through. Though some members of the GNP wanted to return to fight the battle over key real estate reform legislation in the National Assembly -- even if their loss was assured -- Park Geun-hye convinced the GNP members to retain the boycott.
  
  The GNP strategy was to turn the legislation that had been railroaded through in their absence against the Uri Party -- and DLP and DP. Whether the GNP is present or not, the bills will be passed. Therefore, the GNP simply boycotted the National Assembly on the seemingly ideological issue of Private School reform and let the Uri Party -- with the DLP and DP help -- pass the key bills. "If the ruling party operates the parliament single-handedly as it did to railroad the private school bill, it solely will be held responsible for the outcome," GNP chairwoman Park Geun-hye said in Dec 2005. Then in 2006, the Uri Party -- and DLP and DP -- can take all the blame if the programs go awry -- which they will.
  
  Out of the total 299 assembly seats, the governing Uri takes up 144 counting the support from the Democratic Labor Party (DLP) and Democratic Party (formerly MDP), followed by the GNP's 127. The GNP boycotting of the National Assembly is a "all-or-nothing" proposition and a high risk gamble for Park Geun-hye. Recently, some party members have disagreed with Ms. Park over the boycott. (See Uri Party Ready to Railroad Bills (Dec 2005) for background on dispute.)
  
  
  GNP Chairman Park Geun-hye
  
  However, the GNP arguments to justify the boycott started to sound strangely undemocratic. Ms. Park said, "Regardless of the party's interests, the struggle over the private school law will continue from the conviction that it is the right thing to do in the name of history." Private school groups protesting the law revision have filed a petition questioning its constitutionality to the Constitutional Court. Ms. Park said she'd continue to denounce the law even if the court rules it constitutional, saying, "The private school reform law runs counter to free democracy, which is why we cannot accept such education regardless of the Constitutional Court's ruling." (SITE NOTE: We wondered if this was a mis-translation as she is saying that the GNP will denounce the democratic process if it rules against them in the name of democracy. This was very strange.)
  
  On 29 Jan Uri and GNP broke the deadlock that saw the GNP boycott parliamentary sessions since Dec. 9. in protest against the Uri Party's railroading of controversial private school legislation. The two reached a vaguely worded agreement that they "can discuss the revision of the law for the development of private schools and rooting out corruption." The ruling-party leadership made it clear it had no intention to change the law again. Some within the GNP have turned on the party leaders -- both GNP floor leader Lee Jae-oh who led the negotiation and chairwoman Park Geun-hye who led the boycott -- grumbling that the situation is going exactly the way the ruling party wanted. After the private school associations broke ranks, the public support started to turn against the GNP for not participating in the passage of the 2006 budget and fighting -- though they would have lost anyway.)
  
  Then when things seemed to be going the GNP's way, its Secretary General was dismissed for sexually harassing a female journalist. Rep. Choi Yeon-hee, a three-term lawmaker who was elected as the party's secretary general in November 2005, was accused of sexually harassing a female reporter from the Donga Ilbo during a dinner meeting/evening karaoke party on 24 Feb. Choi, 62, said he was intoxicated at the time and apologized for his misdeed which carried an in-depth report on the incident. Choi is reported to have embraced a Dong-a Ilbo reporter from behind and fondled her breasts at a drinking party. The lawmaker's excuse was that he did it because he "thought she was the owner" of the bar -- meaning its ok to grope bar girls. Choi was a judge and a prosecutor before becoming an assemblyman. On 6 Mar, the GNP attempted damage control because of falling feminist support over the incident. The GNP promised 30 percent of positions -- either directly voted on or from proportional seats -- will be allocated to women. It also promised to "train" GNP members on sexual harrassment issues.
  
  

  (SITE NOTE: A three-term politician fondling a female journalist in public is suicide -- drunk or not. Though we do not know the exact details, it just seems wierd that after 12 years, a politician (with experience as judge and prosecutor) should even get drunk in the presence of a journalist. They will turn on the politicians at the slightest provocation -- and have done so many, many times to twist the politicians words and actions for sensationalist effect. The dinner was with six other co-workers, including the managing editor of the daily, and GNP post holders, reports said. The dinner, which is estimated to have cost some six million won ($6,000), was hosted by key GNP post holders including Rep. Park Geun-hye, chairwoman of the party, as a conventional practice to treat reporters from a few selected news media.
  
  Choi refused to defend himself besides his initial statement, but he also refused to resign his National Assembly seat as other parties have demanded. The GNP wanted the story quietly silenced before the Uri Party could use it to their advantage in the May elections. On 27 Feb Choi resigned from the GNP, but did not give up his seat.
  
  The female reporter was said to be prepared to sue Choi -- and supposedly senior officials of the GNP attempted to persuade her not to do so. Public opinion in Mar 2006 was that Choi should resign -- but things could change in a month in Korean politics, so Choi simply weathered the storm ... as Prime Minister Lee Hae-chan's "golf scandal" popped up to take most of the heat off Choi. (See Lee Hae-chun above.) After Lee Hae-chan resigned on 15 Mar, the focus again returned to Choi and all four opposition parties as well as the Uri Party called for his resignation as a lawmaker. However, on 20 Mar Choi stated to the press that he would NOT resign his National Assembly seat until the court process is complete. In a press conference at the Assembly, Choi apologized for his ``inconsiderate act,'' but made it certain that he has no intention to abandon his Assembly post unless the court deprives him of his seat. ``I'd like to apologize to the public, especially the female reporter and my supporters in the Tonghae-Samchok constituency, Kangwon Province,'' Choi said. ``But I'd like to follow the court ruling (before I decide whether to leave the Assembly or not).'' Others parties still clamored for him to resign. In the end, everyone forgot about Choi and the whole thing blew over as other sex scandals and corruption scandals popped up. Though he lost his leadership position, he retained his seat. And true to form, by May 2006, Choi's episode was pushed to the back of everyone's mind. On 10 Nov Rep Choi Yeon-hee was sentenced to six months in jail, suspended for one year for sexually harassing a female reporter. Under Korean law, a legislator automatically loses his or her National Assembly seat if the Supreme Court hands down a sentence with 1 million won or more in fines for violating the political fund law or is sentenced to jail, whether the term is suspended or not. Choi quit the GNP and is currently not affiliated with any party.

  Then in April 2006, there were accusations that two GNP leaders had accepted bribes from hopefuls for public office.
  
  

  The GNP on 12 Apr 2006 decided to request a formal investigation of two of its own legislators suspected of receiving bribes from election hopefuls. The GNP said it would ask the prosecution to look into allegations that two of its representatives, including former floor leader Kim Deog-ryong, accepted kickbacks from people hoping to win the party's candidacy in upcoming local elections. The other legislator is Park Sung-vum, a two-term lawmaker who heads the party's Seoul chapter.
  
  The rare, if not unprecedented, decision comes as the party has been working for nearly four years to improve its public image following the conviction of its former leaders and legislators on charges of receiving illegal political donations during the 2002 presidential election. The opposition party was humiliated as "the most corrupt party" after campaign managers of its former presidential candidate Lee Hoi-chang were found to have accepted vehicles loaded with tens of millions of dollars in illegal election funds during the 2002 election. The party's reputation seemed to have recovered when it donated a 110 billion won (US$114 million) training center to state coffers in July 2005 as a way of showing repentance. The latest corruption scandal, however, is expected to put the party right back where it started, with some of its legislators already calling on the leadership to take responsibility. (Source: Yonhap News.)
  
  The investigation was postponed until after the 31 May elections because of the potential of adversely affecting the outcomes of the elections. These would be added to the mass of investigations that were delayed over alleged thousands of campaigning violations that would need to be investigated -- with some potentially able to strip winners of their seats.

  On 20 May Park Geun-hye was slashed while campaigning for the party in Seoul. Immediately following the attack, the GNP saw its support rating increase to 48 percent from 45.4 percent after its chairwoman Park Geun-hye was attacked. Support for the ruling Uri Party decreased from 20 percent to 18.9 percent in the 21 May opinion poll. The Democratic Labor Party went from 10.5 percent to 9.7 percent, and the Millennium Democratic Party from 4.3 percent to 3.8 percent. (Source: Chosun Ilbo.) Nationwide, GNP candidates still enjoy a healthy support rating in 11 out of a total 16 key contests, while rapidly closing the gap with their Uri counterparts in Daejeon and the southern island province of Jeju. Later polls showed that the GNP had taken the lead over the Uri Party in Daejon and Cheju Island which were previously considered neck-and-neck races. Voters in the central provinces of Chungcheong seemed to be lost after their longtime favorite party, the United Liberal Democrats, fell on hard times and merged with the GNP following the retirement of its charismatic leader, Kim Jong-pil in 2004. Ahead of the May 31 local elections, opinion polls show the number of swing votes in South Chungcheong Province come to between 30 and 65 percent, the largest among the nation's 16 key election battlegrounds and many were swayed by the Park Geun-hye attack. In other words, the "progressive" parties ALL lost support from the voters, while the conservative GNP gained 2.6 percentage points. A week away from the 31 May elections, it was starting to look like a GNP sweep.
  
  The 31 May local elections decided nine provincial governors, seven mayors of independent cities, 230 heads of small cities/counties/wards, 733 members of province/metropolitan city councils, and 2,888 members of small city/county/ward councils. Across the country, over two-thirds of the 230 low-level administrative leadership posts went to the GNP, 155 in stark contrast to the Uri's humiliating 19. The DP took 20 posts, mostly from Jeolla provinces, while the People First Party won seven in South Cheongchung Province. The progressive Democratic Labor Party was sidelined as the remaining 29 posts went to independent candidates.
  
  The GNP swept the Seoul elections and left local bodies, both executive and legislative, devoid of Uri representation in Seoul. In addition to winning the mayor's post, the GNP clinched all 25 ward headships and 96 city council seats up for grabs. Six out of 10 council seats that were reserved for proportional representatives also went to the GNP. The ruling Uri Party only managed two seats by proportional representation, while the Democratic Party and Democratic Labor Party each got a seat.
  
  In Gyeonggi Province, the GNP now controls the provincial governor's office, 27 of the 31 low-level leadership posts for small cities, counties and wards, and 115 seats in the 118-member provincial legislature. Across the country, the GNP's capture of administrative posts and council seats was overwhelming, so much so that some expressed concern that the democratic principle of checks and balances could be undermined by a one-party rule. Among the 16 regional top posts, the main opposition GNP snatched 12 including Daejeon while the Uri took only one, North Jeolla Province. The Daejeon mayoral race was one of the tightest races along with a gubernatorial race in Jeju. In Daejeon, the GNP's Park Seoung-hyo defeated Uri's Yeum Hong-cheol by 43.8 percent to 41.1 percent. Voters on the southern island of Jeju chose independent Kim Tae-hwan (incumbent governor who resigned from the GNP) over GNP's Hyun Myung-kwan as governor by a razor-thin margin of only 0.4 percentage points. The vote share in the nationwide local elections showed the GNP on 51.3 percent, Uri on 26 percent, and the DP on 22.3 percent. Turnout was estimated at 51.6 percent - up 2.7 points from 2002. (Source: Korea Herald.)
  
  The GNP victory propelled Park Geun-hye's star back up into the forefront as a potential presidential candidate for her party. She was to resign from the party chairmanship on 16 June to pave the way for her potential campaign for the presidential nomination of her party. After Park Geun-hye had stepped down as Chairman, she was replaced by Kang Jae-sup. Although Park Geun-hye, former chairwoman, won the competition for the "supreme manager" of the presidential candidate race, the committee, whose role is to check and balance, was still left to be constituted. A "proxy" battle ensued with Lee Jae-oh, GNP supreme council member and Floor Leader, who complained of the fairness of the presidential candidate race. Lee argued, "There was a structural limit to a fair party convention as one person had been controlling the party and the supporters in charge of the central party and local branches for a long time. We first need to constitute a fair competition committee with those we can trust." His underlying intention is to transfer the authority of presidential candidate race management to the committee -- instead of Park Geun-hye. It means that the "rules of game," including how to organize the electoral group, can be changed through the fair competition committee. According to the current party rules, the electoral group is constituted with 20 percent delegates, 30 percent party members, 30 percent general people, and 20 percent poll results. The ratio of party members and general people is half and half. Kang Jae-sup argued it was not the right time to change the rules and viewed a change in the constitution of the party was needed instead.
  
  In July after a "scandal" where GNP politicians played golf or had drinking parties in the area of massive flooding, the GNP on 24 Jul ousted a party official who was involved in a golf scandal that hurt the camp ahead of this parliamentary by-elections. The party's ethics committee dismissed Hong Mun-jong, chief of the GNP's Gyeonggi Province chapter, along with suspending membership of six other members, who played golf with local businessmen in Gwangwon Province, an area that was severely hit by rainfall. The decision was seen as a desperate attempt by the party to reverse its falling approval ratings which dipped by 10 percent after the golf incident was made known. In the parliamentary by-elections, the GNP scooped up victories in three of the four regions with the DP taking one seat. The by-elections took place in Songpa-gu and Songbuk-gu, both in Seoul; Puchon in Kyonggi Province; and Masan in South Kyongsang Province. On 27 July the Uri Party again was humbled by not taking a single seat. After yesterday's voting, the Grand Nationals controlled at least 126 seats in the Assembly to Uri's 142. Neither has a majority in the 299-seat Assembly. However, the biggest let-down was that less than 25 percent of the voters showed up. (SITE NOTE: It was almost poetic justice that the GNP were in trouble over a golf scandal after they themselves got rid of Prime Minister Lee Hae-chan for his golf scandal -- though Lee's real problem was with the disreputable company he kept rather than the date he was playing on. But the Uri Party is not without a "golf scandal" mud. According to reports, Rep. Kim Hyuk-kyu, a supreme councilor of the Uri Party, Chung Sye-kyun, minister of commerce, industry and energy, and Kim Tae-rang, secretary general of the National Assembly, played golf on 28 July (while the rain was at its worst in Kangwon-do and Gyeonggi-do) with a group of eight journalists covering the governing party at a resort in North Chungchong Province. The public was outraged.)
  
  

• United Liberal Democratic (MERGED WITH GNP: Feb 2006)

  Minor Opposition Party with three legislators. The party faced a smashing defeat at the polls in the Apr 2004 elections -- as a backlash of the Roh Impeachment -- and Kim Jong-pil resigned as the party chairman. Kim Jong-pil was the last of the dynasty of the "Three Kims" Kim Young-sam, Kim Dae-jung and Kim Jong-pil, His leaving signaled the end of the party. The People First Party attempted to absorb the ULD in Nov 2005, but the merger ended in failure and the PFP branded it a "betrayal." The talk was that the ULD would merge with the GNP as its far-right conservative principles are closest to the middle-conservative GNP's.
  
  In Feb 2006, the ULD gave up the ghost and joined the GNP. The remnants of a once-proud Korean political party gave up the ghost, when the United Liberal Democrats merged with the Grand National Party. The party, which was reduced to one legislator, Kim Hak-won, was founded by Kim Jong-pil, one of the "three Kims" who were archetypical Korean political bosses. The party's homeland was the Chungcheong provinces, in South Korea's midsection. The United Liberal Democrats were already sliding in power and popularity, even in their home region, before Kim Jong-pil retired from politics in 2004 after a crushing defeat in the Assembly elections that year. Lee Gyu-yang, the party's spokesman, said Kim Jong-pil had been consulted before the merger and approved it.
  
  

• People First Party

  The People First Party (PFP) launched on 17 Jan 2006 as an alternative to the Uri and GNP -- claiming to be independent legislators. The PFP was viewed at the party for Goh Kun in his presidential bid, though the DP was attempting to woo him to their party. The party denounced all other major political parties, especially the ruling Uri Party and the conservative GNP, in an apparent bid to distinguish itself from the other political groups. The party was to nominate its own candidates for the local elections slated for May 31 without forming a partnership with the other political parties. In the 31 May local elections, the PFP was shutout as the GNP garnered all of the positions in the former ULD strongholds. Winning just seven local administrative posts in the Chungchong region, the PFP failed to secure a single seat of the 16 gubernatorial or mayoral posts up for grabs, not even in the Chungchong provinces, its home turf. As a result of the poor showing, the chairman of the PFP resigned on 2 June 2006.
  
  

• Democratic Labor Party (DLP)

  The DLP is largely composed of two factions _ one calling for democracy, the other for national liberation _ composed of former and current activists that led South Korea's student, labor and other social movements in the past decades. Until 2004, when it won 10 parliamentary seats in the voter reverse-reaction to Roh Moo-hyun's impeachment, the DLP had been largely dismissed as a radical party for activists and university students. The DLP was further inspired to expand its political clout since it succeeded in entering the National Assembly for the first time after general elections in 2004. One of the seats was lost due to violations of the election campaigning law. The party, which holds 10 seats in the 299-member National Assembly, has been backing the Roh Moo-hyun administration's engagement policy with North Korea, and blames the United States for raising tension on the Korean Peninsula. The DLP came under fire from leftists last month, as it failed to issue a statement expressing a clear objection to North Korea's nuclear test on Oct. 9. While one faction is critical of the Stalinist regime in the North, the dominant faction is reluctant to criticize North Korea. The DLP has joined with the Uri Party to railroad bills through the National Assembly in 2005. The DLP's losses on its home turf Ulsan in 2006, where the party had expected to sweep ward office headships, further dismayed the leftist-wing camp. The recent losses of Uri and DLP seem to reflect a reversal in ideological trends, disfavoring progressive camps, analysts said.
  
  In Oct 2006, it was widely discredited with a former member of the DLP Central Committee Lee Jung-hoon and DLP vice secretary general Choi Ki-young were arrested for allegedly being part of a North Korean espionage ring. It was announced that the DLP had joined forces with the Uri Party to attempt to prevent the GNP candidate for the mayor of Seoul from winning -- which it didn't as both parties failed to garner voter support. The party claimed the arrests were a fabrication to discredit the party. When the leaders of the DLP left for North Korea -- despite the nuclear test of 9 Oct -- and visited the cemetary site of Kim Il-Sung without permission of the ROK government, the populace started to wonder about the DLP's true purposes.
  
  

• Goh Kun's New Party (Unnamed)

  In Oct 2006, Goh Kun announced that he would form a new moderate party, but the specifics were not announced. The former prime minister and Seoul mayor said he would start to build his party in Dec, after the current National Assembly session closes. He said firmly that he was "not interested" in joining forces with President Roh Moo-hyun's Uri Party or with the Democratic Party, the remnant of a party from which dissidents bolted to form Uri in 2003. His new party, he said, would be an alternative to Uri, and would be "middle-of-the-road pragmatist." He said it would be open to all but the political fringes on the left and right.

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POLITICAL EVENTS

January 2006

Ho-hum ... Another Uri Party Scandal: Illegal Recruitment of Low-income Senior Citizens (Jan 2006) The Uri Party admitted to the news reports that the party illegally took money from 157 low-income senior citizens residing in Bongchonbon-dong, Gwanak-gu, Seoul as a form of membership fee payment. The ruling Uri Party decided on 10 Jan to launch an internal probe of its branches nationwide to find out whether party members have been recruited unlawfully.

On 8 Jan 2006 MBC first reported some 70 to 100 aged people in the Pongchonbon-dong were secretly registered as members of the ruling party and some 1,000 to 2,000 won has been remitted from their bank accounts, which created instant backlash from opposition parties and the public. However, according to the Uri Party there were only 30-40 seniors involved, "who did not even know that they were members of the Uri Party'' and paid party dues deducted from their bank accounts. Bae added the party will file complaints with the prosecution against three to four party officials responsible for the wrongdoings.

The Uri Party introduced a partisan system, called ``party organizing system,'' when the party was founded in late 2003. The scheme requires party members to pay some 2,000-won monthly membership fee for a minimum period of six months in order to be qualified as regular members. Regular party members have the right to cast ballots in the party's nomination process ahead of Assembly and local elections.

It has been rumored that those who wish to run in elections on the party's ticket paid the money to create a slew of a large number of bogus partisans. The number of party members totaled some 150,000 in May 2005, after its national convention in April 2005. The number, however, sharply increased three-fold to 450,000 by August 2005 with six months remaining until the party's internal race for the May 2006 local elections. Some political sources and news reports have claimed 70 to 80 percent of some 550,000 regular party members could be ``ghost'' members, those who themselves do not actually pay the membership fee.

Rep. Lee Ke-jin, spokesman of the largest opposition Grand National Party (GNP), urged the prosecution to investigate the case immediately and find out how ruling party officials obtained the bank account numbers of those low-income senior citizens. ``The scandal, which is probably only the tip of the iceberg, clearly shows how corrupt the ruling party is,'' Yoo Jong-pil, spokesman of the minor opposition Democratic Party, said. ``We don't believe this kind of malpractice existed only in Pongchonbon-dong, but has been rampant at Uri branches across the country.'' (Source: Korea Times.)

Nervous about the possibility of a scandal less than five months before nationwide local elections, the Uri party appeared eager to put the matter to rest. The party's spokesman, Jun Byung-hun, vowed, "First, we will internally investigate our 180,000 party members to determine whether there are additional cases in which party dues were illegally collected." Since the problem came to public attention, there have been claims that the opposition Grand National Party has used similar tactics to fatten its membership rolls and party coffers.

On 16 Jan 2006, the police, accompanied by Uri Party officials, raided the Seoul city chapter office of the governing Uri Party. The police were following up on complaints that the party may have enrolled about 100 elderly people and collected party dues from them without their knowledge. Three officers from the Gwanak police district in southern Seoul went to the chapter office, co-located with the party's national headquarters in Yeongdeungpo, Seoul, and hauled away party membership application forms and a list of 156 names thought to be suspect. They also came away with the names of five chapter officials suspected of involvement in the matter. The investigation would focus on whether there was coercion involved in the registrations or if the enrollment was done without the people's knowledge. (Source: Joongang Ilbo.)

On 26 Jan investigators confiscated party membership registrations and other documents from the offices of Uri lawmaker Moon Seok-ho and Mayor Jo Kyu-Seon in Seosan, South Chungcheong Province. One of Jo's aides, identified his family name Lee, is suspected to have paid membership fees on behalf of 500 people. He is a low-level public servant banned from engaging in election campaigns. "Lee admitted to the remittance of a combined 500,000 won - 20,000 won per one person. But we will check further suspicions that he paid 10 million won on the behalf (of bogus members)," said a prosecutor. As reports of the irregularities surged months ahead of the nationwide election on May 31, the nation's election watchdog spotted election law violations and referred the cases to the prosecution. (Source: Korea Herald.)

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On 19 Jan, it was reported that it was a fact is that the Uri Party did perform the acts, but the Uri Party wants to portray the incident as "proxy recruitment" -- an obsolete political practice now outlawed. However, the seniors claim they were not aware that money would be deducted from their accounts -- though it appears that the seniors did volunteer their bank numbers on application forms. In some cases, recruiters deposited 12,000 won in advance in the bank accounts of new members and withdrew 2,000 won a month, or withdrew money first and later either paid back or promised to pay back. Some of the "victims" whose money was withdrawn claim that they were not told about the membership fee. If their claim is true, the Uri Party is responsible for abetting or tolerating theft (fraud). While most party officials are holding their tongues, some of them emphasize that the incidents were not unauthorized withdrawals -- which is fraud or theft -- but proxy payments, and even if there are some cases of unapproved withdrawal, it is the fault of some recruiters, not the party. (Source: Donga Ilbo.)

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Constitutional reform of the Presidency term in 2006 proposed (Jan 2006) The prime minister, Lee Han-chae, emphasized the need to approach the issue of revising the constitution from a broad perspective by incorporating the views of people from all walks of life. Both the opposition and ruling political parties are keen to make changes, with priority being given to the length of the presidential term. (See Increasing Talk of New Form of Government BEFORE Next Elections in 2008 (Dec 2005) for background information on issue.)

Former President Kim Dae-jung told a television interviewer on 2 Jan 2005 that the nation's basic law should be amended to change the single five-year presidential term to a four-year term and allow for a second term of the same length for the incumbent. Many opponents of the current law, which dictates that a South Korean president is limited to serving a single five-year term, advocate instead a double four-year-term. Their argument that a single-term presidency has many shortcomings, including the potential for incumbents to rapidly become lame ducks and a lack of continuity in state politics, has been widely recognized as valid. The Uri Party is pushing this form of constitutional change in order for the President to be reelected into office.

Lee Hae-chan, the Prime Minister, said it is regrettable that recent talk of constitutional change puts too much focus on the political power structure. "A revision should be made in a comprehensive way befitting our complex social structure," Lee said. "The (current) constitution has various flaws, and should be revised in preparation for inter-Korean unification as well," Lee said. He did not specify which part of the legal code was riddled with problems, however, saying he would go into detail at a more appropriate time. His aides later stated that Lee was speaking "theoretically" so do not read too much into the statement. (Source: Yonhap News.)

In 2005, the ruling Uri Party's think tank proposed that the nation introduce a U.S.-style presidential system by installing a vice president and enabling the president to seek re-election. The Uri Party Foundation said the president should be allowed to seek re-election to avoid being tagged as a ``lame duck'' in the latter half of his or her term of office -- as Roh is now labeled. Supposedly, the system of a president sharing power with a vice president will help ease regionalism-based politics in the nation -- though in the US, the Vice-President has been more of a background player such as Vice President Mondale, Quale, Gore and Cheney. The focus will be on possible ways to revise the Constitution to overhaul the current five-year, single-term presidency, which could begin with the next president.

Another variation proposed is having both the president and lawmakers have equal terms. Former Prime Minister Goh Kun said he favored a constitutional revision so the president and lawmakers spend an equal amount of time in their posts. Currently, the president has a single five-year tenure but legislators have a four-year term. The logic is that the frequent campaigns for lawmakers and president impedes the smooth flow of government. Both sides see the logic of this proposal. Mr. Goh said, "There is a need to discuss an amendment of the Constitution in order to coordinate the terms of the president and the legislators." He suggested 2008 as the best time to make the change because the next president will be installed in that year and a new Assembly will be formed as well.

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Cabinet Reshuffled AGAIN (Jan-Feb 2006) On 3 Jan 2006, Cheong Wa Dae announced the appointment of new ministers in the reshuffle of the cabinet.


Lee Sang-soo, Minister of Labor; Lee Jong-seok, Unification Minister; Kim Woo-shik, Minister of Science; Chung Sye-kyun, Minister of Commerce (3 Jan 2006)

• The former Presidential Chief of Staff Kim Woo-shik was appointed as the new science and technology minister, replacing Oh Myung, one of the longest-serving ministers in Roh's 24-member Cabinet. This can probably be attributed to the Hwang scandal that Cheong Wa Dae was notified of the scandal in Nov, but did nothing. (See for details of Park Ky-young, who advised President Roh Moo-hyun on science and information. Park announced her intention to resign in Jan 2006 to take responsibility for her part in "Hwanggate." She resigned and was accused of accepting research funds she was not entitled to.)
  
  

  Science Minister nominee Kim Woo-sik, 65, was a lifetime scholar before he joined the Roh Moo-hyun administration as chief presidential secretary in early 2004. After majoring in chemical engineering at Yonsei University, Kim became a faculty member of the Seoul-based university in the late 1960s and took over important posts afterwards.
  
  Kim, born at Kongju in South Chungchong Province, served as the university president starting August 2000 and is evaluated to put forth efforts to reform with strict commitment to preset principles. Recognizing the strength of the non-compromising principle-first president, Chong Wa Dae selected him as chief of staff in February 2004. During his one-and-a-half-year tenure at the presidential office, he played the role of a peacemaker between the conservatives and progressives. Kim was said to have talked straight to President Roh, however he resigned last August due to differences of opinion over Roh's proposal to cut short his term to end political regionalism.
  
  Kim is expected to face a challenge because the science minister is required to head all the nation's science and technology-related ministries as a deputy prime minister. In addition, Kim is under the burden of having to stave off negative sentiment toward the Ministry of Science and Technology, which has poured taxpayers' money into the work of disgraced cloning scientist Hwang Woo-suk. Due to the scandal on Hwang, who fabricated data for his stem cell breakthroughs, the nation's whole scientific circle is currently suffering setbacks. Outgoing Science Minister Oh Myung is said to be stepping down because of the ``Hwanggate.''(source: Korea Times.)

• Only in Korea can a convicted corrupt lawmaker be nominated as a Cabinet Minister. Lee Sang-soo was appointed labor minister after serving a year in jail and being rejected at the polls by his constituents. He made a political comeback with the help of President Roh after he was sent to prison for receiving illegal political funds during the 2002 presidential campaign.
  
  

  In March 2004, Lee was sentenced to one year in prison for masterminding illegal political fundraising from local corporations to finance the election campaign of President Roh Moo-hyun, then the ruling Millennium Democratic Party (MDP)'s presidential candidate. Lee was arrested for receiving W3.2 billion (US$3.2 million) in illicit funds and sentenced to a one-year prison term by the Supreme Court in November 2004. In 2004, prosecution demanded a four-year prison term with 3.2 billion won ($3.2 million) in fines for Lee by accusing him of receiving illegal donations from four conglomerates, including Hanwha Group and Kumho Asiana Group, and illegally pocketing some of the donations for personal use. In August last year, nine months after the final verdict, Lee was pardoned and had his civil rights restored. In October, he unsuccessfully ran on the ruling party's ticket in a National Assembly by-election. He ran in the April 2005 by-election for Puchon, Kyonggi Province, but failed to get elected. Two months later he is a minister. (Source: Korea Times.)

  Only under President Roh can a convicted aide who handled Roh's funds in his Presidential campaign get paid back with a Cabinet post. Lee, 60, who worked as a human rights lawyer when South Korea was ruled by authoritarian governments, was the chief manager of Roh's campaign finances and he had to bear the brunt of the judicial judgement after Roh was elected to the presidency.
  
  But Lee Sang-soo's troubles are not over. Prosecutors began investigating him on charges of election law violations. Mr. Lee was an Uri Party candidate for a National Assembly seat from Bucheon, Gyeonggi province, in a by-election on Oct. 26. The eventual winner of the election complained to the prosecutors during the campaign that Mr. Lee had included false statements in his campaign material about his role in coaxing money from the central government for educational projects in the district.
  
  
• Lee Jong-seok, deputy head of the National Security Council, was picked as the new unification minister. He replaced Chung Dong-young who was the former head of the NSC and Unification Minister. In this position, he controls the policy with North Korea by combining the reunification policies with the National Security policies -- and enabling such items as clearing a path of mines through the DMZ for power lines in 2006. Lee Jong-seok, the president's foreign policy engineer, is expected to head up the National Security Council, the government's department for dealing with national crises. At 48, Lee has enjoyed a speedy ride to high authority, drawing concern from critics along the way due to his thin experience in government. Some conservatives have also criticized Lee for being pro-Pyongyang at the cost of South Korea's traditional alliance with the United States. Observers pointed out that Lee's appointment as unification minister and now the NSC chief further signals South Korea's determination to maintain a policy of reconciliation towards North Korea as one of the nation's key foreign affairs strategies. Examples of Lee's key involvement in fashioning foreign policies include President Roh's announcement in March last year for South Korea to become the balancer of Northeast Asia, calling for more independence from the United States and a strengthening of ties with China and Russia.
  
  

  Lee has been advising Roh on foreign affairs and security-related issues as well as policy toward North Korea since Roh's victory in the presidential election in December 2002. He served as a member of the transition committee. After Roh's inauguration, Lee began actively taking part in coordinating Seoul's policy toward North Korea and the stance at the six-nation talks on the North's nuclear programs. He has been serving as deputy chief of the presidential National Security Council (NSC), which was chaired until late last month by Chung Dong-young, Lee's predecessor who left to seek the Uri Party Presidential nomination.
  
  From a longer point of view, Lee has been on the scene for more than a decade. A graduate of Sungkyunkwan University with a doctoral degree in political science, Lee worked as a researcher on inter-Korean relations at the Sejong Institute, and policy adviser to the Unification Ministry in the mid-1990s. In 2000, when then President Kim Dae-jung visited Pyongyang for the first inter-Korean summit with North Korean leader Kim Jong-il, Lee accompanied Kim as a special attendant.
  
  "We need to refrain from making demeaning remarks about North Korea," Lee said in his book, "Unification Studies in the Era of Division." In the same book, Lee said, "We need to implement a policy which enhances the status of figures and institutions possessing a positive perspective toward opening up North Korea and improving inter-Korean relations." He argues that the South Korean government should implement a bold policy of economic cooperation and investment with the North. To this end, Lee drafted a "Crucial Proposal on North Korea" last May, which includes a plan to send two million kilowatts of electricity to the North.
  
  In an attempt to reduce the academic controversies over the myths surrounding Kim Il Sung, Lee wrote, "Kim Il Sung was the greatest leader among the communists engaged in armed struggle against Japanese colonialism around Dongman," in his book, "North Korean Leadership and Armed Struggle against Japanese Colonialism." However, Lee recognizes that North Korea is a military threat, defining the communist country as a "hostile brother."
  
  Reportedly, Lee, who was then the deputy head of the National Security Council, was deeply involved in the government's request last April that the U.S. stop its implementation of "Operation Plan 5029," a contingency plan against North Korea, and the official proposal in last September to handover wartime operational control to Korea in a crisis. Based on this perspective, Lee believes that the way to enhance national interest is a policy of "self-reliant diplomacy" that is not entirely reliant on the U.S. Regarding national security issues, he argues that their foundation should be based on fundamentally improving inter-Korean and North Korea-U.S. relations, rather than increasing the South's military strength. (Source: Donga Ilbo.)
  
  Lee's nomination for the unification minister, however, is to face a grave challenge: the parliamentary confirmation hearing. According to the law revised last July, new Cabinet ministers must pass a confirmation hearing at the relevant parliamentary committee. As well-versed and experienced Lee might be in inter-Korean relations, there are few conservatives who will be pleased to see him as a unification minister, especially among members of the largest opposition Grand National Party (GNP). In fact, Lee has been a frequent target of the conservatives' fierce offensives in the past months, as they took issue with what they saw as ``progressive ideology'' of Lee. The former scholar was once taught by professor Kang Jeong-koo, whose allegedly pro-North Korean remarks once again stirred South Korean society a few months ago. But Lee said in an informal meeting with reporters last year that while he respects Kang's clean and honest personality, he does not approve of Kang's theories or methodology. (source: Korea Times.)

• Uri Party chief Chung Sye-kyun took the post of commerce, industry and energy minister. Chung took the blame for the disaster in Oct 2005 when the Uri Party did not win a single seat in the election. His claim to office is that he has an extensive range of experience and connections in the business sector -- also interpreted to mean he has connections to funds to support political campaigns. However, the appointment soon drew conflict between the office of President Roh and senior Uri Party lawmakers openly disgruntled about acting party chairman Chung Sye-kyun's appointment as the new commerce, industry and energy minister.
  
  

  The third-term lawmaker took over chairmanship of the ruling party after former chairman Moon Hee-sang stepped down from the post over the party's humiliating defeats in the by-elections on Oct. 26 last year. He also took the baton from former floor leader Rep. Chun Jung-bae, who now heads the Ministry of Justice, last January. Alongside other key officeholders of the party, Chun resigned last January to take responsibility for failing to push through reform bills, including the repeal of the National Security Law.
  
  The student activist-turned assemblyman, born at Changsu, North Cholla Province, has demonstrated democratic leadership during his tenure as the ruling party's acting president and floor leader. After graduating from Korea University in 1974 where he served as a head of student's association, he got aboard the Ssangyong Group in 1978 and became an executive member. Chung began his political career in 1995 and the staunch backer of former president Kim Dae-jung instantly achieved a success by being elected to be a lawmaker a year later. Chung has stood out in drafting policies and in recognition of his abilities, President Roh assigned him to prepare election pledges during the presidential election in 2002. After Roh won the election, Chung also became chief policymaker at the Uri Party in 2003. (source: Korea Times.)

• The cabinet position for Health and Welfare, vacated by Kim Geun-tae, the 1980s-1990s activist, was left open until "a suitable candidate" could be found -- but Roh appeared committed to appointing Rhyu Si-min. However, some members of the anti-Roh faction in the Uri Party opposed Mr. Rhyu's nomination are starting a petition to call for his removal. Kim Geun-tae resigned to seek the Uri Party nomination for President.
  
  Many of the Uri party's leading figures are said to vehemently oppose Roh's wish to name outspoken Uri lawmaker Rhyu Si-min as the new health and welfare minister. Rhyu, known for his aggressive, offensive and uncompromising rhetoric, is said to be widely unpopular among mainstream Uri lawmakers, but is strongly supported by Roh and Prime Minister Lee Hae-chan. Rhyu started his political career as an aide to Lee in the late 1980s when the prime minister was first elected to the National Assembly. He also attracted attention for his spirited defense of Roh during the latter's presidential campaign in 2002. After Roh was swept into office and he was elected to the National Assembly, he created a row by appearing for the swearing in ceremony wearing a tee-shirt and a coat. Decried as inappropriate, he set the tone for his presence in the National Assembly as an outspoken rebel. Roh attempted to heal the division over his appointments by inviting the Uri Party leadership to the Cheong Wa Dae for dinner, but all that came of it was the statement that it was like a married couple who has a spat, but still remain together. Not very promising words for the internal conflict.
  
  
  Rhyu Si-man, Proposed Health Minister (6 Jan 2006)
  
  The new Cabinet ministers nominated by the president would take office later this month after undergoing confirmation hearings at the National Assembly in accordance with a revised law on ranking public office holders.
  
  The arrogance of the Uri Party is that they expected these nominations to go uncontested in the nomination process because the GNP is boycotting the National Assembly. (Actually the approval of the National Assembly is not required for the nominations to take effect, but it is required.) We hope the GNP returns to attempt to protest the nominations of the corrupt lawmakers who feel they can blithely return to power despite being rejected by the voters -- but GNP Chairman Park Geun-hye stated that the boycott would continue. The GNP has continued to ignore such matters as appointing the chairman of the Uri party to a ministerial post, thus degrading the dignity of the party, picking a figure who was once imprisoned for corruption and judged unqualified by voters for a powerful position, or using ministerial positions as a means of leadership training. Some feel the GNP must go back to the National Assembly using the approval hearings of ministers as an excuse. In mid-Jan, the Uri Party announced it would go ahead with the confirmation hearing BEFORE the Lunar New Year break -- though confirmation was not required until 10 Feb. The DP party stated that it would NOT attend the confirmation hearings unless the GNP was present -- leaving the Uri Party in a bind as this left only the Uri Party and DLP to simply "rubber stamp" the nominations -- a process that the editorials in the conservative press would have had a field day with. Thus the Uri Party bent to negotiate with the GNP to return to break the deadlock.
  
  
  As a high-spirited president Roh Moo-hyun and five new ministers appear on television, dispirited citizens say to themselves, "Just two more years." Roh confirmed five ministerial appointments on 10 Feb despite fierce objections by the opposition party and doubts about their suitability that came to light during their confirmation hearing.
  
  On 29 Jan -- during the Lunar New Year break -- the Uri and GNP broke the deadlock that saw the GNP boycott parliamentary sessions since Dec. 9. in protest against the Uri Party's railroading of controversial private school legislation. The two reached a vaguely worded agreement that they "can discuss the revision of the law for the development of private schools and rooting out corruption." The ruling-party leadership made it clear it had no intention to change the law again. Some within the GNP have turned on the party leaders -- both GNP floor leader Lee Jae-oh who led the negotiation and chairwoman Park Geun-hye who led the boycott -- grumbling that the situation is going exactly the way the ruling party wanted. After the private school associations broke ranks, the public support started to turn against the GNP for not participating in the passage of the 2006 budget and fighting -- though they would have lost anyway.
  
  On 10 Feb after much acrimony on the qualifications of the nominees, the candidates were rubber stamped as was expected all along. Health and welfare minister-designate Rhyu Si-min was charged with defaulting on his pensions premiums between 1999 and 2000, while the writings of Roh's choice for unification minister Lee Jong-seok was said to be fervently pro-Pyongyang. Only in Korea can "leftist supporters of North Korea" become Cabinet ministers. Only in Korea can people without qualifications for the job become a cabinet minister so they can get "training in leadership positions." Only in Korea can people who don't pay their pension payments for a year become the head of the Ministry who handles the pension plan. Only in Korea can convicted felons pardoned by the President become cabinet ministers. Only in Korea can a Police Commissioner who falsely registered his residence in another district so his children could attend schools there still get a job to uphold the law. The Roh administration no longer cares that it makes a mockery of democracy -- but this is the Koreans problem. They elected him, supported him, and now they have to suffer under him.

SITE NOTE: The Roh administration has returned to the Kim Dae-jung days when the 4 Jun 1998 revealed that a considerable number of candidates were found to have criminal records. There were cases of statutory rape and assault. One had been in jail no less than 18 times. Yet another was a murder suspect. It all became part of the catalyst for the revision in the Election Law requiring submission of the legal documentation of one's criminal record and tax payments on property. These were then posted on the internet for public scrutiny -- though most don't do so and instead on the media to dig up the dirt. Under the law, the National Election Committee's power was expanded to protect the electorial process. This was a step forward -- but Roh has now taken the process two steps back by simply bypassing elected office with appointing convicted politicians -- and a rubber-stamp National Assembly that is powerless against a President who can appoint anyone he pleases.

The Flying Yangban blog brought up an interesting point. He stated that something not mentioned is that the appointment of two National Assembly members of the Uri Party means that leaves two seats to open in the by-elections. Rhyu represents a district in northwest Gyeonggi Province, which could be picked up the the GNP. Chung's district is in northeast Cheolla Province but, with the their low popularity and the Democratic party regaining strength. These seats may be lost.

As the May elections approached, there was another reshuffle as the Uri Party announced their selection of candidates for provincial government positions. Numerous vice-ministers were selected to run for the positions at stake. It was reported that Oh Young-kyo, minister of Government Administration and Home Affairs, Oh Keo-don, minister of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries, and Lee Jae-yong, the minister of the Environment are leaving office to run in governor's election of Chungnam Province and the Busan, Daegu mayoral elections respectively. In addition, Chin Dae-je, Minister of Information and Communication, is likely to leave office, with many ruling Uri Party lawmakers calling for Chin to run in the governor's election of Gyeonggi Province. On the other hand, Chung Dong-chea, minister of Culture and Tourism, is also expected to leave. But this is not due to the elections. (Source: Donga Ilbo.)

As to the replacements, the conclusion was that government officials would take over the positions -- atleast temporarily until after the May elections. Even though some ruling Uri Party lawmakers argue that since all of leaving ministers are former politicians, it should be politicians who are named as their successors, high-ranking officials from the prime minister's office said, "The places must be filled by those who have experience and professionalism in implementing policies in each particular sector." The GNP immediately sneared at the Uri Party using cabinet-level positions as "incubators" for political positions. Roh has made the cabinet into a rotating door position -- leading to a lack of continuity in government. (SITE NOTE: The filling the positions with the deputies is standard procedure. Besides, who knows how many will fail to be elected and will need a job afterwards? Indicators seem to point to a landslide defeat -- and this election is a make-or-break one for the Uri Party looking forward to the 2007 Presidential elections. Also going through the "rubber stamp" confirmation hearings before the May election would work against the Uri Party chances.)

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2006 Will be a Year of Political Contentions (Jan 2006) The year of 2006 foretells political reshuffles for both ruling and opposition parties as none of the five main parties will be exempt from fierce internal and external competition. The year of 2006 foretells political reshuffles for both ruling and opposition parties as none of the five main parties will be exempt from fierce internal and external competition.

At the end of Jan 2006, the Ministry of Government Administration said that the rezoning of electoral districts for local legislative council members was finished. However, the new districts were immediately criticized as favoring the Uri and Grand National parties. According to the ministry, 1,027 electoral districts were redrawn from the original 906. Political observers said the rezoning favored the two largest parties, accusing them of gerrymandering to bolster their established support -- deliberately rearranging the boundaries of districts in their favor. Meanwhile, the Uri, Democratic, Democratic Labor and People First parties are seeking to revise the law governing the procedures of redrawing electoral districts. (Source: Joongang Ilbo.) (SITE NOTE: Every four years the accusations of gerrymandering arise...and it is true. Just as it always has been -- whether in America or Korea. It is simply a method for the ruling party to remain in power.)

In the meantime, the Korea Institute for National Unification issued its 2006 report on 2 Jan 2006. "As North Korea prepares to celebrate the 95th birthday of Kim Il-sung on April 15, 2007, an agreement on a North-South summit could be achieved in the second half of this year because of a desire by the North to influence the South Korean presidential election," it predicted. The report said North Korea was also likely to exert influence in various ways to make sure that the progressive camp won regional elections on May 31 this year, including pushing for a "coalition of national unity" that sidelines conservatives.

The Donga Ilbo on 2 Jan 2006 reported that the DPRK called for "unified anti-Americanism" and "forming a grand anti-conservative coalition in South Korea" in a joint New Year's editorial under the name of three government organs: Rodong Shinmun, the Korean People's Army and the Youth Vanguard announced by the official Korean Central News Agency on January 1. In the joint editorial, the DPRK stressed, "The North, South and all Koreans overseas should unite as one and resolutely oppose the intervention and dominance of the United States, and not tolerate anti-reunification forces working in collusion with foreign powers."

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FEBRUARY 2006

Election Violations Skyrocket ahead of 31 May Elections (Feb 2006) Illegal campaign activities were already rampant ahead of the life-or-death 31 May local elections. By the end of January the National Election Commission (NEC) had already detected more than 2,100 cases of illegal campaign activities, including vote-buying. That is more than double the number of infractions detected in the same period before the 2002 elections. The NEC mobilized about 13,000 staffers, the largest number ever, to keep a close eye on the campaigns. For the first time, the NEC launched a "cyber unit" to monitor illegal online activities and offered cash rewards up to 300 million won for those who report cases of election wrongdoing. (See Ho-hum ... Another Uri Party Scandal: Illegal Recruitment of Low-income Senior Citizens (Jan 2006).)

The 31 May election will be the make-or-break election for the Uri Party -- as well as other minor opposition parties. The polls will elect 246 heads of local government, including 16 provincial governors and big-city mayors, and 3,537 members of local councils. The results will serve as a public verdict on President Roh Moo-hyun, whose party lost all of the 27 local and parliamentary by-elections held in the Oct 2005 by-elections. The election result will also foretell the other opposition parties' fortunes for the Dec 2007 presidential election. In Feb, two outgoing Ministers in Roh's cabinet -- running for the Pusan and Daegu Mayorial spots -- were issued a warning about starting to campaign before the 18 May start and electioneering while a member of government.

According to the Korea Herald, "Another significant factor in encouraging excessive competition and illegal electioneering are the changes initiated in the name of political reform. For the first time, the 2,888 members of small local councils across the country will get paid for their services. It comes as no surprise that the NEC estimates about 25,000 to 30,000 candidates will contest the elections, many of them attracted by the money which could be worth as much as 70 to 80 million won a year. The rationale for the change was that without reasonable payment, local councils could not attract competent members or prevent corruption. We don't agree. That premise runs counter to the promotion of grassroots democracy."

It went on, "Another ill-conceived change was to require that members of small local councils are nominated by political parties. This is encouraging illegal activity as candidates try to win the support of party leaders and attract the endorsement of rank-and-file party members in their constituencies." (Source: Korea Herald.) (SITE NOTE: We are true cynics when it comes to Korean politics. It is well-known that people running for city councils have no intention to serve and are only interested in higher offices where the lucrative salaries -- and perks of office (including kick-backs and bribes) exist. No party is exempt -- and the time of the politician who is not corrupt -- or corruptible -- has not come as yet. Gone are the days of the white envelopes with 10,000 won in them delivered to every house -- which we have seen in our days -- but things haven't changed. Roh epitomizes the Korean politician. After he was elected, there were charges that he had illegally received campaign funds. After repeated denials, he finally stated that if he took one-tenth of what the GNP party received, he would resign. It was a lot larger -- and his aide went to prison -- and Roh didn't resign. In Jan 2006, Roh nominated the same convicted politician (pardoned by Roh) to become a Cabinet Minister to show Roh's complete contempt of the system.

If you wonder about why people want to be politicians in Korea, you will see that two-thirds of top officials got richer in 2005 (See March 2006) while the country was in a prolonged recession and the middle-class was in danger of extinction. No more need be said.) (See MAY 2006: Election Law Violations Expedited.)

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March 2006

Two-Thirds of Top Officials Got Richer Last Year (Mar 2006) Some 70 percent of Korea's high-ranking government officials and lawmakers got richer last year, with 24 percent increasing their assets by over W100 million (US$100,000). The Government Ethics Committee said on 1 Mar 2006, the wealth of 1,000 high-ranking officials increased on average W140 million ($140,000) last year.

President Roh Moo-hyun reported assets worth W829.3 million, up W94.47 million ($94,000) from a year ago due to savings from his salary and investment in stock funds. Prime Minister Lee Hae-chan increased his assets by a mere W4.89 million to W748.9 million and National Assembly Speaker Kim Won-gi by W91 million to W1.293 billion ($1.2 million). Chief Justice Lee Yong-hun and Constitutional Court President Yun Young-chul also increased their wealth to W3.853 billion ($3.8 million) and W2.977 billion ($2.9 million). In the Cabinet, Information and Communication Minister Chin Dae-je was the biggest winner, increasing his assets by W4 billion. The Ministry of Government Administration and Home Affairs had the most financial wizards with some 150 officials or 23.2 percent boosting their wealth by over W100 million and 128 by between W50-100 million. In the Justice Ministry, 29 out of 131 high-ranking judges added more than W100 million to their wealth, with 58 reporting total assets worth more than W1 billion.

Out of the 294 lawmakers required to report their wealth, 216 became richer, 91 or 30.9 percent of them by W100 million or more. But 76 became poorer, 14 of them by W100 million ($100,000) or more. Independent Chung Mong-joon was the richest lawmaker being worth W264.8 billion ($265 million) . GNP lawmaker Kim Yang-soo saw the biggest increase in wealth with W8.2 billion ($8 million), while another GNP member, Chung Ui-hwa, was the biggest loser, seeing his assets dwindle by W3.8 billion ($3.5 million).

By party, the richest was the Millennium Democratic Party -- now merged into the GNP -- whose members owned assets worth W2.55 billion ($2.5 million) on average, followed by the GNP with W1.78 billion ($1.7 million) a head, the People First Party with W1.25 billion ($1.2 million), and the Uri Party with W1.03 billion ($1 million). True to its affiliations, Democratic Labor Party members were the poorest with W290 million ($285,000) on average. (Source: Chosun Ilbo.)

(SITE NOTE: The two things that stand out in this article is that the average politician (with the exception of the DLP) are all millionaires. And true to form, the rich are getting richer in Korea -- and so are these politicians. To say that they represent the "common people" in their economic plight might not be quite exactly correct. However, if this report is like other reports in the past -- many of these politicians fudged on their reported incomes by hiding their wealth in the names of their wives, children, extended family, etc. There are too many scandals in the past that show that underestimating one's income is the norm, not the exception.

The second thing that seems to be unspoken is that politicians in Korea become politicians because there is money to be made in their positions of power. People become ward workers so they can become city councilmen so they can run for the National Assembly where the real money is. Areas of opportunity are insider information -- such as say routes for high-speed railways or say a new administrative city or say construction programs. Other is the use of their power to obtain "favors" and "gifts" to doing favors to influence contracts. The areas are limitless. In the past year, so many of the Uri Party and Roh cabinet officials have had scandals over land speculation -- especially in the green belt areas of Seoul. Though not proven, a cloud still hangs over Roh over the land deals of his elder brother. The bottomline: The rich get richer even the Uri Party claiming they are representatives of the common people.)

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Lee Hae-chan Embroiled in Golf Scandal (March 2006) -- See PRESIDENTIAL HOPEFULS: Lee Hae-chan.

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Lee Hae-chan Resigns as Prime Minister (March 2006) -- See PRESIDENTIAL HOPEFULS: Lee Hae-chan.

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Han Myong-Sook Nominated for Prime Minister (March 2006) President Roh Moo-hyun nominated Han Myung-sook for Prime Minister where -- if confirmed -- she would become Korea's first woman prime minister. The decision comes nine days after prime minister Lee Hae-chan stepped down. The ruling Uri party holds 143 seats in the 297-mmember National Assembly while the main opposition GNP has 126 seats. The GNP has demanded she resign from the Uri Party to maintain her "political neutrality."

Han is not the first woman nominated to the position. However, the previous female nominee, Chang Sang, failed to be confirmed in 2002. The former president of Ewha Woman's University faced accusations over real estate speculation and the misrepresentation of her academic background.

The prime minister in the past was seen as a largely ceremonial position. However, the office took on greater importance after Roh delegated much of authority to the prime minister on domestic affairs. Roh's approval ratings slid to record lows after a failed attempt to form a grand coalition with the opposition and a stall in the country's economy. The Prime Minister's office was expected to be a lightning rod for Roh, but instead Roh turned out to be the lightning rod with his rash statements.


Han Myung-sook, center, is congraturated by other lawmakers following her nomination as new prime minister at a press conference at National Assembly in Seoul. (23 Mar 2006) (AP-Yonhap)

Born in Pyongyang, she moved to South Korea with her family. At the time of her enrolment at Ewha Woman's University majoring in French Literature in 1963 she has said she was "a little girl who wanted to grow up to be a writer praising the beauty of life." After a four-year romance with Park Sung-jun, a professor at SungKongHoe University (formerly St. Michael's Theological Seminary), the two married, and Han's life suddenly changed.

Just six months into their marriage, her husband was arrested for his affiliation with the Unification Revolution Party, which was branded "anti-state" by the Park Chung-hee authoritarian government at the time. "I owe my determination to devote my life to the democratic movement to my husband's passionate teaching," she has said.

In 1970, Han quit as superintendent of an Ewha dormitory over her support for the student movement and went to work with Christian Academy, a civic group, in charge of the department educating underprivileged women. In 1974, she served as a manager of the women's affairs department of the Christian Academy and worked for human rights. In 1979, when managers of the academy were accused of promoting a pro-communist ideology, she was arrested along with other members for distributing books critical of the establishment. She was released two years later. In 1987, Han set up Korea Women's Associations United (KWAU), which incorporated 20 women's organizations nationwide.

In 2002, then-president Kim Dae-Jung nominated Han as the first Minister of Gender Equality. Under President Roh, Han Myeong-sook served as environment minister. She was elected the 16th lawmaker by proportional representation. In the 17th general election of 2004, she was reelected in Ilsan-gu Gap, Goyang city, Gyeonggi Province.

Colleagues praise her gentleness combined with a steely determination to overcome obstacles because she has been through so much. The two-time lawmaker has a background in the women's rights movement and became the country's first minister of gender equality under the Kim Dae-jung Administration. Han has been at the forefront of pushing legislation protecting women's rights including the family law, Equal Employment Act and laws on sexual violence. As minister of gender equality in 2001, Han laid the legal and systematic foundation for greater women's rights by leading the revision of the Maternity Protection Law, which established paid maternity leave. She served as environment minister under Roh Moo-hyun.

Han Confirmed (April 2006) For the first time in the history of the Korean Republic, the country had a female prime minister. The National Assembly held a plenary session on 20 Apr and put an approval bill for Han Myeong-sook to a vote. The bill was approved 182-77 with three abstentions. Among the 297 lawmakers on the assembly register, 264 attended and voted by secret ballot. Since former Prime Minister Lee Hae-chan stepped down in disgrace after "the improper golfing scandal" on March 15, Han Duck-soo, the acting prime minister and minister of Finance and Economy, has presided over the cabinet for 35 days. The vacant post was made up for by the appointment.

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APRIL 2006

Uri Party Struggles to Find Candidates as Popularity in Polls Sag (April 2006) See POLITICAL PARTIES: Uri Party.

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MAY 2006

Polls indicate Shift to Conservatism (May 2006) See POLITICAL PARTIES: GNP. Chairman of GNP Park Geun-hye Attacked (May 2006) See PRESIDENTIAL HOPEFULS: Park Geun-hye. GNP Sweeps 31 May Elections (May 2006) Polls indicate a shift in the voting stance to a more conservative outlook amongst the populace -- and growing frustration with Roh Moo-hyun's political, diplomatic and fiscal policies. The recession has stretched into its third year. The policy of appeasement to the North is being questioned as nothing is gained in return. The polls indicate that the GNP will garner the majority of positions throughout the country. Early polls show that the Uri Party can only hope to gain two of the 16 National Assembly seats up for grabs -- and one of those in Daejon is a maybe. The Uri Party would lose its majority in the National Assembly and could only hope to strike a deal with the MDP -- which it slapped in the face when it split away from the MDP to form Roh's party.

In the months leading up to the elections, major figures of all the parties have faced scandals of kickbacks and corruption. The biggest Uri figure was the Prime Minister Lee Hae-chan who resigned after a "golf scandal" -- not for his playing golf, but the shady characters who he was playing with -- one of whom was to be fined the next day for illegal dealings. Many of the Cabinet ministers resigned to run for local office, but the scandal came that the ones appointed by President Roh were considered unfit or inexperienced. President Roh proceeded anyway to appoint a former official who was convicted for illegal slush fund transfers, but this did not stop Roh. A GNP leader was chastized for "groping" a female reporter's breasts as he mistook her for a bargirl. A MDP party leader was found with a trunk full of cash -- that he claimed he had no idea why it was put there by his "supporters." All parties have faced repeated political scandals. No one's hands are clean. That is what makes this an interesting election. It is not a choice of voting for the right candidates, but not voting for the wrong candidates. This is not a choice of finding good candidates, but not voting for bad candidates. (See Political Events for articles on the political situation in Korea.)

On 20 May Park Geun-hye was slashed while campaigning for the party in Seoul by an attacker who had been released from prison and was unable to make a living. Immediately following the attack, the GNP saw its support rating increase to 48 percent from 45.4 percent. Support for the ruling Uri Party decreased from 20 percent to 18.9 percent in the 21 May opinion poll. The Democratic Labor Party went from 10.5 percent to 9.7 percent, and the Millennium Democratic Party from 4.3 percent to 3.8 percent. (Source: Chosun Ilbo.)

Going into the elections nationwide, GNP candidates enjoyed a healthy support rating in 11 out of a total 16 key contests, while rapidly closing the gap with their Uri counterparts in Daejeon and the southern island province of Jeju. Later polls showed that the GNP had taken the lead over the Uri Party in Daejon and Cheju Island which were previously considered neck-and-neck races. Voters in the central provinces of Chungcheong seemed to be lost after their longtime favorite party, the United Liberal Democrats, fell on hard times and merged with the GNP following the retirement of its charismatic leader, Kim Jong-pil in 2004. Ahead of the May 31 local elections, opinion polls show the number of swing votes in South Chungcheong Province come to between 30 and 65 percent, the largest among the nation's 16 key election battlegrounds and many were swayed by the Park Geun-hye attack. In other words, the "progressive" parties ALL lost support from the voters, while the conservative GNP gained 2.6 percentage points. It looked like a GNP sweep was pending.

On 31 May 2006, voters handed the Grand National Party an overwhelming victory in Korea's local elections, confirming the forebodings of doom circulating in President Roh Moo-hyun's Uri Party. In races for the mayors of seven independent cities and governors of nine provinces, the GNP took 12 of the 16 races, including that for Seoul's mayor and Gyeonggi governor. The Uri Party succeeded in only one race for the governor of North Jeolla province. To add insult to injury, the once powerful Democratic Party (whose dissidents walked out and formed the Uri Party three years ago) won the races for the mayor of Gwangju and the governor of South Jeolla province. In the elections for Daejeon Mayor and Jeju Governor, the contest was so fierce that it was hard to predict a winner until the final vote count. In the end, the GNP prevailed in Daejeon mayor race, while Jeju Governor Kim Tae-hwan was reelected to the post as an independent after severing ties with the GNP.

The GNP was expected to clean up at the head offices of all 25 district governments in Seoul, as well as win nine of 10 district posts in Incheon. A total of 230 district head offices were available in the local elections, as well as 3,621 seats at regional assemblies throughout the country. The GNP took approximately 70 percent of the lower-level positions nationwide.

The GNP victory showed the degree of dissatisfaction with Uri and the Blue House rather than an approval of the GNP per se. In essence, the GNP victory is not for what it did, but what it could do to turn around the depressed conditions in Korea. The GNP swept the races in Seoul and Gyeonggi province as well as in its stronghold in Korea's southeast Gyeongsang provinces. None of Mr. Roh's former aides or ministers who resigned to contest local elections appeared to have been successful. Political analysts were unanimous in attributing the results to voters who looked at the races not as individual contests but as a referendum on Mr. Roh's presidency. His national popularity has been mired in the 30-percent range for an extended period. Following the Uri Party defeat, the ruling party leader Chung Dong-young resigned on 1 Jun, taking responsibility for the party's crushing defeat in local elections that the major opposition party won by a landslide. With his resignation, the former Unification's minister's star for a run for the Presidency in 2007 faded. In addition, President Roh will have to distance himself from the Uri Party -- and is now a true "lame duck" President -- a President in name only.

The Democratic Labor Party -- even in its center of power in Ulsan -- and People First Party made no inroads in this election. The turnout was estimated at 51.2 percent by the National Election Commission, above its expectations. Slightly less than 50 percent of eligible Koreans voted in the local elections four years ago.

(See POLITICAL PARTIES: GNP, Uri Party, DLP, DP)

Uri Party in Disarray (May 2006) See POLITICAL PARTIES: Uri Party and PRESIDENTIAL HOPEFULS: Chung Dong-young and Kim Geun-Tae.

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Election Law Violations Expedited (May 2006) (See FEBRUARY 2006: Election Violations Skyrocket ahead of 31 May Elections) Prosecutors were to expedite the investigation into violations of election laws which could lead to a cancelation of some of 31 May local elections results. The law enforcement agency had suspended the probe on those accused of illegal campaign activities out of concern that legal disputes would affect the elections for chiefs of local governing bodies and council representatives. Depending on the results of the investigation, some candidates could face adjudication and have their election results nullified.

Oh Se-hoon, Seoul Mayor-elect Prominent politicians including Seoul mayor-elect Oh Se-hoon have been accused of violating election laws. Oh has been accused by the ruling Uri Party of showing up in a TV commercial for a water purifier during the campaign season. Election law prohibits candidates from appearing on photo or advertisements for 90 days before the election. Oh is also alleged to have made false statements hinting that he had received a green light for the television appearances by the National Election Commission, the state election watchdog. The Seoul mayor-elect was to be questioned on both allegations.

Other Successful Candidates The Supreme Prosecutors' Office said yesterday a total of 279 successful candidates have been booked for suspected illegal campaigning as of 1 Jun. This translates to one out of 15 elects as a target for prosecutors. The violators allegedly distributed cash and gifts to voters illegally and engaged in blackmail with rival candidates.

The prosecution has indicted 35 candidates, and is now investigating another 225. The number is expected to rise sharply as indictments and accusations are expected to come following the end of elections. The prosecution forecasts the total number of people charged may reach about 5,000.

The National Election Commission has also launched probes on how candidates used election funds during the 13-day campaign period. The authority plans to request the prosecutors' office to investigate if the funds were spent illegally. In the 2002 local elections, the NEC accused 558 candidates of illegal spending and asked for 83 cases to be investigated by prosecutors. (Source: Korea Herald.) (SITE NOTE: The numbers of alleged violations under the "snitch" for money program reached so high that the NEC took the only pragmatic approach possible -- it held off on investigations -- and then will only investigate those who won the election. However, this creates a serious problem. By their laissez faire attitudes during the election campaigning process, they in effect abetted the situation by forcing candidates to resort to illegal campaigning as their opponents had an unfair advantage if they did so. This is a catch-22 situation. The NEC was damned if it did by tarnishing candidates reputations by making allegations of campaign violations during the campaign -- or damned if they didn't by abetting the illegal campaigning by allowing them to proceed during the campaign.)

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JUNE 2006

Kim Geun-Tae Chairs Uri Party after Chung Dong-Young Resigns (May 2006) See PRESIDENTIAL HOPEFULS: Kim Geun-Tae and Chung Dong-Young

Goh Kun May Form Own Party See PRESIDENTIAL HOPEFULS: Goh Kun

Chairman of GNP Park Geun-hye Resigns as GNP Chairman See PRESIDENTIAL HOPEFULS: Park Geun-hye.

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Roh Moo-Hyun: Anti-American or Radical Reformist?

We readily admit that we are NOT great supporters of Roh Moo-hyun -- ever since we had to live through the vile anti-American campaign of 2002. At the center of the rabble-rousers stirring up the hatred was Roh Moo-hyun.


Anti-US Seoul Protest (31 Dec 2002)

When he was swept into office on his anti-American platform in 2002, we thought him an opportunist politician as the anti-American protests ceased on 1 Jan 2003 with only a word from him. Then he laid out his platform in Feb 2003 and we thought he was a radical reformist.

Roh Inauguration

Then the scandals, promises and tantrums and direction he was taking the country showed him to be a "leftist" -- a term that is just shy of "communist." (His supporters prefer to call him a "progressive.") The MDP (Millinieum Democratic Party -- later to become simply the Democratic Party) were sore enemies as Roh had used the party to gain the Presidency and then immediately abetted the split away to form the Uri Party. Once it was established, he joined the Uri party. He was impeached by the combined might of the GNP (Grand National Party) and MDP in Mar 2004, but it back fired as they used the flimsiest of excuses to attempt to impeach him. Roh likely could have derailed the impeachment process and prevented the accompanying domestic crisis by issuing an apology or mea culpa, but he didn't.

Roh Moo-hyun (Dec 2002)

The impeachment was a disaster -- for not only the GNP and MDP, but also for the country. The GNP & MDP politicians had no idea how any country will rally around their President when he is under attack -- even if they hate his politics. It cost the GNP and MDP dearly in the Apr 2004 election that swept the Uri Party into a majority in the National Assembly, though by a slim margin. Luckily the government had Goh Kun at the reins for the 64 days that Roh was out of office. Goh deftly calmed the people and prevented the country from disintegrating into anarchy. Later the Supreme Court ruling over-turned the impeachment (in a split decision) -- and Goh resigned. Roh taking the victory of the Uri Party at the polls, Roh announced the he had a "mandate" from the people. He started to make his changes.

By Aug 2004, he was making his moves to change Korea in a direction that certainly was to become a slippery slope. His lack of effective economic policies has led the country into a recession that three years later is still trying to "turn the corner." The best that could be said of the Roh administration is that it was "government run by amateurs." It has turned into a government of "cronyism" where loyalists to Roh are rewarded -- while those who speak out against him are branded as evil-doers, such as the conservative newspapers called the "Gangster Press." They are "punished" through the use of the National Tax Service (NTS) audits and Fair Trade Commission (FTC) crackdowns on alleged "monopolies."

Although he gained a short-lived resurgence of popularity in response to his 2003 call for a referendum on his presidency and the electorate backlash against the 2004 impeachment, his approval ratings have steadily declined. Shortly after assuming office, Roh alienated his critical political base of young, liberal voters by abandoning several progressive campaign pledges. By the 100th day of his presidency, his approval ratings had fallen to 50%, way below the 60-80% ratings of predecessors Kim Dae-jung and Kim Yong-sam at the similar mark. In the by-elections of April 2005, the main opposition Grand National Party (GNP) won five of six seats in the National Assembly while the Uri Party won none -- dealing a blow to the Uri Party "mandate." However, it appears the move was not so much a support of the GNP but rather the people's disaffection with the Roh policies. A 12 July 2005 poll by Munhwa Daily and the Korea Society Opinion Institute (KSOI) showed only 25% of the public approved of Roh's handling of the presidency. Support for the ruling Uri Party was down to 19% and less than 20% of survey respondents said the party has a chance to win the 2007 presidential election. Most troubling for the Uri Party was that several surveys showed it losing support among young voters, one of its key constituencies and previously staunchest supporters. Roh emerged from his 2004 impeachment saga with a legislative majority, a severely weakened opposition, and a popular mandate that provided a honeymoon period in which the electorate was generally supportive of his progressive policies. Roh was unable to press his advantage to push reform legislation through the National Assembly. The president's inaction caused public support to dissipate and eventually resurrected criticism of his policies and leadership. The level and ferocity of acrimony within the National Assembly resumed, impairing the legislature's ability to reach consensus on domestic reform bills. (Source: Nautilus.)

Roh's presidency has been a disaster. Both Korea's economic growth and income distribution index dropped below average after the Roh Moo-hyun administration, which promised more of both, took power. That is the first time since 1980.

The Citizen's Coalition for Better Government released the results of a survey of 426 professionals, including civil servants, professors, and businessmen at a forum evaluated the Roh administration's performance over its first three years on 17 Feb 2006. The adequacy of government personnel management, and the level of the government's democracy, efficiency, and credibility of governance were areas in which the administration got lower marks than last year. The government did not receive a single "average" score (3.0 points) in any evaluation area. Professor Park Hyo-jong of Seoul National University evaluated the past three years as a period where the government had determination, but lacked know-how. He added that the government's low approval ratings are due to its appointment of certain like-minded people to the cabinet, obsession with the past, and lack of comprehensive leadership. (Source: Donga Ilbo.) The approval ratings of Roh has declined in 2006 -- but it has been consistently around the 30 percent mark. His approval rating was 31 percent in Feb 2004; 38.4 percent in 2005; 30.9 percent in Feb 2006.

A report titled "New Visions and Strategies for Balanced Growth" published by the National Economy Advisory Council says the Korean economy recorded average annual growth of 6.9 percent since 1982 and an annual average income distribution index of 0.7 (the closer to 1, the more equally wealth is distributed). But growth has been well below that for the last three years, standing at 3.1 percent, 4.6 percent, and 4 percent since 2003, when this government took power. The income distribution index also slipped slightly below average in the same period to around 0.69. (Source: Chosun Ilbo.)

We would like to repost here what we wrote in August 2004 about his presidency in order to compare it to what is happening today in 2006. When seen in retrospect, the grand "vision" of Roh becomes clearer -- but it is NOT a pretty picture. We have added our commentary item by item. Excerpted from President Roh Moo-hyun: Anti-American or simply a Radical Reformist?.

Roh Makes His Move to Turn the "Reformist" Government into "Leftist" (Aug 2004) In July Roh Moo-hyun was under attack for his Truth Commission having former North Korean spies as investigators; the commissions attempts to make convicted spies into "fighters for democracy"; and then the commissions attempts to make the assassin of President Park Chung-hee into a "fighter for democracy." He stated that an attack on the Truth Commission was a personal attack on him. He then went before the National Assembly and asked for increased powers to investigate past wrongs.

(SITE NOTE: In February 2005, the National Intelligence Service (NIS) Development Committee for Clarifying the Past, or "Truth Committee," led by Rev. Oh Choong-il, began to reinvestigate seven suspicious cases from past authoritarian regimes, including Inhyoktang. Roh defended it as a matter of utmost importance to redress the past wrongs that had been hidden in secrecy. The history law passed in May 2005 under the mantle of righting past wrongs will obviously play a key role in portraying privilege and former governments as enemies of the nation and the state. (See Roh to "Correct" History by looking into Past Wrongdoings of NIS for recent events.)

In Nov 2005, the "Truth Committee" issued its findings on the Inhyoktang and Mincheong Hangnyon organizations. The committee alleged that the Park Chung-hee regime had no evidence other than the forced confessions to prove that Inhyoktang was linked to North Korea. In addition, its structure was not coherent enough to be called a party and it did not officially adopt a manifesto, pledging loyalty to Kim Il-sung, founding father of North Korea. The committee said the Inhyoktang was a small gathering-level organization rather than a party, and that there was no proof that the gathering had any intention to overthrow the government. It also said that Mincheong Hangnyon was an organization of students fighting for a democratic government, and that there was no evidence of it having received any directions from North Korea. Investigators said the government should compensate the victims of the dictatorial regime and seek ways to redeem their honor. But what stands out was that there were no confessions, no revelations, no proof -- despite the 20 "investigators" (activists hired to pursue their agenda). It was all circumstancial evidence and speculation. (Source: Korea Times, 7 Dec 2005 and Korea Herald, 8 Dec 2005.)

The agenda of the "Truth Committee" is very plain to see. Its purpose is to provide ammunition for the repeal of the National Security Law by focusing attention on the "evils" done by this law -- without addressing the security concerns the NSL covers. (NOTE: The majority of Koreans feel the NSL needs to be amended, but retained.) In addition, it seeks to elevate the status of the former activists in the Roh cabinet to the level of "freedom fighters" while painting as a demagogue Park Chung-hee and discredit his daughter, Park Geun-hye of the GNP by extension. Lee Hae-chan, Prime Minister, is listed as being "Imprisoned for Involvement in Mincheong Hakryeon Case" in 1974-1975. (Source: Korea Net.) Chung Dong-young, former Unification Minister, is listed as being "Imprisoned for Involvement in Mincheong Hakryeon Case" in 1973. (Source: Korea Net.)

See State Ordered to Pay 1.5 billon won for Professor's Death (Jan-Feb 2006) for details of how the Supreme Court used the findings of the 2002 Truth Commission to overturn the lower court ruling that the statute of limitation had run out on prosecution of the "unsolved death" -- and then went further to fine a former KCIA investigator, Mr. Cha, 20,000 million won for "defamation" in the "unsolved death." In its ruling it held the government liable for the KCIA tortures and would open the door to future suits dealing with "torture" that have passed the five-year statute of limitations. (NOTE: The point is that the Supreme Court did not change over-rule the statute of limitations, but instead said the "probable" torture and death was an "exception.") This fits perfectly in the Roh agenda -- but we question how the courts now define "most likely" and "probable"

(NOTE: As Park Chung-hee is considered a folk-hero because of his contributions to the "Miracle of the Han," any action to bring him down elevates the activists such as Chung and Lee to "freedom fighter" status. The same tact is used for Chun Doo-hwan. Kim Geun-tae, former Health Minister, was a noted activist imprisoned and allegedly tortured during the Chun Doo-hwan administration. Chun Doo-hwan was stripped of his medals by Roh in 2005 to humiliate Chun -- and by the same stroke elevate those who fought against his regime to "freedom fighters.")


Former President's at Roh Inauguration (SITE NOTE: Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo would continue to feel the wrath of the "progressives" under Roh as they were stripped of their medals and any property that they had.)

In addition, Roh has also used the National Human Rights Commission (NHRCK) as a tool to also push his "leftist" agenda -- even over items that Constitutional Courts have ruled as constitutional such as mandatory military service. In Jan 2006, it released its National Action Plan (NAP) that contained recommendations that alienated conservatives and the business community. The Roh administration stated it would "filter" the recommendations only after it started to become controversial. (See NHRC Action Plan Controversy (Jan 2006) and Backlash on NHRC Ruling of Riot Police Abuse (Jan 2006).)

He then turned to the various ministries to do a "self-examination" and to voluntarily "confess" their past ills. Of course, the first to jump on the bandwagon was the newly "reformed" NIS -- formerly the KCIA with which all past violations were aimed. Other Ministries were not so enthusiastic, but the heads promised to look into the actions.

(SITE NOTE: The NIS did not look hard enough. In July 2005 local television station MBC reported the contents of an illegally wiretapped conversation by the National Intelligence Service (NIS) between Ambassador to the US, Hong Seok-hyun, then the chairman of the JoongAng Ilbo, which was formerly affiliated with Samsung Group, and Samsung vice chairman Lee Hak-soo discussing to provide slush funds for presidential candidates ahead of the 1997 elections. The 1997 scheme by Samsung was to influence various politicians including GNP leader Lee Hoi-chang, by providing financial support to them in the presidential election of 1997. Hong resigned on July 26, 2005.

The NIS wiretap scandal implicated both the Kim Dae-jung and Kim Young-sam administrations by a special wiretapping unit of the NIS called "Mirim." In concluding its lengthy probe on the wiretapping scandal, however, the prosecution decided not to take legal action against high-ranking executives of the conglomerate, including Hong and the group's chairman Lee Kun-hee, citing lack of evidence. (Source: Korea Times.))

Roh launched a personal attack on Park Chung-hee claiming his Japanese collaborator as a lieutenant in the Japanese Army. Understandably, the GNP chairman and Park's daughter, Park Geun Hye, did not take this lying down. Roh was asked to clarify his "ideology" as it affected the nations plans. More and more people were starting to question his intentions in pursuing this tact. In fact, his strategy backfired when Rep. Shin Ki-man, chairman of the Uri Party, said in August 2004 that he was likely to announce his resignation from the ruling party's top post, taking responsibility for his father's alleged collaboration with Japan during the 1910-1945 colonial period. He looked more and more out of control. Park's daughter Park Geun Hye apologized personally to Kim Dae-jung for her father's actions against him -- and at the same time to thank him for his fostering the Park Chung-hee Memorial in August 2004. The move was blatantly political -- but it thwarted Roh's thrust to use Kim Dae-jung in his plans to justify the Japanese collaborator investigation.

(SITE NOTE: After Park Geun-hye outmanuevered Roh on the Memorial, the Roh administration cut off funding for the Park Chung-hee Memorial project citing the fact that the promoters came up with only 50 percent of their promised share. The promoters took the matter to court and in 2005 won the decision that the government would have to fund the project. Though Roh continues to target Park Chung-hee as a tyrant, most Koreans still consider him a hero as the architect of the "Miracle of the Han" who brought prosperity to Korea.)

Roh continued his "witch hunt" but it soon became clear that the targets were selective. The agenda of the Roh administration was to foster "egalitarianism" -- taking from the rich and giving to the poor in Robin Hood fashion to close the gap between the haves and have-nots. The persons on the "list" of 1300 persons from a 'progressive" activist group targeted the elite of Korean society -- most of whom are dead and unable to defend themselves. The criteria for being a "collaborator" is that one profitted during the Japanese occupational period -- but this is a form of revisionist history in applying present standards to come up with judgements of past events.

After approval by the National Assembly the plan to relocate the Capital from Seoul continued -- though there were various attempts to foil the move. Prime Minister Lee Hae-chan came out in favor of the capital, but forces were mobilizing to thwart the move. Despite the costs that many Koreans feel Korea can't afford, Roh has pressed forward with his campaign promise. Calls for a national referendum has been heard, but the courts overruled the effort. By August 2004 the site for the new administrative capital had been selected at Yongi-Kongju in South Chungchong Province and a massive push on the part of the administration to get the move to a point of no return. The GNP on the other hand is in the way of making it an easy process. The Seoul City Government on 14 Aug 2004 presented a written opinion to the Constitutional Court to demand the court rule against the President Roh Moo-hyun administration's plan to move the nation's capital out of Seoul. The Seoul city government submitted the 2,300-page document at the request of the court, which made similar requests to the ministries of construction and transportation and justice.

(SITE NOTE: The Constitutional Court ruled against the move of the capital out of Seoul using a curious justification that Seoul was the "traditional capital" of Korea. However, the Roh administration used a different tact and passed a law for the creation of an "administrative city." On 24 Nov 2005, the Constitutional Court rejected the petition against the special law and the court's judges ruled 7-2 that the special law was constitutional citing, "The special law on a new administrative city is not regarded as a division of the capital." By doing so, the court ruled the government could move two-thirds of its ministries to a proposed administrative area about 160 km (100 miles) south of the capital Seoul. Under the plan, 12 of the government's ministries and 30 state-run organisations will move by 2012. Under the special law, the presidential office, high courts and legislature would remain in Seoul along with the foreign, defence and unification ministries. The ministries and agencies that do move will go to the same initially earmarked province. Roh ordered the project to start and Park Geun-hye, leader of the GNP, said on her party's Web site she respected the ruling.


Administrative City Residents Battle over Land Prices for Administrative City (19 Dec 2005)

However, Roh is playing with a stack of mirrors. The Ministry of Finance and Economy estimates a total of 45 trillion won will be spent until the whole project is completed by 2030 -- BUT the special law stipulates that no more than 8.5 trillion won should be spent on the construction of new ministry buildings and roads and other infrastructure of the city. The groundbreaking for the project is expected to be done in the latter half of 2007 after the government confirms more specific development plans. However, owners of the land openly protested the meager monetary compensation in Dec 2005 and battles with riot police. In Jan 2006 the residents refused to sell their lands to the government because the money offered would not pay for land replacement. Speculation -- that Roh had promised to stop -- had driven the land prices up in the affected areas.)

Then in August 2004 Roh made his moves to change the Ministry of Defense into a civilian controlled operation. In addition Roh told the military to get used to the idea of his rapprochement. He urged the military to try to adjust to the changing security environment on the Korean Peninsula given the reconciliatory mood in inter-Korean relations. The remark comes following the dismissal of Defense Minister Cho Young-kil in July, when controversy erupted over the misreporting of radio communications from the North at the inter-Korean maritime border on the Yellow Sea. There was a lot of disgruntled military over the treatment of senior generals for past practices. Military commanders complained of what they called the harsh punishment given to the four-star general Shin, deputy commander of CFC, saying the embezzlement should be seen as a "customary appropriation" of funds for the operation of Army units. Rumors abounded at the time that Shin's arrest might signal the beginning of Roh's reshuffle of the military.

(SITE NOTE: Many military positions in the Ministry of Defense have been eliminated under a reorganization plan completed in 2005. The reorganization appears to be aimed at consolidating the power in the Ministry of Defense -- and subordinating the Joint Chiefs of Staff control of the services. However, what may be happening is a plan to install "progressives" into the key positions -- to ensure their power into the next administration.

Though we can't say for sure, the impression we have is that the military establishment is taking a "bide-your-time" attitude in cooperating with the Roh "self-reliant" policies, but at the same time working within the realities that the ROK doesn't have the monies nor the resources (tax base) to fund the new "self-reliant defense." While Roh takes an in-your-face confrontational style with the US, the MND has cooperated for the most part with the USFK. (NOTE: The result was Roh firing the chief negotiator with the USFK in 2004 for what he considered "giving away the farm" during the Future of the Alliance (FOTA) talks.) The current Minister of Defense is a retired admiral who knows well the reality of the military, but he is also a politician who has survived repeated calls for his resignation to take responsibility for events over which he had no control. His actions to walk the political tightrope while preserving the military capabilities seems consistent with the role of a dedicated servant who must follow his master's wishes -- but has the intelligence to know how to impede abhorent actions in bureaucratic red tape, while supporting positive ones with the limited resources that is available. The MND has worked with industry to foster an indigenous defense industry -- but has to find the cheapest solutions for foreign buys because it is always underfunded. Its percentage of the GDP pie has been promised to be increased for years, but consistently remained around 2.8 percent of GDP. The MND announced in 2004 that after years of making projections of increases that it was going to have a budget around 2.8 percent of GDP until the end of the Roh administration. The conflict is that the US wanted the ROK to shoulder defense spending at 3.2 percent of GDP -- and invested $11 billion in upgrading its USFK forces. The foot-dragging on the Camp Humphreys relocation (cost-sharing and pollution claims) are instigated by National Assembly and NGO activist groups (i.e., Green Korea). The procurement of lands is under the Korea Land Development Corporation -- not the MND. Overall, we view the MND as a "friend" and "partner" of the US -- while we view Roh as an reluctant "anti-American" ally.

Roh also urged the military to reform itself by volunteering to bring light to its past wrongdoing so it could regain people's trust. This statement unfortunately is based upon the premise that the military did wrong -- and is the basis of the Truth Commission mandate. "We can get fresh trust only if we shed light on past irregularities," he said. "We've yet to clearly shed light on the unjust history under past military governments."

On 13 Aug 2004, Roh ordered Unification Minister Chung Dong-young to head the standing committee of the National Security Council (NSC) so that the minister can deal more effectively with national security issues. Chung will head unification, foreign affairs and security issues. The NSC was asked to assist Chung in his tasks on security. However, according to political observers, the move also may also be part of a strategy to nurture prominent figures within Roh's administration as potential candidates for the 2007 presidential election. Chung is the former head of the Uri party who kept shooting himself in the foot during the by elections of 15 April 2004 -- and resigned to take a position under the Roh administration.

(SITE NOTE: In April 2004, Chung Dong-young stated that the elderly did not have to vote in the upcoming election causing a flap that ended up in his losing his post as chairman of the Uri Party. As is now the pattern of Roh's administration, Chung was given the job of Minister of Unification. As the "chosen one" he was allowed in 2005 to have face-to-face negotiations with Kim Jong-il; vist the Zaytun troops in Iraq; and visit Washington to explain the ROK position on North Korea dealings. All of this was to give the former Uri Party Chairman the credentials as an international statesman in his run for his presidency candidacy in 2007. In Jan 2006, Chung Dong-young resigned as Unification Minister to run for the Uri Party leadership -- and ultimately the nomination for President in the 2007 elections.

However, Chung also illustrates a practice that Roh has put into effect since he entered Cheong Wa Dae -- "Government Spoilage." Just as Chung was "promoted" after he lost the Uri Party chairmanship, others have also benefitted from the Roh method of rewarding loyalty. In Nov 2004 it was reported that 61 politicians and 84 public servants had been rehired in affiliated organizations of the government. In particular, all 61 politicians were from the Presidential Election Management Committee, the Committee for Undertaking Presidency, and the ruling Uri Party. This practice continued into Jan 2006 when Roh nominated Lee Sang-soo as labor minister after serving a year in jail and being rejected at the polls by his constituents. Only under the Roh administration can a corrupt politician who was sentenced to prison be given a cabinet minister's job. In March 2004, Lee was sentenced to one year in prison for masterminding illegal political fundraising from local corporations to finance the election campaign of President Roh Moo-hyun, then the ruling Millennium Democratic Party (MDP)'s presidential candidate. Lee was arrested for receiving W3.2 billion (US$3.2 million) in illicit funds and sentenced to a one-year prison term by the Supreme Court in November 2004. In August 2005, Lee was pardoned and had his civil rights restored by Roh --- and in Jan 2006, he was appointed by Roh as Minister of Labor.

Another problem Chung has been in the center of is the "giveaways" that have been taking place with the North. Despite $3.5 billion in South Korean aid during the past decade, Seoul has achieved little change to North Korean behavior or the nature of its regime. The rising cost of Seoul's engagement policy is starting to concern the public -- especially since Roh has unwisely chosen to weaken the US-ROK alliance in favor of his "self-reliant defense" forcing the ROK to modernize its defenses at rates it cannot afford. The ROK budgeted W620 trillion (US$620 billion) for the military reorganization plan -- assuming prospects for the inter-Korean relationship remain rosy. In addition, the ROK must also foot other Roh pet projects such as the relocation of the "administrative city" that are going to cost more than has been allocated. In Jul 2005, South Korea's proposal to provide two million kilowatts of electricity to the North would cost $11bn through 2018 and was predicated on being in lieu of Seoul's obligation to 70% of the cost of the KEDO $4.5bn LWR project that is now defunct. In Jan 2006, the public was starting to question whether Roh's concern for the welfare of the North was more important the welfare of the South suffering from a prolonged recession and joblessness. Then in Jan 2006, Roh announced that there simply was not enough funds to support the long-range programs that he had committed the nation to -- meaning that a tax increase was imminent. (See Roh Administration Seeking to Find New Tax Funding (Jan 2006) for details.))

At the same time, President Roh announced his intentions to share his workload with the prime minister whose role has so far been seriously restricted. "In that sense, the change should be seen as establishment of a system in which the prime minister is responsible for state policies rather than politics," Prime Minister Lee Hai-chan said at a luncheon meeting. After Prime Minister Goh resigned following the overturning of Roh's impeachment motion, Lee's position has been severely limited. However, there are concerns that Roh is using Lee as a lightning rod to take the blame if things go wrong, while Roh still controls the action from the background.

(SITE NOTE: As it turned out, Roh has been the lightning rod and Lee Hae-chan has turned into the real power behind the formulation of domestic policy -- much to the consternation of conservatives. Roh has made blunder after blunder that his staff has had to "explain." His unusual public displays of self-criticism and off-the-cuff policy statements have unnerved the populace and raised concerns over his aptitude as president. His constant tact to "mobilize the people" instead of using the political arena to further his programs has started to wear thin. Roh has vacillated on his policies towards the US and the economy, sending conflicting signals on the importance of the alliance and the government's attitude towards foreign direct investment. He has implemented a series of inconsistent policies that have often been withdrawn when confronted by opposition by the public, the Uri Party or advocacy groups. As a result, he has alienated both conservatives and liberals, undermining his political base and constraining his influence.

Policymaking hampered by amateurism and government infighting. Roh's implementation of a decentralized, non-hierarchical governmental structure has led to a dysfunctional policymaking structure marked by confusion and animosity amongst the Blue House (presidential office), the prime minister, the ruling Uri Party, and the legislature. He exacerbated the chaos by an over-reliance on politically inexperienced aides and delegating extensive power to 23 presidential committees. Prime Minister Lee Hae-chan warned against the "domination of presidential aides and private organizations." According to a World Bank report, the quality of South Korea's governance ranking fell measurably during the past two years in several categories, including: political stability, effectiveness of civil servants and administrative service, quality of regulation, and corruption control. (Source: Nautilus.)

The status of South Korea's long-awaited national economic recovery is foremost on the electorate's mind, more so than the North Korean nuclear threat or ideological differences between political parties. Despite the president's repeated promises to focus his attention on improving the economy, he is perceived as having expended his political capital on peripheral issues, such as relocating the national capital from Seoul, rescinding the National Security Law and probing into historical issues. Economic indexes for the first half of 2005 were adjusted downward in July to 3%, lower than last year's growth and contrary to Roh's promises of 7% growth, raising public and investor concerns. The government front-loaded government spending in the beginning of the year in an attempt to jump-start the economy, though to little avail. (Source: Nautilus.)

Consumer and investor confidence in South Korea's economic recovery has remained tenuous and volatile due to domestic and international events. The rising price of oil has undermined hopes of improved economic status by year's end. The deputy premier for finance and economy recently assessed that the economy "may fall into a long-term recession like that of Japan." As of Jan 2006, CEOs of the major corporations were still split evenly over whether the ROK had "turned the corner" on coming out of the prolonged recession or was still in the midst of it though it had bottomed out.

Scandal after scandal amongst his cabinet members have entailed replacements like a revolving door. However, most admit that he is a better Prime Minister than he was an Education Minister under Kim Dae-jung. In that position, he tried to implement the ridiculed "egalitarian" education movement -- that has been repackaged and reissued as school reform in the Roh administration.

Despite a campaign pledge to eliminate government corruption, throughout his presidency Roh has been beset by scandals involving close aides. Although there have not been any credible accusations against Roh personally, the scandals provide fodder for political opponents to criticize the president and derail his policy initiatives. The latest series of allegations involve Representative Lee Kwang-jae, a long-time aide to Roh, who has been accused of orchestrating the National Railroad's misguided investment in a Russian oil project, which resulted in a multi-million dollar loss for the company. Two Roh aides, former presidential Secretary for Economic Affairs Chung Tae-in and former Chairman of the Presidential Committee on Northeast Asia Cooperation Initiative Moon Chung-in, were indicted in August 2005 for exercising undue influence in support of the Haengdam Island development project. (Source: Nautilus.))

The US was forging ahead with its reduction in forces moves while Roh still clung to his "self-reliant" defense ideas to unrealistically have the ROK able to maintain its own defense by 2010. This is a pipe-dream which all state is impossible -- especially since the Roh administration and Uri Party will not increase the military budgets significantly. It will take a minimum of a 3.2 percent of GDP -- which Seoul promised in 2003, but only delivered a 2.9 percent budget. Add in the massive expenditures needed to relocate the capital of Seoul south, this idea of military upgrades is threatened from the start.

(SITE NOTE: Roh's dreams of his "self-reliant" defense is coupled with the demand in Oct 2005 to control the ROK troops in time of war has added headache after headache to the USFK. The alliance has been strained to the limit -- and now things are awaiting the signing of the Japanese Restructuring and Reorganization Treaty in Mar 2006 to see what future actions the US will take. There appears to be moves to allow the dissolution of the CFC which in turn will free the US from "joint defense" of the ROK -- but rather become the "supporting partner" in case of attack. For its part, the Roh has had to face the reality of his decision as the cost is astronomical -- and now that the US has declared that it will not be the "patron" of the ROK, the contracts are being let to other countries -- but at a cost to the US-ROK alliance. The ROK budgeted W620 trillion (US$620 billion) for the Military Reorganization Plan -- assuming prospects for the inter-Korean relationship remain rosy. However, in pursuing its upgrade to high-tech weaponry, the ROK finds technology transfer -- to build its indigenous arms manufacturing capability -- more important than national defense.)

The US is firm on its reductions of 12,000 by 2005 -- while the ROK continues to try to hide the anti-American demonstrations that are on-going in Korea. The move out of Yongsan now moved to 2008 still remains threatened by a "reformist-minded" Uri Party controlled National Assembly.

(SITE NOTE: In 2004, the protestors stopped using English on their signs to say "Yankee Go Home." They found that these drew international attention. Instead, protestors now say "Yankee Go Home" -- or the more generic "American Soldier (Migun) Go Home" in hangul to prevent the bad press. As the USFK pulls out of the camps along the DMZ, much of the ammunition against the USFK has been eliminated.

Declining public support led Roh to pursue increasingly nationalist policies. His strident rhetoric against Japan in response to the Dokdo Island and Japanese textbook issues led to a short-term response in public support. His position over the Yasukuni Shrine visits by Japanese Prime Minister Koizumi has been used by Roh to derail any Japanese summit -- though it is to the benefit of the country. The ticklish problem is that large segments of Roh's political base support stronger anti-American statements and policy. In 2006, anti-Americanism is still alive and well in Korea.

In 2004 the cause celebre was the oft-heard phrase: "Tokdo is OURS!!!" When his approval ratings plummeted, Roh cranked up the nationalistic fervor. From school kids to grandmas, everyone beat their chests that the Japanese were out to again "take" what was rightfully Korea's. The truth was that the rock called Tokdo is "disputed." The Japanese said that they were willing to take the case to the World courts, but it was KOREA that refused. Both the Japanese and Koreans had previously agreed to allow the area to be a "joint fishing zone." However, soon the Koreans simply crowded out the Japanese -- and when the Japanese complained, the Korean gunboats showed up to "protect" Tokdo.

In 2005, the whole situation under Roh was out of hand. Instead, Roh tried to play the case in the media -- and hyped up the feelings of the people in a nationalistic frenzy. Things got so heated that people burned themselves to death and a mother and son chopped their fingers off. The hysteria was pumped up over the middle school history book in Japan that "distorted" history -- but it hadn't even been accepted by the schools yet. Later Koreans were also angered last year when the Japanese authorities approved a new line of schoolbooks asserting Japan's sovereign claim to the rocky islets. Then the visits of Koizumi to the Yasukuni shrine became the next sore point in both Korean and Chinese affairs. Politicians flocked to have their pictures taken on the rock -- and long-distance swimmers swam to the island from the mainland. Moves were taken for tours to be made to the island. In all, 2005 which was supposed to be the "Friendship Year with Japan" turned into a year of national hatred fostered by a President out to divert attention away from his failed programs.

In 2006, the Tokdo cries continue starting with the symbolic overfly by the USAF chief of staff in a F-15K accompanied by F-16s in Jan 2006. Despite strong protests in Feb 2006, Japan's Shimane Prefecture said it would push ahead with celebrations of the country's claim to a set of Korean islets. The Shimane Prefecture government was to mark the first Takeshima Day on 22 Feb 2006 after the local assembly passed a bill last year authorizing the celebration. Takeshima is the Japanese name for the Dokdo islands. Korea has demanded that Shimane Prefecture retract the designation of the day and cancel any commemorative events, but the prefecture will proceed as planned.


Kim Sung-do, who moved into Dokdo with his wife on 19 Feb 2006, examines his 1.3-ton-boat at a port in Ullung-do before sailing it to his new home hours later. (19 Feb 2006)

On 20 Feb it was announced two of the three Koreans who are registered residents of Dokdo islet, Kim Seong-do and Kim Shin-yeol, moved back home after 10 years. The couple moved to the islet in 1991 and left the islet in 1996 after their house collapsed in a storm and the dock became non-functional. The couple have been living on a neighboring island, Ullung-do, ever since. With its political tension with Japan over Dokdo escalating, the Ministry of Maritime Affaires and Fisheries spent 1.7 billion won ($1.75 million) to build a four-room house and repair the port facilities to lure civilian residents to the islets. The Maritime Ministry has "repaired" the couple's home, and private groups raised funds to buy a new fishing boat for them. The couple will soon have a neighbor in Pyung Bu-kyung, a 55-year-old poet, who plans to move to Dokdo sometime in April. (NOTE: These "residents" are "political pawns" as the ROK allowed people to register as residents to attempt to support their sovereignty case. As far as we know, prior to the 1990s, there were only fishing huts used for temporary shelter by fisherman, but no regular residents because of the lack of fresh water. The outpost is guarded by a lighthouse manned by maritime police and equipped with a helipad. Concrete docks were constructed after the old docks fell into disrepair in the late 1990s.)

Father and Son Purchase Tokdo Stamp (17 Jan 2004) (NOTE: Korea printed a stamp of Tokdo -- but denounced the Japanese when they did the same. (NOTE: The South was silent when the North Koreans did the same for a Tokdo stamp, but very vocal when the Japanese prefecture issued a Tokdo stamp.)

The fact that Roh tried unsuccessfully in 2005 to remove the "outlawed" status of the Hanchongnyeon, the National Federation of Student Councils, one of the most violent anti-American groups speaks loudly of his position. (NOTE: In 1997, the ROK Supreme Court ruled that Hanchongnyeon was an "enemy-benefiting group" and an anti-State organization under articles of the National Security Law (NSL). The group's reform was part of the unsuccessful push to eliminate the NSL.) This group was responsible for the violent attack on Camp Humphreys in Jul 2005. On the second point of the "Uri Party controlled National Assembly" has changed. The Uri Party no longer has a majority after election violations or convictions caused the party to lose many seats -- and in by-elections never recovered them. In the Apr 2005 by-elections, the Uri Party received NO seats -- a public humiliation of the party and Roh.)

The troops to Iraq promised in June were still awaiting movement to Iraq in August 2004 -- though everyone has thanked them for their "support." What makes this whole move ridiculous is that the 3,600 troops of the 2d Bde 2d ID was notified AFTER the ROK approved their 3,600 troops for Iraq in MARCH 2003 ... and then went into denial and stalls. Only a blind idiot cannot see that the US pulled out their troops because the ROK was not a reliable ally. And they moved a brigade with more than 1,800 vehicles out in less than two months...while the ROK is still fumbling. (See Relocation of USFK (2004).)

(SITE NOTE: The 2d Bde 2d ID departed Korea -- and did not return to Korea. The ROK Zaytun unit did not go to Iraq until Dec 2004 after much hassling to be in a "safe" location in the Kurdish held territory at Irbil. While over 2000 American troops have been killed, not one ROK has been injured or killed. The only person hurt was when a ROK soldier accidentally killed an Iraqi soldier with his K-2 rifle. In 2005, the passed legislation to reduce its troops by about 1000, though it did extend them for a year. However, the point has been made to the ROK that the US is capable of relocating out of Korea in a VERY short time -- if it so desires.

Currently in 2006 the units from Yongsan were supposed to start the relocation process to Osan AB and Camp Humphreys, but the ROK still has not procured all the land. The foot-dragging continues, though the ROK is making lots of PR noise. But the USFK has also started to downsize to "units of action" (UA) and reposition units to Pyeongtaek -- and switching its rear echelon units to Camp Stanley and Red Cloud. There is a lot of behind the scenes actions that are taking place to relocate the US troops off the DMZ in a very low-key manner.)

Roh who was swept into office on his America Go Home plank, is now asking the US to delay its timetable for troop reductions. However, it is probably too late. They have stalled and "renegotiated" at every turn to the point that the U.S. does not believe that they will negotiate in good faith. The ROK continues with its rapprochement stance and has gone into face-to-face negotiations on Kaesong over the export of certain prohibited technologies.

(SITE NOTE: Currently the topic of pollution of the camps being returned under the 2001 Land Partnership Plan is a stall by the ROK to try to keep the USFK on the DMZ. However, this will most likely NOT work as the LPP is a separate topic from the relocation. The camp can be empty and the relocation can still take place. The US stated that the ROK is using a different standard than what was agreed upon in the SOFA negotiations on the topic. It is a legal matter at this time.

However, on the topic of cost-sharing for the relocation, the ROK is backed against a wall. If it does NOT provide funding for the relocation as agreed upon, then it will have reneged on an binding agreement. As to the additional $500 million to be used as fill for the area near the Anseong River, that is another story. This "requirement" was surfaced in 2004 and the ROK refuses to consider the matter. This will be a long and dragged out process.

On the topic of technology transfer, there was a great stall by the US over the use of telecom switch units using American technology in a "terrorist" nation. Finally in Dec 2005, it was approved for use at Kaesong -- though it seemed curious that Korea Telecom immediately started talking of providing service to ALL of North Korea -- and later it again stated that Kaesong would be the central hub, but what about the other nodes??? Another curious fact is that the US approved the purchase of an Unmanned Air Vehicle (UAV) for Japan in 2005, but refused the request from the South Koreans. In 2005, the Koreans attempted to switch bids on its AWACS aircraft buy from the US to Israel, only to discover that the US had the communication patents on the radio gear...and was not going to open the door on them.)

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Half of Roh's Pledges Are Unfulfilled (Feb 2006) The following article appeared in the Donga Ilbo on 13 Feb 2006.

Half of Roh's Pledges Are Unfulfilled

After three years in office as of February 2006, President Roh Moo-hyun still has not delivered on half of the 150 campaign pledges he made during the 2002 presidential election, according to a recent Dong-A Ilbo study.

Of the 150 pledges he made, 64 or 42.7 percent of the total, including opening an investigative agency on high-ranking corruption and restructuring government committees, are showing slow progress. Eleven pledges (7.3 percent), including the introduction of a residential recall system and easing workers' tax burdens, have reportedly been abandoned.

Dong-A Ilbo conducted the survey to evaluate government performance on legislative, administrative, budgetary levels relating to its 150 promises, and each pledge was categorized into one of four groups: "completed; ongoing; slow progress; failure." The survey consulted 51 experts in each field for advice, and also reflected government agency views.

The survey revealed that 73 pledges (48.7 percent), including ensuring transparency in political fund management and making key administrative services available online, are being carried out. Two promises (1.3 percent) were kept when the government held confirmation hearings for the top posts of the National Intelligence Service, the Public Prosecutor's Office and the National Police Agency, and enhanced family gender equality by scrapping the male-dominated Family Registry System. Apart from pledge performance evaluations, reporters analyzed 12 key pledges and observed problems that seem to appear and reappear in the execution process. (SITE NOTE: The one of his first acts was Roh appointing a "left-leaning" head to the NIS and when the National Assembly objected, Roh installed him anyway. He then installed a "leftist" as director of National Security planning. He then "fired" the entire senior staff of the Seoul Public Prosecutor's Office and installed hand-picked "progressives" without thought of seniority -- much to the anger of prosecutors throughout the country. Most recently he "arranged" for the resignation of Police Commissioner Huh -- using the NHRC to make a ridiculous recommendation that riot police used excessive force when they were being attacked by protestors with steel pipes and sharpened bamboo sticks -- and installed the high school/college classmate of Premier Lee as the new Police Commissioner. The scrapping of the old Family Register System is an initiative that Roh cannot claim. It started over twenty years ago by activist feminist groups. However, the system still is working to make provisions for foreigners who are banned from the system that still perpetuates the principles of a "homogeneous" society.)

Promises to ensure independent military and diplomatic policies, fair competition by keeping family-oriented large conglomerates in check, fair competition by reforming chaebols, and the promise to build an administrative capital were strongly pushed for by the government, but at the cost of deeper political, social, and economic conflicts. (SITE NOTE: The Roh idea of being a "balancer" in Northeast Asia has been discarded as the South doesn't have the military might nor the political clout to make this happen. The "self-reliant defense" may bankrupt the country. While Japan and even North Korea was investing in their military, the South diverted their resources to the expansion of the chaebol system. It did not start upgrading its military for 15 years while surrounding countries did. Instead it remained under the US "umbrella" until the mid-1990s when the US literally forced the ROK to start its upgrade programs. As a result it it playing catchup with countries that an almost insurmountable advantage. The push for fair competition by reforming the chaebols has turned into a farce. All it has shown is that there are two standards of the law: one that applies to rich and powerful chaebol families who can embezzle funds and commit "white collar" crimes in the millions and receive suspended sentences and minor fines -- and be pardoned by Presidential decree -- while the lower classes are punished under a different standard. The administrative capital is being pushed ahead on a "lie." The National Assembly allocated only $82 billion for the relocation process, but the whole process will cost over ten times as much. The final costs will be much, much more -- and still Roh presses ahead on his promise to gain votes in the area.)

Reporters also observed inefficiency regarding the fulfillment of six promises, including the realization of seven percent annual economic growth, national debt reduction, resolving Korea's wealth disparity problem, and the promise to increase the size of Korea's middle class to 70 percent of the nation. (SITE NOTE: The nation is still in a recession that started in 2003. The national debt continues to skyrocket as Roh's fanciful promises keeps adding to the bills. Roh stated that there was going to be a 10 trillion won ($10 billion) deficit, but it will be MUCH higher. His programs to fight wealth disparity are a farce. His target of curbing real estate speculation has NOT worked as prices still rise -- and he still awarded medals to the government heads who spearheaded this action. The most disastrous is his promise to increase the middle class. His programs and economic policies have wrecked havoc on the middle class who are now struggling simply to survive.)

But reporters also observed resolve and concrete measures on the part of the government regarding its pledges to cut the cost of elections, computerize key administrative processes, abolish the Family Registry System, and enhance gender equality. Professor Lee Dal-gon of the Graduate School of Public Administration at Seoul National University said, "For the most part, Roh's 2002 election pledges were intended to win votes. Now that he has only two years left, he should carefully select plans that can really benefit the nation and focus his energy on fulfilling them." (SITE NOTE: The pledge to cut the cost of elections was politically motivated, but as transparency measures by the National Election Commission (NEC) have prosecuted violators of illegal contributions has cause many from Roh's Uri Party to lose their seats in the National Assembly. It is a bitter-sweet success. The computerizing of government processes has had mixed results as public access led to wide spread forgeries of government certificates available on line. Still many advantages of the e-government in speeding up processes has benefitted society. The Family Registry System reform is one that has been fought for over twenty years. However, the ripple effect of the changes are still to be seen in society. As to gender equality, we still feel that Roh's works have been simply eyewash and no substantive effort has been made. Equal work for equal pay still remains unresolved.)

Meanwhile, a government spokesperson said, "It is inappropriate to judge the government's performance based on individual campaign promises because the government is working on large groups of pledges. We reviewed Roh's campaign promises and prioritized them after his election."

The Presidential Secretary's Office analyzed 117 of Roh's campaign pledges last year and reported that 53 had been fulfilled, 108 were in progress, 11 showed little progress, and five needed further work. (Source: Donga Ilbo.)

The following is excerpted from Reformist Policy. President Roh is a reformist -- that is not in doubt. In Feb 2003, his cabinet was made up of reformists breaking all the rules of seniority or qualifications or experience. The majority of his group were in their 40s-50s with the oldest being his Premier Goh at 65. The Ministers seemed to be selected on their espoused vision of how to change the institutions -- without regard to any real experience in government or high-level leadership positions. For example, he appointed a popular movie director as the head of the Ministry of Tourism and Culture.

The best thing that can be said of the Roh administration was that it was "policy run by amateurs." Frequent scandals have constantly rotated his cabinet so there were few that lasted from 2003.

Following his successful election on Dec. 19, 2002 as the next President of Korea, he declared an ambitious 10-point government policy vision as head of the new government to be formed. They consisted of the following:

1. A nation divided cannot stand. Korea must initiate a new era of regional reconciliation and national unity. (SITE NOTE: The reunification of Korea is priority-one with the continuation of the "Sunshine Policy" -- changed to the ""Peace and Prosperity Policy" under Roh. As to regionalism, there were early signs of discontent from the South Cholla area that gave him 98 percent of their vote in the Presidential election, but did not receive their "fair share" of political appointments. The Administrative City idea is seen as a way to buy votes in the Southeast portions of Korea -- not as a way to reduce regionalism.)

2. We must advance our nation with key emphasis on fair principles and justice. (SITE NOTE: The reforms he had in mind was to gut the NIS and National Security Law, bring the Ministry of Justice prosecutor office to heel under the thumb of the President; and foster chaebol reforms in favor of the unions. As to the U.S. military presence, this meant restructuring the relationship with America from a vertical relationship (big brother) to a horizontal one (equals). Unfortunately, the U.S. is going to restructure the relationship in the form of "my way" or "no way." The outdated cold war positioning of forces in Korea is about to come to an end. Korea is about to learn that the US does NOT work well in "partnerships." As a super-power, it will be boss or there will be no relationship at all.)

3. Korea must play a leadership role in the reshaping of the Northeast Asian order and take a new leap higher in the world arena. (SITE NOTE: The first attempt was the failed intermediary mission to North Korea. This bold approach unfortunately has not received the welcome response anticipated from its neighbors. Instead Korea has shifted its emphasis to making Korea a internet business hub of the future. Unfortunately, most investors have shunned Korea. The Korean government talks about Korea as a "business hub of Northeast Asia," but after dealing with Korean bureaucrats, foreign investors generally concur that civil servants here are in dire need of an attitude adjustment. The bottom line is that Korea in a leadership role will be "a shrimp swimming amongst whales" -- referring to the US, China and Japan.)

4. We must nurture our society to be a sound healthy economy, with plentiful job opportunities, and where hard-working people can enjoy economic well-being. (SITE NOTE: His first acts appeared to be conciliatory actions to the union demands in the national railway strike and soon followed by the trucker strike. More were expected to follow and hospitals and health services. The fact that the economy stagnated from the start of his Presidency speaks for itself. The economy has been in a prolonged recession starting in 2003 and the promises of "signs" that Korea was coming out of it has been heard for years. The only thing bouying up the economy statistics are the exports from the major conglomerates. For the working class, things have gotten harder.)

5. All citizens are entitled to their constitutional rights to pursue happiness and have their fundamental human rights protected. We must create a society with a warm heart. (SITE NOTE: Roh has instituted an egalitarian system of the pursuit of happiness. In other words, his ideal was to penalize the rich to expand the benefits to the lower classes. The Press Law to bring down the "gangster press" is also before the Constitutional Court. Roh seems to head his reforms to rid itself of the National Intelligence Service; free dissident activists from prison (including North Korean spies and student activists); and gut the National Security Act. In his reforms, Roh sought to pardon the North-Korean supporters of Hanchongnyeon student union.)

6. We must encourage a national culture that boosts its people's pride, a well-educated nation where all reach their full potential, and a Korea all wish for their descendants to inherit. (SITE NOTE: The Ministry of Education NEIS plan to standardize national education has faced strong opposition from teachers' unions nationwide. However, all that has happened is an educational system that is "confused" at best with the Private School Law before the Constitutional Court.)

7. Digitalization and the IT revolution are can't-miss opportunities for Korea. We must harness these tools to become a global benchmark and digital powerhouse accessible to all. (SITE NOTE: Roh knows the importance of this element as it by most accounts is what assured him his election. In March 2002, Roh set out his vision to make Korea number one in computer linkages and to turn Korea into a internet business hub. This has allowed e-government to prosper, but with it all of the problems of stolen identities, hacking, industrial espionage, etc. Then there is the concern that the younger children are spending more and more time on the internet -- and neglecting their school work.)

8. We must continue political reform that returns politics to the people, the National Assembly to the lawmakers, and the party to the party members. (SITE NOTE: By May 2003, the honeymoon was over. The majority opposition was vowing to make his life hell and young rebels in his ruling party was setting up the formation of a new party. In July 2003, the idea of a new party collapsed as the reality set in that they could never win the elections in 2004. The Uri Party was formed and Roh joined the party -- making mortal enemies of the Millineum Democratic Party (which later changed its name because of scandals to the Democratic Party). After Roh's "mandate" after the backlash against the GNP and MDP for their roles in the impeachment, he started to assume a high-handed method of railroading legislation through because of the Uri Party majority. Roh has appointed ministers making a mockery of "confirmation hearings" which were nothing more than rubber stamp sessions. Soon the Uri Party lost its majority as legislators were stripped of their seats due to election violations. The Uri Party railroaded bills through to establish their "progressive" agenda. However, soon the Uri Party was losing at the polls and new tactics were in trouble. The last disastrous defeat was in Oct 2005 when the Uri Party did not win a single seat in the by-elections. The handwriting is on the wall for the 2007 Presidential elections unless something drastic happens.)

9. An approachable President and humbled power will make Korea strong. Revive the concept of accountability in the posts of Prime Minister and Ministers as stated in the constitution. Realize an administration that caters to the specific and broader needs of the people. (SITE NOTE: This is Roh's vision of a "participatory government." Roh has started his style of town meetings to make himself appear more accessible to the people. He knows the value of the internet and has actively promoted it as the medium of the future. He started a bulletin board on the Blue House website, but soon delegated the responsibility for fielding the questions to the separate miinistries. On 23 Mar in his use of the internet to take his message directly to the people, President Roh unveiled his plans for reducing the wealth gap, the US-ROK FTA. and the criteria for the nomination of the next Prime Minister, and address other issues facing the nation in an "Internet Conversation with the Nation" sponsored jointly by five portal sites: Nate, Daum, Yahoo, Empas, and Paran. During the 60-80 minute conversation, Roh answered questions posed by a 5-member panel including well-known bloggers, audience-members, "special guests" (movie stars) and Netizens.)

Roh prefers the television medium and has openly debated rebellious prosecutors -- and in May 2003 sat down for a televised question and answer show from a panel of journalists. The response has been positive to his approach. The pattern was obvious -- Roh would make a statement and he then would blame it on a misinterpretation by his Blue House spokesperson. He fired the first, then in June 2003 Roh Moo-hyun said that he had indicated to Japan's Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi that the ROK would REJECT any other course than dialogue in the North Korean nuclear crisis. "During my visit to Japan, I conveyed a strong intention that we exclude use of force and other means that Reforms must succeed. Failed reforms cannot be called reforms. Our leadership will systemize open participation and dialogue.

The biggest challenge was taking on the chaebols, the government bureaucracy and entrenched conservatives. He attacked the established power structure by simply appointing his "progressives" and "left-leaning" supporters into the Seoul District Prosecutors Office, Supreme Court, and Police Commissioner. He "purged" the Foreign Ministry and installed in Jan 2004 Roh's foreign policy adviser Ban Ki Moon because there were leaks of information that Roh claimed was "aiming to change his foreign policy, and after policies had been decided, there were leaks designed to influence the details of those policies." He reorganized the Ministry of Defense to make it "accountable" by instituting civilian heads -- approved by the Cheong Wa Dae -- in many key departments. He appointed a "left-leaning" director to the NIS and a "leftist" to the director of National Security Planning. Then he delegated powers so the the Prime Minister would handle domestic policy and the Unification Ministry and National Security Council handled international policy. Then he opened up the floodgates to hire 40,000 new government employees -- making one wonder how many positions were for supporters. In other words, Roh did not attempt reform through legislation, but reform through implementation.

In other words, he placed progressives in the key departments to affect changes to the regulations that control the government administration of programs. Our personal position is that it will take years to undo the damage that Roh and his supporters have wrought on Korea. The Koreans are to blame for this mess as they have meekly allowed Roh to do this to the country. Roh's "egalitarian" reforms in many countries would be call "communist" reforms.)

Go to Roh Moo-hyun: Radical Reformist or Anti-American for background material on Roh Moo-hyun's Presidency up to 2005.

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Roh Adds 22 Ministers in Three Years (Feb 2006) In the three years since President Roh Moo-hyun took office, Cheong Wa Dae has reshuffled itself over 10 times, or about once every three to four months. Over that time, five ministerial and 22 vice ministerial posts have added to the cabinet. The number of presidential office personnel has increased from two chiefs of staff, five senior secretaries, and six advisers three years ago to the current three chiefs of staff, eight senior secretaries, and two advisers now. Overall, two ministers and three vice ministers have been added.

Critics say Cheong Wa Dae frequently reshuffles its cabinet to increase its size and plug loopholes. The government recently scrapped its "dedicated senior secretary system" which was aimed at increasing the independence of individual departments. Critics say that some of these secretary positions were created specifically to reward Roh supporters and to act as stepping stones to higher positions.

The number of public servants has increased 25 percent from 106 in 2002, the end of the Kim Dae-jung administration, to the current 133. A ministerial post costs the government about 400 million won a year, including a salary of about 100 million won, and money for up to six aides and various expenses.

Song Hee-jun, a public administration professor at Ewha Women's University, said, "Communist countries had many ministers and vice ministers in the past, but the number in industrialized countries, such as Japan, is declining. Even New Zealand, which reformed its public administration system in the early 1980s and increased government agencies for responsible management, kept its number of officials low by encouraging them to hold additional positions." (Source: Donga Ilbo.)

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Roh's Approval Rating at 3-Year Low (March 2006) President Roh's popularity has fluctuated over the past year, reaching 50 percent when he took a firm stance against Japan's claim over South Korea's Dokdo islets in the East Sea in March 2005, but falling to 26 percent when he proposed a political alliance with the conservative Grand National Party in July. His approval rating edged up to around 30 percent early this year after the economy started to pick up steam.

President Roh Moo-hyun's approval rating has dropped to an all-time 22.9 percent low on his third year in office. According to the survey by the Korea Society Opinion Institute (KSOI) conducted on Feb. 21, more than six in 10 respondents said Roh is ``not doing well'' in managing state affairs. Roh had his highest approval rating, around 39 percent, last April. 27.6 percent of respondents said there was ``nothing'' the Roh government did well.

``The lowest ratings of social conflicts solution is related to ideological conflicts such as the government's plan to review history and the other one to reform the private school law,'' the researcher said. Meanwhile, the GNP has seen its popularity increase to 37.4 percent, while the governing Uri Party at 18.4 was losing its public support. The Democratic Labor Party got an 8.9 percent approval rating, while the Democratic Party achieved 4.1 percent. (Source: Korea Times.)

In conjunction with this falling popularity, Nosamo, an online support group for fans of President Roh Moo-hyun, is starting to wane. Nosamo literally means, "people who love Roh". During the 2002 presidential election campaign, an endless stream of critical comments against conservative figures who seemed to play a negative role in Roh's election success flowed onto the Nosamo bulletin board, and many regular writers participated in the online discussion. But political debate on the site is rarer now and the number of frequent writers has also shrunk to five or six, compared to 30 or 40 members three years ago.

"Even if President Roh says something inconsistent with reality, it is very difficult to criticize Roh's point of view because this may stigmatize one as a 'spy of enemy,' said Kim (46), a founding member of Nosamo. "Passionate and enthusiastic writing on the website bulletin board is getting rarer." But Jeong Me-ri (40), a founding member of Nosamo and an Uri Party administration office director, argues that "Nosamo's decline is due to changes in its members' political views." She also said, "If President Roh gets into hot water or is entangled in conspiracy allegations again, 100,000 Nosamo members will take to the street shortly afterwards." This is unrealistic as Roh's attempts to stir up the populace over Tokdo in 2005 only ended up in fanatics cutting their fingers off and immolating themselves, not a 100,000 members streaming through the streets in protest.

However, on 22 Mar it was reported that The approval rating for President Roh Moo-hyun's management of state affairs rose 40.5 percent due to the good performance of the South Korean national baseball team and the sacking of the prime minister. Cheong Wa Dae said the survey conducted last week on 1,000 people nationwide by Hankook Research showed 40.5 percent of people supported Roh, while his disapproval rating came to 56 percent. "The main reason seems to be the decision by Roh to accept Prime Minister Lee Hae-chan's resignation on March 14," a aide said.

He said another reason for the rise in Roh's popularity can be found in the strong showing by the national team in the recent World Baseball Classic. The team made it to the semifinals after beating Japan twice and the United States once. The presidential office also said that signs the economy is making a gradual recovery are helping Roh's popularity to some extent.

But after "rubber stamp" confirmation hearings of the President's nominations for ministers to replace those who resigned for scandals or to run for local elections, there was rising questions of the government's "reforms." A Chosun Ilbo editorial on 23 Mar questioned whether Roh's reforms were simply rhetoric. It stated, "In the two-and-a-half years since the administration came to power, the number of civil servants increased by more than 26,000 and their personnel budget reached W1.27 trillion (US$1.27 billion). But the competitiveness of this government ranked 60th among 209 countries last year, according to the World Bank. It has become fat but ineffective. That it also came 40th among 159 countries in the corruption index of Transparency International last year is a mark of shame for a government that purports to pursue transparency and reform. It is also self-contradictory if the government touts decentralization while at the same time doing everything in its power to wrest control of the provinces from the opposition in the forthcoming local elections."

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Nuclear Talks with North Korea: US-ROK Go Separate Ways (May 2006) After three years' pursuit of a diplomatic resolution to the North Korean nuclear stand-off through negotiations involving China, Japan, Russia, the US and the two Koreas – dubbed the six-party talks – the Bush administration appears to have tired of trying to negotiate with Pyong­yang and changed tack to push human rights issues aggressively. Seoul, which has refrained from even mentioning human rights for fear of antagonising its northern neighbor and jeopardizing engagement, has responded by intensifying its economic and diplomatic contacts.

The two had been working together until late last year to try to reach agreement with North Korea through the six-nation framework. But talks have foundered since the September 19 agreement last year – now being referred to as the "high-water mark" – in which Pyongyang agreed to abandon its nuclear weapons programme and the other parties pledged to discuss providing the state with a light water reactor "at an appropriate time". (SITE NOTE: In the past, there was an agreement that Japan, Korea and the US would coordinate their actions on North Korea. However, ever since 2003 when Roh took office, the ROK has NOT coordinated its actions and throw monkey wrenches into the nuclear talks -- by attempting to be the go-between in the talks, which North Korea has bluntly stated to the South that it did NOT want. The South has been a thorn in the nuclear talks for over three years.)

Those opposed to diplomatic contact with North Korea have been emboldened by the unexpected success of US financial sanctions aimed at stopping Pyongyang distributing counterfeit dollars and laundering money earned through illicit activities. The action effectively curtailed North Korea's ability to trade both legally and illegally.

The New York Times reported in May that the US was considering a change in tactics that would involve starting talks on a peace treaty with North Korea in parallel with the talks. President Bush's top advisers have recommended a broad new approach to dealing with North Korea that would include beginning negotiations on a peace treaty, even while efforts to dismantle the country's nuclear program are still under way, senior administration officials and Asian diplomats say. As described by administration officials, none of whom would speak on the record about deliberations inside the White House, Mr. Bush's aides envision starting negotiations over a formal peace treaty that would include the original signatories of the armistice — China, North Korea and the United States, which signed on behalf of the United Nations. They would also add South Korea, now the world's 11th-largest economy, which declined to sign the original armistice. (Source: System Club News.)

This hawkish group has identified human rights as another area where pressure can be applied to North Korea, one of the most repressive countries in the world, where tens of thousands of people are reported to be in labor camps. The strategy was put into practice in May when six North Korean refugees were accepted into the US from a south-east Asian country, the first to arrive since Mr Bush signed the North Korean Human Rights Act in 2004, a law designed to make it easier for North Koreans to apply for refugee status. (SITE NOTE: In May 2006 the UN Refugee Commission stated that future "refugees" will not be given that status as they are automatically granted citizenship by the South Koreans. Thus if they opt to go to America, the Refugee Commission will only advise them of their status -- and America can do what it wants. The problem between the two reluctant allies remains in place.)

The South's unification ministry in May described Jay Lefkowitz, Washington's special envoy on North Korean human rights, as "biased" and "narrow-minded" for his criticism of the Kaesong industrial park. The complex, a collaborative project on the border between the two Koreas in which companies from the South employ workers from the North, is a key plank of Seoul's engagement policy. (SITE NOTE: The Kaesong Industrial complex is also at the center of the on-going Fair Trade Agreement talks that started on 5 June in Washington, DC. Lefkowitz claims the meager North Korean laborer wages are deposited in a special account -- and allegedly used to support the North Korean elite.)

In language that took even officials in Seoul by surprise, Mr Roh this month signalled that his government would push ahead with engagement, declaring that he was prepared to give the North "systematic and material assistance, unconditionally". A senior government official said Mr Roh was intending to deliver a message to both North Korea and the US that both must make bolder attempts to resolve the nuclear stand-off. Indeed, the statement represents a significant departure for the South Korean president, who said last July that he would not have talks for talks' sake. Now Mr Roh says he wants "stealthily" to try to make progress with the North. That phrase is seen as suggesting that he hopes the June visit by Kim Dae-jung to Pyongyang will pave the way for a second inter-Korean summit. Washington has not looked favorably upon this latest rapproachement move by the South. (SITE NOTE: Kim Dae-jung was in the same unpopular position as Roh at this time period as a lame duck president. Suddenly with a summit his place in history was solidified -- though later investigation made it evident that significant monies were illegally transferred to the North PRIOR TO the summit to grease the skids. Roh hopes that this will be the same for him. However, the North's military derailed they symbolic railway tests of 25 May shattering the hopes that Roh would be able to establish his place in history and justify all of his "giveaway" actions in dealing with the North. The GNP sweep of the 31 May local elections was NOT approval of the GNP so much as disapproval with Roh and the ruling Uri Party actions internationally, domestically and economically.)

The differences that were previously just differences in tactics have become much more significant – on the six-party talks and the refugee issue, and most notably on Kaesong – so we have a significant degree of stress in the relationship right now. The problem, analysts say, is that these disagreements play into the hands of the North Koreans, who are no more eager than the Americans to return to the six-party talks. The stalemate suits both and it is increasingly unlikely that there will be any further progress even if another round is convened. North Korea is waiting for the next US president, betting that Mr Bush will be replaced by someone less hard-line, while the Bush administration has returned to the "isolationism game" – waiting for North Korea to collapse in the way the Soviet Union did. However, some analysts are alarmed that this stalemate allows North Korea to freely produce more nuclear weapons. (Source: System Club.)

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Editorial Indictment of Roh (June 2006) After the disasterous showings in the 31 May local elections, the Uri Party was in disarray. The former Unification Minister Chung Dong-young, who resigned from the cabinet to become the Chairman of the Uri Party in hopes of springing to the 2007 Presidential nomination for his party, resigned in disgrace in the sweep by the Grand National Party. Analysts all agreed that the election results were not so much an approval of the GNP, but rather a condemnation of Roh's failed economic, international and domestic policies. The president said he accepted the outcome of the local elections as an expression of public sentiment and will "faithfully carry out the policies he has started." The president dismissed the outcome of the May 31 local elections as "insignificant" and vowed to push ahead with his reform policies for the real estate sector and other key state affairs, said the sources. "The results from one or two elections cannot determine the fate of a nation. They are insignificant," Roh was quoted as saying in a closed-door meeting with ranking government officials on 2 Jun. "The future of a nation is determined by the levels of its systems, public consciousness and culture," he said."The election defeat does not mean that (my government's) historical role was wrong. I myself eventually became president despite having suffered a series of election defeats. I'm not afraid of defeat in elections," Roh was quoted as saying. Citing the case of former Canadian Prime Minister Brian Mulroney, Roh stressed that the outcome of reformist policies is supposed to be visible in the long term. He also claimed that "erroneous" reports from some local newspapers were to blame for the ruling party's election defeat. (Source: Yonhap News.)

This brought an immediate reaction from conservative newspapers. The Donga Ilbo editorial stated,

"On the defeat of the ruling party in this round's local elections, President Roh Moo-hyun announced yesterday that "I understand it to be the trend of popular sentiment." But instead of reflecting upon the policy failures as the main reason of the defeat, he gave an assessment that "we will continue to pursue our policies." It was a statement that seemed designed to go against, instead of reflecting, popular sentiment. According to surveys conducted by the broadcast media, half of the voters cited "the president's inability to conduct state affairs adequately" as the reason for the change of public opinion. The leftist populism that "destroys 20 percent for the good of the 80 percent" has resulted in a loss of jobs and increased the rate of poverty, which was reflected in the votes.". (Source: Donga Ilbo.)

The Chosun Ilbo editorial stated,

If the President concludes from the election results that he should faithfully carry out the policies he has already embarked on, he is mistaken. The unprecedented severity of the defeat the ruling party sustained was the people's verdict precisely on the way the country is being run already, namely in a manner incompatible with common sense. If it really wanted to acknowledge the message the public has sent, the government would go full steam into reverse and try to return the country to normality.

For a start, policies must be rearranged in the order of priority according to their national and public interest. This administration has railroaded through several policies that are in its own interest under the cloak of their supposed importance for the state: inquiries into the past of others, policies to close the income gap and the scattering of public agencies across the provinces. By dividing the citizens into the forces of industrialization and democratization, into those living south and north of the Han River, into Seoulites and provincial people, the ruling camp hoped to secure its voter base. The people were not fooled. They know that the ploy has wasted our limited budget on a sideshow. As a consequence, all citizens -- south or north of the Han River, rural or urban -- registered their "no" vote on Wednesday. (Source: Chosun Ilbo.)

The Joongang Ilbo on 2 June 2006 ran an editorial after the election that summarized the feelings as more and more of the nation switched to a conservative position.

The case against Mr. Roh

President Roh Moo-hyun said yesterday that he would accept the results of Wednesday's elections as "the people's will." Looking closely at his remarks, though, one wonders if Mr. Roh knows what the people's will actually is. He said his administration would continue on the same policy course with the same priorities.

He also said Koreans need wisdom and the proper attitude to endure short-term problems for a long-term goal. This suggests that nothing has changed because of the election. To accept the "people's will," one should be sorry for bad policies or mistakes and reflect the people's opinions in designing new ones.

The Uri Party has come up with shallow tactics like the reform of politics or amendment of the constitution because it has failed to understand the people's will.

The biggest offense of President Roh is that he provoked divisions among citizens. He has constantly harassed the people, made them enemies and put them in a "people's court."

He has damaged the legitimacy of our nation and people. He has created discord with allied countries, but when it came to inter-Korean issues, he has done as Pyongyang wished. He has aroused baseless negative feelings against entrepreneurs. The growth engine for the economy has stopped, and jobs have decreased in number. He raised taxes to stabilize housing prices in affluent areas, but only the working class suffered from the measures. Public education has collapsed for the sake of an egalitarian policy and the money people spend on supplemental private education has risen to a record high.

Saying that he will continue down this road means he intends to confront "the people's will" head on. Through their votes, the people demanded that the governing party change measures that have driven them into agony and fear. The governing party should work hard to improve the people's livelihood, abandoning the idealistic theories they championed.

The government needs to make an economic environment in which companies can invest so jobs can be created. From a long-term perspective, a free trade agreement with the United States and pension reform are the only things that need to be done.

The president needs to look at the Grand National Party as a partner. The GNP also has the responsibility to cooperate with the administration if it intends to improve the people's welfare. (Source: Joongang Ilbo.)

Roh considering the loss in the election "irrelevant" created a stir. According to a national survey of 1,022 people conducted by Gallop Korea, 84.6 percent of respondents think Roh is responsible. Of those, 49.3 percent said the president is "greatly" to blame for his party's rout, and 35.3 percent said "to a certain degree." Only 9.4 percent said Roh's responsibility was small and 3.4 percent said he should not be held accountable. Even among Uri Party supporters, 70.5 percent blame Roh.

Some four out of 10 people cited economic issues as the main reason Uri was trounced, with 22.1 percent naming the slow pace of recovery and 19.8 percent the failure of the government's real estate and tax policies. Disappointing leadership on the president's part was cited by 16.9 percent, while political uncertainty and dissatisfaction were picked by 14.1 percent and 6.8 percent respectively. Some 4.8 percent of respondents thought a slasher attack against Grand National Party leader Park Geun-hye played a main role in the landslide win for the main opposition. (Source: Chosun Ilbo.)

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Roh's Approval Ratings Nosedive After the disastrous June 2006 election loss the rejection of the Uri Party at the polls continued in every by-election. The GNP and DP picked up seats while the Uri Party was rejected at the polls. Roh continued to make unpopular decisions to continue with his rapproachment policies despite the North's firing of missiles into the East Sea (Sea of Japan) as a "test" in July -- and his ratings continued to slip. After the North tested a nuclear device -- though very small -- Roh continued to support the North. After the UN unanimously condemned the North and set forth sanctions in a UN resolution, the ROK continued to support the rapproachment process despite growing rejection of the process. The Uri Party started to distance itself from Roh and his approval rating dipped below 20 percent in Sept for the first time with it reaching 14.1 percent. When the ROK rejected the UN resolution by doing nothing to the North as sanctions, his approval ratings dropped to 11 percent -- and the Uri Party ratings also nosedived. Other poll results showed that the people considered his policy-making "faulty." The following is from the Korea Herald on 16 Nov 2006. After this poll, the Roh administration attempted to salvage something from the disastrous ratings by reversing itself on the UN sanctions -- though it was uncertain what the ROK would eventually agree to on the UN sanctions.

Roh's approval ratings nosedive

President Roh moo-hyun's approval ratings plummeted to an all-time-low of 11 percent, fuelling fears of a power vacuum about 15 months before his term ends.

A survey conducted by pollster "The Opinion" on 700 South Koreans 20 years and older this month showed that Roh's ratings fell almost 2 percentage points from last month's 12.9 percent.

Ratings for the governing Uri Party fell in tandem to 13.6 percent, further widening the gap with the majority opposition Grand National Party that garnered 40 percent.

The poll results come amid the latest public backlash over the government's real estate policies following property market overheating that began last month.

"People were obviously angered by soaring home prices, and these thoughts were echoed in the poll," said Han Gui-young, a researcher of the Korea Society Opinion Institute, the solicitor of the latest survey.

Almost 80 percent of the respondents found the president to have made mistakes with his policymaking. Two weeks earlier, 75.1 percent had indicated that response.

Urban area thirty-somethings who form Roh's key support base, showed a 5.6 percent approval for the president. Those in the metropolitan areas of Seoul, Incheon and Gyeonggi showed an average 8 percent support, while Daejeon and the rest of Chungcheong Province showed 3.5 percent.

In an earlier poll taken this month by Gallup and The Chosun Ilbo, a conservative daily newspaper, 76.4 percent of the 605 respondents said they found the president to be "faulty." Gallup said the figure reflects the worst ratings for a president in the fourth year of a five-year term.

The next presidential election is slated for December 2007.

Political observers are concerned that the low ratings may unhinge the Roh Cabinet, which is faced with a myriad of pressing issues to tackle. The North Korean nuclear crisis and the ongoing free trade negotiations with the United States are just few examples, they said.

In September, Roh's ratings fell below the 20 percent for the first time to 14.6 percent.

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Frustrated Roh Again Talks of Quitting (Nov 2006) President Roh Moo-hyun said on 28 Nov that he hopes he would not become the first head of state who resigns before his tenure expires and did not rule out the possibility of cutting ties with the governing Uri Party. The embittered president made the bombshell remark in a Cabinet meeting at Chong Wa Dae, apparently out of his deep frustration over offensives from both governing and opposition parties and the media. Roh's remarks were construed as an expression of displeasure with what he called the "unfair despotism" of the GNP. Roh is said to be also disappointed at the governing party that has recently shown signs of distancing itself from him. (SITE NOTE: The editorial cartoons show the lame duck president as a limping duck being attacked by all parties.)

He said he would be forced to quit the party he founded after winning in the 2002 election, if he has "no choice but to do so." Roh's five-year term ends in February 2008. He is banned from seeking reelection under the Constitution. Roh made the remarks, one day after he withdrew his nomination of a female judge, Chon Hyosuk, as the head of the Constitutional Court in the face of strong objections from the main opposition Grand National Party (GNP). The nomination of Chon, widely regarded as a progressive figure, as chief of the highest court, has been a major bone of contention between the governing and opposition parties in recent months as the GNP, a predominantly conservative party, objected to the nomination.

Meanwhile, some GNP party members, called for holding the presidential election at an earlier date. If Roh steps down, the nation needs to hold the presidential election in accordance with the Constitution, Rep. Lee Jae-oh, a member of the GNP's supreme council, said in an interview with a local radio station. "Now, everyone wants to hold the election at an earlier date."

According to a survey conducted by Research & Research on Nov. 22, the Uri Party's ratings plunged to an all-time low of 8.8 percent. The GNP won strong support of 44.3 percent.

Elected on Dec. 19, 2002, as a champion of the underprivileged, Roh has sought to create a culture of compromise in the nation's confrontational politics. But he faced strong resistance from those with vested rights from his initial years in office. Conservative forces, in particular, did not seem to want to acknowledge him as the head of state. GNP lawmakers even tried to oust him in early 2004, although the Constitutional Court turned down the impeachment. Roh blamed his opponents, including the GNP and some major newspapers, for ``reckless offensives'' against his major policies, such as his real estate policies and his engagement policy toward North Korea as well as his personnel appointments.

There has been some sympathy for his complaints but now more and more voters as well as critics say Roh, who almost ended up a ``vegetable head of state,'' should look at himself rather than others to find the reasons for the current impass. Disaffection is openly expressed even from the Uri Party, whose leadership rejected Roh's invitation for a dinner on Monday. With the presidential race just one year away, it is considering the best time to sever ties with the ``unpopular'' president, party insiders said.

In an article on Monday, the New York Times reported that Roh, bruised by South Korea's cutthroat politics, bewildered by voters' rapidly changing concerns and battered mercilessly in the polls, is limping toward the last year of his term. ``But it is not Mr. Roh's engagement of North Korea, or even its recent nuclear test, that has saddled him with a current approval rating of 11 percent,'' the newspaper said. ``It is the economy.'' (SITE NOTE: This complaint has been voiced by the conservative papers since 2004 that the Roh administration was continuing to deny the existence of a recession until finally admitting that a three-year recession starting shortly after Roh took office existed. All the Roh policies have done is alienate foreign investment, create a xenophobic business atmosphere and force small/medium size business to set up shop in other countries.) (Source: Chosun Ilbo.)

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Roh's Approval Rating Plummets to 10.2 Percent (Dec 2006) Only 10.2 percent of Koreans think President Roh Moo-hyun is doing good job, according to a survey by the Korea Society Opinion Institute. The approval rating is the government's lowest to date. Some 82.6 percent of respondents in the biweekly survey consider President Roh a poor performer, the most in history.

The KSOI said Roh's approval ratings dropped further as he has appeared to focus on politics, such as writing to Uri Party members during an overseas trip, rather than the current economic difficulties. Prof. Kim Byung-kook, a political scientist at Korea University, said in the U.S. a president is regarded as a lame duck if his approval ratings falls below 50 percent, which means even supporters begin to abandon him.

Meanwhile in the same survey, the main opposition Grand National Party scored approval ratings of 37.1 percent, the ruling Uri Party 9.4 percent, the Democratic Labor Party 4.2 percent and the Millennium Democratic Party (DP) 3.6 percent. Some 45.3 percent approved of no one. The survey of 700 people has a confidence level of 95 percent with a margin of error of 3.7 percent.

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Roh Lashes Out President Roh Moo-hyun's approval ratings were 5.6 percent according to a Dec survey by a media firm. The fact was that a majority of the people oppose Roh's management of state affairs. Feeling the heat, President Roh Moo-hyun on 21 Dec 2006 fired a broadside at former defense ministers and chiefs of staff who oppose Seoul's early takeover of full operational control of its troops. "They took pride in being defense minister or chief of staff leading the nation's military when they couldn't even control its operations in wartime," he told the 50th standing committee meeting of the Advisory Council on Democratic and Peaceful Unification. "When they issued a declaration against Korea taking over wartime operational control of its own troops, they completely neglected their duty. They should be ashamed of themselves."

He said the Korean military "is perfectly capable of taking wartime operational control of its troops." "We make good mobile phones, cars and ships; why not wartime operational control?" he demanded. Roh said the government seeks the handover to prepare for any emergency in North Korea. "Would we have anything to say to China and North Korea when we can't even control our own troops in wartime and can't decide whether to bomb a civilian facility in the North and which facility to target?" he asked. "This is diplomatically very important." (SITE NOTE: His nonsense continued while he kept spending on the ROK Defense to 2.8 percent of GDP, reprioritized spending on new armaments until the ROK is so behind that its helicopters will be falling out of the air before the next generation choppers roll off the assembly line, the munitions issue still remains unsettled though the ROK "promised" to buy JDAMS bombs and ATACMS missiles BUT has not funded anything. The ROK refused to join the MDS of the US-Japan and opted to go it alone -- though it still has no missile defense...not even the used PAC-2s from Germany. Roh is a fool...his government was the one that eliminated North Korea as the "main enemy" of the ROK which in turn left the Ministry of Defense without an enemy to target.)

The president said the former defense chiefs must know that any emergency in North Korea will bring South Korea and China closer. "They believe they're right when they oppose everything I do. I became president out of the blue, and that's why they want to interfere with anything I do," he said. (SITE NOTE: He became President riding on the coat tails of anti-Americanism under the table political funding and outright lies about his GNP opponent's son evading the draft and his wife accepting bribes. As a politician, his hands were filthy when he walked into the Presidential Office. He then turned and stabbed the party that swept him into office -- the MDP -- and formed the Uri Party. Though his impeachement over a technicality was a disastrous mistake, we feel the underlying reasons were sound. Remember that the overturning of the impeachement by the Supreme Court was NOT unanimous. The attacks on the Defense Ministers brought out condemnation on the part of veterans and an association of retired generals and admirals.)

Turning to greater strategic flexibility for the U.S. Forces Korea, Roh said Seoul and Beijing agreed that Korea will be wary of any hostile action against China the U.S. might contemplate. He said he had "completely covered" the issue in extensive discussions with U.S. President George W. Bush as well.

Explaining the government's Defense Reform 2020, which would see troop numbers reduced to 500,000, the president said, "We need to reduce the number of our soldiers further, and we can do it. We shouldn't force our children to waste several years in the military. If they can work hard during that time instead, they can get married earlier and have children early too." Summing up his wide-ranging comments on current affairs, he said, "We need to make a change if we have to, and I'm going to do just that even if I face criticism. This is the spirit a single-term president needs." (SITE NOTE: The fact is the birth rates in Korea are at 1.2 per family. This means that the ROK is a non-sustainable society. People are fleeing Korea -- that is a fact. By 2018, there will be fewer young men to serve and THAT is the reason for the reductions in numbers. However, the ROK has NOT done anything except propose using robots to guard the border -- or propose Mexico-US style fences. This is the face that the North most likely has still undiscovered tunnels dug under the DMZ that bypass all these measures. Many believe that they are complete and now still dormant awaiting use.)

The president also laid into three aspiring candidates in next year's presidential election, describing his appointment of the moderate Goh Kun as his first prime minister as "a failure." "I chose Goh in the hope that he would become a bridge bringing me closer to conservatives, but it alienated me and the government from them instead," Roh said. Goh Kun refrained from a direct response, but a close aide said Goh "played a role in dealing with President Roh's impeachment crisis. The public will evaluate whether Goh did well or not." (SITE NOTE: Goh came in as Prime Minister to provide a moderate "figure-head" so Roh could form a government. He didn't realize that an impeachment was in his future.Goh saved the government from chaos after Roh's impeachment and proved an able administrator. The telling fact was that Goh stepped down after Roh's return and resigned -- setting the stage for his bid in 2007 for the Presidency. Though Goh did not react directly, his supporters demanded an apology for Roh -- but instead the staff of Cheong Wa Dae joined in on the condemnations of Goh.)

His decision to appoint Uri Party hopefuls Kim Geun-tae and Chung Dong-young as health and unification ministers was equally disappointing, he said. Roh compared himself to U.S. president Lincoln, saying his appointment of Kim and Chung to his Cabinet was motivated by "a similar engagement principle." "I did the same as Lincoln. The difference is that I came under fire for doing so. It's very depressing. I tried to copy Lincoln but it didn't work. It's no fun at all." (SITE NOTE: His petty comments are over the criticism that Kim and Chung have given on the President -- but their hands are just as dirty as the Presidents' in giving away the country to the North. Roh's giveaway plans for the North were implemented by the Unification Ministry and continues till today. How could he be disappointed in their under-cover deeds to giveaway billions of dollars in "aid" -- while exclaiming it was in the millions. His reference to Lincoln is insulting. First it should be noted that Lincoln was a REPUBLICAN conservative. The things he believed in in keeping the country whole (cessation from the Union) has nothing in common with the joining of two separate, internationally recognized nations even if the people like to call it "reunification.")

The ruling party was furious. Kim Geun-tae, now Uri chairman, was briefed on the remarks and merely told reporters, "We're well aware what the president said." Pundits say Roh's remarks aim to check those who seek to disband the ruling party and create a new one by joining hands with Goh and give Kim and Chung a slap on the wrist over their mounting criticism of the president. (Source: Chosun Ilbo.)