• Off-Base Issues: Prostitution and A-Town - Wolf Pack to combat prostitution -- an object lesson in futility -- and on-base rapes increase; A-town Off-limits -- the makings of a scandal (Updated: January 2004)
  

• Military Affairs (2003) -- USS Carl Vinson arrives in Pusan; Elmendorf F-15s at Osan; Marine FA-18s arrive at Kunsan in May; Low-key buildup; End of May return to normal. (Updated: 3 June 2003)
• Military Affairs (2004) -- Seoul Courts Rule Against USFK Land Use; Vehicle Registration Policy Change; Crime Reports on USFK Soldiers; Continuing ROK-US Prosecutions; Bonus to Soldiers for Extension (Updated: 14 January 2004)
  
  
• Relocation of USFK Bases (2003) -- In March USF announces it will relocate off the DMZ and south of the Han River; Renegotiations of Restructuring of 50-year old alliance; U.S. to invest $11 billion in Korea defense; Korea forced to increase its Defense spending; Enmeshed and entangled, the ROK drags its feet and attempts to shift the financial burden to the USFK; U.S. playing hardball and negotiations hit major snag in September 2003. 15-17 Jan continuation of meetings on relocation and reduction in forces. The first bases Camp Greaves and Giant to be returned in Nov 2004 under the LPP instead of 2011. (Updated: 31 Dec 2003)
  
  
  • Stryler/LAVIII: Our Opinion -- Details on the Stryker SBCT (3d Bde 2d ID) that will be replacing the 2d ID on the DMZ as part of a global repositioning strategy. Included are short sections on current USFK weapons systems that may augment the Stryker units in Korea after all the smoke has cleared. Stryker headed to Iraq in mid-October; US wants future forces to have a "regional" role; Stryker unit in Iraq in 2003 and blooded in Jan 2004. Stryker with its jerry-rigged LPG protection screens undergo the acid test of combat. Strykers success in Iraq for urban warfare role, but still questions about use in mountainous terrain unanswered. Decision to return the Interim Brigade Combat Team to Korea appears to be still up in the air as of 2004. (Updated: Jan 2004)
  
  
  
• Relocation of USFK Bases (2004) -- 15-17 Jan continuation of meetings on relocation and reduction in forces. The first bases Camp Greaves and Giant to be returned in Nov 2004 under the LPP instead of 2011. (Updated: Weekly)
  
  
  • Proposed ROK FY2005 Military Budget -- Is It the Last Straw??? (OPINION) -- ROK Promised Defense Spending increase of 3.2 percent of GDP in 2004, but delivered a 2.8 percent of GDP. ROK Spending has now passed 1997 levels. The US position is that the ROK has the ability to increase its defense spending, but the ROK has not shown the will to do so. ROK "self-reliant" defense is delusional, but the ROK is maintaining the "free-ride" using the US High-tech warfare umbrella. Cursory look at why the ROK "Self-reliant" Defense is delusional. Though stated as reasons for Budget increase, the truth is that the E-X program will be sent out for bids in Nov 2004 and the SAM-X (Patriot) will NEVER be procured as long as President Roh is in office. The ROK is developing weapons programs that offer technology transfer or benefit industrial growth -- not necessarily what is essential to the defense programs. The ROK continues to be a thorn with its refusal to fund the Yongsan move and disputes over land use with the end result possibly being an explosion that destroys the US-ROK Alliance. (Posted: June 2004)
    
  • Dangerous Game the ROK is Playing (OPINION) -- Indepth look at the US Perspective on the evolving US-ROK alliance. Look into the r reasons for the ROK "Stall-and-Conquer" Negotiation strategy. Look at the growing American anti-Korean opinion; USFK and Department of Defense strategy; Head-on collision resulting in reduction in forces and pull-out of troops (Posted: June 2004)
    
    
• Korea Continues to March to Its Own Drummer -- Korea upgrades its military and seeks technology transfer. However, Korea aims to control its own destiny. Korea now has OFFENSIVE missile capability. Its indigenous-designed fighter-trainer is ready for production and the KDX-II "stealth" destroyer has been launched. German-designed submarines are rolling out of shipyards and KM1A1 Korean Main Battle Tank is being produced in Korea. The next-generation fighter has been selected as the F-15K. Whether unrealistic or not, President Roh is seeking "self-reliance" for South Korea's defense by 2010. (Updated: 4 Sept 2003)
  
  
• Military Affairst: North Korean Crisis: -- Equipment changes; Korea-wide Exercises; Force Positioning; Policy changes; North-South military dialogue. (Updated: Monthly)
  
  
  • Food for Thought: The Military Option in North Korea: -- Short comparison of a views on military parity: Korean versus U.S. view. (Posted: 26 April 2003)
    
  • Food for Thought: The Mythical North Korean Threat: -- An article building a case for U.S. withdrawal from Korea. (Posted: 20 June 2003)
  
  
  
• Spies, Espionage & Infiltrators: -- Personal Opinion on the Spy Situation in Kunsan. Covers the spy organizations and the abuses by Presidents from Syngman Rhee to Roh Moo-hyun. Covers cases of captured infiltrators and deep-cover spies discovered in recent years to back up conclusions. (Sources footnoted) Covers history of communism in Cholla Provinces; list of coastal infiltration with methods of infiltration and vehicles used. (Posted: 24 May 2004)
  

• Reviews of Books on Kunsan AB (Updated: 3 June 2003)
  
• Reference Sources/Links: -- Links to Pro-USFK/Anti-US sites and online Korean newspaper links. General, Military and USFK links. (Updated: 8 August 2003)

• Background
  
  • Subtopics -- Pro-American Demonstrations or really Anti-Sunshine Policy Demonstration? -- Anti-American Protests Waning? NO!!! -- Split in NGO Group Strategies and Shift to Pacifism -- America Responds -- Backlash of Anti-American Demonstrations -- Anti-American and the Generation Gap -- NGO Tactic to Boycott American Goods Backfires -- NGO-Initiated Polls Increasing and USFK Poll in response -- Roh wants to revise SOFA, but U.S. and MOJ Sees No Need -- Danger of Getting What they Want -- Considering the Improbable: What if the U.S. Leaves? -- OUR OPINION (Updated: 3 June 2003)
• Jan-Mar 2003
  
  • Iraq War & Korean Perspective of Iraq War (Mar-Apr 2003) -- Iraq and Korea DAILY events with emphasis on anti-War -- but in reality a continuation of the anti-American protests of 2002. President Roh tells nation that he is forced to send non-combatant troops to Iraq in order to protect the nation -- i.e., U.S. blackmailed him. Roh then rewrites the text of his speech for English publications. Coverage is a day-by-day chronology of events in Baghdad and Seoul. (Updated: 16 April 2003)
    
• Apr-Jun 2003
  
• Jul-Sep 2003
  
• Oct-Dec 2003
  
• Jan-Mar 2004
  
• Apr-Jun 2004
  

• North Korean Crisis Background and Reference Materials -- Background on events leading up to Nuclear Crisis; Materials from Selected Sources on Nuclear Crisis; OUR OPINION (Updated: 8 August 2003)
• For Your Information: North Korea-US Meeting: -- Special Report on Upcoming North Korea-China-US meeting and U.S./North Korean options with our comments. (Posted: 8 August 2003)

• Reformist Policy:
• Lack of Coordination within Government:
• Alienates Career Bureaucrats:
• Continuing Education Problems over NEIS:
• Attacks on the "Gangster" Press:
• Environmental Policy and Saemangeum Project:
• Nuclear Waste Dump Protest:
• Farmers Problems, Opening of the Rice Market and Surplus Rice:
• Chaebol and Business Reforms:
• Korea Under Attack for Dumping and Govt Subsidies:
• Korean Outlook Dims as Companies Leave Korea:
• Privatization Plans Put on a Hold:
• Financial Reform Turns into a Quagmire:
• Conciliatory Position to Union Strikes:
• 40-hour Work Week:
• Political Scandals:
• Political Harassment from GNP:
• Split-up of MDP:
• Autonomy: An Old Answer to New Problems -- Pass the Buck!:
• NIS and National Security Law:
• Exiled North Korean supporter, Song Du-yul, Returns:
• Peace and Prosperity Policy:
• Trusted U.S. Supporter during Iraq War?:
• NGO groups anti-Americanism and Opposition demonstrations:
• Roh Questions Removal of USFK:
• ROK-US Summit (May 14) Impacts:
• Can a Leopard Change its Spots?:
• Resurgence of Anti-Americanism:
• Resurgence of Anti-Japanese Protests:
• Radical Students Protest Roh:
• Roh's Falling Popularity starts in Third Month in Office:
• End of 2003: Roh's Leadership Vacuum:
• Roh Impeached: March 2004

President Roh Moo-hyun: Anti-American or simply a Radical Reformist?

Roh (Feb 2003)

(See Roh Moo-hyun Profile from Cheong Wa Dae site.)

In early 2002 -- prior to Roh's election -- most conservatives viewed Roh as an anti-American radical leftist. However, after he won the election in December 2002, he was viewed only as a liberal reformist as Roh sought to change his image away from being a rabid anti-American. After he took office in Feb 2003, he started to project the Presidential image speaking of partnership and alliance with the USFK, but still mouthing anti-American sentiments to his supporter base groups. He portrayed himself as a defender of Korea forced to bend to the will of the U.S. to prevent a war on the peninsula. Then in May 2003 after the US-Korea summit, Roh sought to reinvent himself again as a political realist who sided with the U.S. stance -- simply because there was no other choice. Each of these stances had consequences. The first started the anti-Korea backlash. The second upset the governmental structures in an attempt to "reform" them in the left-leaning liberal mold. The third cast him in a position of a untrustworthy politician who talked out of both sides of his mouth. The fourth may cost him dearly with his primary support group of the college students and youth groups who viewed him as selling out to America.

In 2002 as Roh Moo-hyun campaigned for office, there were claims that he was anti-American -- especially from his campaign rhetoric to gain the presidency. The violent anti-Americanism was being backed by the "386" generation -- those from the March 86 "democracy" movement -- in the 20-40 age group...and he played up to this group. At one point during his campaign, Roh actually boasted with pride about never having visited the United States, implying that Koreans who had done so were somehow less patriotic. Roh was viewed as a radical leftist leader with a definite anti-American bent. Following a U.S. military vehicle accident in May 2002 that resulted in the deaths of two Korean school girls, Roh took every opportunity to capitalize on the xenophobia and hatred focused on the U.S.

Owen Rathbone wrote in the American Daily.com: "He also raised eyebrows by stating that in the event of a conflict between the U.S. and North Korea he would not get involved except to “mediate” between the two warring parties — despite the fact that the U.S. would come to his country’s aid in the event of a crisis with the North. Roh also hinted at the possible withdrawal of American forces from Korea. Above all, he promised he would not “kowtow” to Washington, but rather put the U.S. and South Korea on an “equal footing.”

However, in all fairness, every politician did the same thing by jumping on the bandwagon as the fashionable thing to do. Anti-Americanism was out of hand and Roh rode into office on its coat tails. Only after the students started into more fire bombings and violent attacks on USFK servicemen did President Kim Dae-jung break his silence on the anti-Americanism and come out against the violence that he had allowed to proceed unchecked.

In a 24 Dec, 2002 article in the International Herald Tribune, "In the campaign, Roh hinted that South Korea would remain neutral if war broke out between the United States and North Korea. Is he so confident of Chinese strategic protection that he believes he can discard the U.S. alliance? If so, the tangle of great power interests on the Korean Peninsula is about to undergo a profound shift. The election outcome means that South Korea is set for another five years of appeasement of North Korea, even though North Korea behaves ever more outrageously. Pyongyang has admitted to a clandestine nuclear enrichment program, has threatened to end its self-imposed moratorium on missile testing, and has threatened to resume plutonium production at its Yongbyon plant. South Korea's appeasement policy has also served the interests of the North by stirring up anti-U.S. nationalism in South Korea."

Before the election, Roh positioned himself on a head-on collision with the U.S. (See Roh Moo-Hyun President Elect & Road to Confrontation Set:.) Even after he was elected then President-elect Roh was generally considered by many Americans as a radical reformist with a strong tendency toward anti-Americanism, Roh was urged to try to do something about the anti-American situation in Korea. However, he knew well from where his support sprang from and was cautious in not alienating the 20-40 age group which are at the core of the anti-American movement. Public warnings against anti-Americanism in Korea was gaining momentum, especially in the media circles.

Roh Election Victory (19 Dec 2002)

Once elected Roh told the NGO groups to be quiet because there was a growing economic backlash from the anti-Americanism. On December 31-Jan 1, tens of thousands sang "F _ _king USA" and shouted "Yankee Go Home," but the next day suddenly there was no anti-Americanism reported. Did anti-Americanism disappear? No, it was alive and well...just muffled -- and also the winter is not a good time for protests. However, Roh also turned around and told the Seoul Police not to harass the protestors.

Anti-US Seoul Protest (31 Dec 2002)

Worried about his potential anti-American image, Roh started to say nice things about the USFK talking about the "alliance." Unfortunately, his remarks to other Korean groups, he voiced his real agenda to gain control of the USFK and portrayed the U.S. as a "necessary evil." Basically he viewed the U.S. military relationship with Korea as horizontal -- with the U.S. on top. He publicly voiced his opinion that the relationship should be vertical -- as equals. However, it is hard for the U.S. to stomach a vertical relationship as it spends $20 billion on Korean defense along with providing all the high-tech weaponry (i.e., Patriot missiles, Aegis destroyers, tomahawk cruise missiles) to the mix.

Roh Inauguration

Through out the initial days of his Presidency, the world press questioned whether he was anti-American. His image of his being anti-American was cemented by his interviews with a British magazine and then with Newsweek Magazine. Roh's vision of where Korea should head was not in the best political interests of the U.S. is the kindest remark that could be said.

There was growing concern that his political stance put him on a collision course with America. To offset this image, he sent a special envoy to Washington from his transition team who made the unfortunate gaffe of saying to a number of senior U.S. officials that given the choice between North Korea collapsing and its possessing nuclear weapons, the South prefers the latter. People shook their heads and started to say that the Roh administration might be starting with diplomacy by amateurs. This seemed to set the tone for his administration of a group of reformist amateurs with all the good intentions to change Korea to their vision.

Roh Moo-hyun (Dec 2002)

Reformist Policy: President Roh is a reformist -- that is not in doubt. In Feb 2003, his cabinet was made up of reformists breaking all the rules of seniority or qualifications or experience. The majority of his group were in their 40s-50s with the oldest being his Premier Goh at 65. The Ministers seemed to be selected on their espoused vision of how to change the institutions -- without regard to any real experience in government or high-level leadership positions. For example, he appointed a popular movie director as the head of the Ministry of Tourism and Culture.

Following his successful election on Dec. 19, 2002 as the next President of Korea, he declared an ambitious 10-point government policy vision as head of the new government to be formed. They consisted of the following:

1. A nation divided cannot stand. Korea must initiate a new era of regional reconciliation and national unity. (SITE NOTE: The reunification of Korea is priority-one with the continuation of the Sunshine Policy. As to regionalism, there were early signs of discontent from the South Cholla area that gave him 98 percent of their vote in the Presidential election, but did not receive their "fair share" of political appointments.)

2. We must advance our nation with key emphasis on fair principles and justice. (SITE NOTE: The reforms he had in mind was to gut the NIS and National Security Law, bring the Ministry of Justice prosecutor office to heel under the thumb of the President; and foster chaebol reforms in favor of the unions. As to the U.S. military presence, this meant restructuring the relationship with America from a vertical relationship (big brother) to a horizontal one (equals). Unfortunately, the U.S. is going to restructure the relationship in the form of "my way" or "no way." The outdated cold war positioning of forces in Korea is about to come to an end.)

3. Korea must play a leadership role in the reshaping of the Northeast Asian order and take a new leap higher in the world arena. (SITE NOTE: The first attempt was the failed intermediary mission to North Korea. This bold approach unfortunately has not received the welcome response anticipated from its neighbors. Instead Korea has shifted its emphasis to making Korea a internet business hub of the future. Unfortunately, most investors have shunned Korea. The Korean government talks about Korea as a "business hub of Northeast Asia," but after dealing with Korean bureaucrats, foreign investors generally concur that civil servants here are in dire need of an attitude adjustment.)

4. We must nurture our society to be a sound healthy economy, with plentiful job opportunities, and where hard-working people can enjoy economic well-being. (SITE NOTE: His first acts appeared to be conciliatory actions to the union demands in the national railway strike and soon followed by the trucker strike. More were expected to follow and hospitals and health services.)

5. All citizens are entitled to their constitutional rights to pursue happiness and have their fundamental human rights protected. We must create a society with a warm heart. (SITE NOTE: Roh seems to head his reforms to rid itself of the National Intelligence Service; free dissident activists from prison (including North Korean spies and student activists); and gut the National Security Act. In his reforms, Roh sought to pardon the North-Korean supporters of Hanchongnyeon student union.)

6. We must encourage a national culture that boosts its people's pride, a well-educated nation where all reach their full potential, and a Korea all wish for their descendants to inherit. (SITE NOTE: The Ministry of Education NEIS plan to standardize national education has faced strong opposition from teachers' unions nationwide.)

7. Digitalization and the IT revolution are can't-miss opportunities for Korea. We must harness these tools to become a global benchmark and digital powerhouse accessible to all. (SITE NOTE: Roh knows the importance of this element as it by most accounts is what assured him his election. In March 2002, Roh set out his vision to make Korea number one in computer linkages and to turn Korea into a internet business hub.)

8. We must continue political reform that returns politics to the people, the National Assembly to the lawmakers, and the party to the party members. (SITE NOTE: By May 2003, the honeymoon was over. The majority opposition was vowing to make his life hell and young rebels in his ruling party was setting up the formation of a new party. In July 2003, the idea of a new party collapsed as the reality set in that they could never win the elections in 2004.)

9. An approachable President and humbled power will make Korea strong. Revive the concept of accountability in the posts of Prime Minister and Ministers as stated in the constitution. Realize an administration that caters to the specific and broader needs of the people. (SITE NOTE: This is Roh's vision of a "participatory government." Roh has started his style of town meetings to make himself appear more accessible to the people. He knows the value of the internet and has actively promoted it as the medium of the future. He started a bulletin board on the Blue House website, but soon delegated the responsibility for fielding the questions to the separate miinistries. Roh prefers the television medium and has openly debated rebellious prosecutors -- and in May 2003 sat down for a televised question and answer show from a panel of journalists. The response has been positive to his approach. The pattern was obvious -- Roh would make a statement and he then would blame it on a misinterpretation by his Blue House spokesperson. He fired the first, then in June 2003 Roh Moo-hyun said that he had indicated to Japan's Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi that the ROK would REJECT any other course than dialogue in the North Korean nuclear crisis. "During my visit to Japan, I conveyed a strong intention that we exclude use of force and other means that heighten uncertainty, and that we use dialogue to resolve the North Korean nuclear crisis," Roh told Blue House secretaries and aides, according to Yoon Tai-young, the Blue House spokesman. Yoon later said Roh's statement was "misinterpreted" because he spoke so fast. A more famous gaffe came during the Iraq War when Roh went to the National Assembly to tell them he was "forced" to send the troops in order to protect Korea...meaning the U.S. strong-armed him. They rewrote the text three times before they had the innocuous version now on the Blue House archives. )

10. Reforms must succeed. Failed reforms cannot be called reforms. Our leadership will systemize open participation and dialogue. (SITE NOTE: This will be the biggest challenge as he is taking on the chaebols, the government bureaucracy and entrenched conservatives. He is attacking the established power structure.)

Former President's at Roh Inauguration

Lack of Coordination within Government: The government seems to lack experienced people in the cabinet, thereby creating a disruptive atmosphere. One major problem with the administration is a lack of coordination within the government where one ministry sets out a program, but doesn't coordinate or even notify another ministry who is responsible for the action. This has happened more than once in the first three months of the Roh administration.

Also sometimes the ministers weren't sure whether they were spokesmen for interest groups or the administration. According to the Chosun Ilbo editorial, "The fundamental problem is that the ministers who should be coordinators of the country's issues are acting as representatives of interest groups. A Millennium Democrat lawmaker, Kang Woon-tae, referred to this year's strike at Doosan Heavy recently when he said the government should not intervene at strike sites or persuade management on behalf of union members. The deputy head of the Federation of Korean Industries, Cho Nam-hong, said that Roh's government had raised excessive expectations for many people who consider themselves the weaker in society."

In addition, there appears to be no firm principle at work at the cabinet level in implementing and enforcing the law. In the controversy over the banned student group the Hanchongnyeon, there is a lot of confusion as the Supreme Court confirmed that the outlawed student group was an anti-state organization while elements of the government were pushing to legalize it without rescinding the law or reversing their convictions. Roh is pushing to legalize the outlawed group, but the prosecutor office and police stated that as long as they are outlawed they MUST arrest and prosecute them. After the organization protested against Roh's "humiliation diplomacy" by changing his stance against North Korea, Roh took a hard-line position against the students.

In May 2003, Roh was seeking punitive actions against any individual attempting to block policy decisions. The Roh administration has also used the court system to sue those it felt "libeled" the government through false reporting.

Alienates Career Bureaucrats: Roh alienated a large group of career bureaucrats by overruling the promotion system. He appointed a woman to the Ministry of Justice and immediately the prosecutors attacked back and Roh had a televised public debate with the junior prosecutors to defuse the matter. Roh won as he placed his sympathizers in key positions in the prosecutors office -- most obvious being the key Seoul prosecutor's office. However, the expected resignations of senior officials were not forthcoming -- as they simply took the position to bide their time.

Then he announced that he was going to grant amnesty to the radical students and North Korean spies jailed under the National Security Law. This alienated the National Police which has battled these groups on the streets for thirty years. Suddenly the outlawed student union was ok because it wanted to reform its organization, though the law nor indictment had not been rescinded. The Supreme Court reconfirmed Hanchongnyeon, the association of college student councils, was an organization benefiting the interests of South Korea's enemy, North Korea, although the illegal organization recently made efforts to soften its radical stance with the launch of the Roh Moo-hyun administration. Following this lead, a Seoul court convicted the 2002 Hanchongnyeon acting President to 18 months in jail. These troubles with radical student group issues would crop up when a former student activist who was on the wanted list by the NIS was discovered working on Roh's transition team in Jan 2003. Despite this fact, the Roh administration has continued to support the Hanchongnyeon legalization -- even after elements broke into a USFK Firing Range near the DMZ and vandalized the Corps of Engineers buildings in Seoul in August 2003. The police are starting their investigation into the radical student organization and arrests were being made in August 2003.

Roh's alienation of the Prosecution office is shown by the fact that the prosecution quickly took over the Kim Dae-jung pay-for-summit case after the mandate of the independent counsel lapsed. The scandal is a major thorn in the MDP's side. In addition, it was revealed that the video tape of one of Roh's aides being wined and dined was taken by someone from the Prosecutor's office -- then released to the press to embarass him.

The alienation of career bureaucrats continued as more and more saw that the reformist agenda was taking Korea on an uncomfortable course. Early on, Roh attempted to gag his administration from talking to the press stating that "anonymous sources" would not be allowed and that all information had to be attributed to the source. "Anonymous sources" died out for a while, but soon resurfaced in most of the major newspapers. Most of the "leaks" came from the Ministry of Justice in identifying high-profile advisors to Roh. (See Political Scandal)

On 12 Jan 2004, President Roh Moo-Hyun's office launched an investigation of foreign ministry officials accused of criticising his foreign policy agenda. According to NAPSNET, "An investigation is under way into the allegations that some foreign ministry officials made inappropriate and intolerable remarks and leaked information about their business to the media in an inappropriate manner," Roh's spokesman Yoon Tai-Young said. An official at the ministry said Foreign Minister Yoon Young-Kwan had convened a meeting of top officials. "The atmosphere is grim," he said. "The term 'investigation' is unfortunate. We are not criminals." The investigation reflects a rift between top bureaucrats in charge of policy towards the US at the foreign ministry and key advisors to Roh, according to media reports. A group of advisors led by DPRK expert Lee Jong-Seok, number two on the National Security Council, are known to ministry officials as the "Taliban," after the fundamentalist Islamic group which sheltered Osama bin Laden in Afghanistan prior to their overthrow by US-led forces in 2001, the reports said.

Roh use of "frank expressions" of distrust of the Foreign Ministry’s American policy line indicated mass personnel shakeups at the ministry’s North American desk were expected. Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade Yoon Young-kwan resigned a day later on 15 Jan. Yoon Young-Kwan was replaced by Roh's foreign policy adviser Ban Ki Moon. According to the Choson Ilbo on 15 Jan, "Discussing policy toward the United States, the President said that from time to time, there were leaks of information aiming to change his foreign policy, and after policies had been decided, there were leaks designed to influence the details of those policies. He called attention to this several times, he said, and requested that officials follow his directions, but a few people objected and went as far as making insulting remarks. The information leaks Roh spoke of appear to refer to the prior reports in the media of the government’s position on the six-party talks, Iraq, the Yongsan Garrison move, and other issues. For the President to say this in a room where even foreign correspondents were sitting leads some observers to predict that full-scale changes in the system by which American policy is reached will take place."

Chung Chan-yong, senior secretary for civil affairs at Cheong Wa Dae, stated, "A certain few individuals at the foreign ministry have been unable to grow beyond the dependent foreign policy of the past. They have been unable to adequately carry out the independent foreign policies of the Participatory Government. These individuals repeatedly spoke in a manner that is outdated in public and private contexts, leaked sensitive information, and in doing so caused confusion in foreign policy. Then, in the course of an inquiry, information about the inquiry itself was leaked, a willing upset of official discipline." Top diplomats abroad were also axed amid the public row over foreign policy and relations with the US.

On 30 Jan 2004, it was reported that President Roh had replaced his top defense and national security advisors in a cabinet shake-up. The former deputy head of the National Intelligence Service, Kwon Chin-Ho, took over from Ra Jong-Yil as national security advisor and Yoon Kwang-Ung, a retired admiral, succeeded Kim Hee-Sang as adviser for national defense. Some analysts linked the new shake-up to an effort to reduce pro-US influence in Roh's inner circle. Kwon, a 63-year-old retired three-star army general, is an expert in security and international affairs. He was in charge of security during the 2002 football World Cup co-hosted by the ROK and Japan.

Continuing Education Problems over NEIS: The Ministry of Education and Human Resources' (MOE) has always been a thorn to previous administrations. His is no different. The ministry continues to be embroiled in controversy with the teachers union posting anti-American lesson plans on the internet and a principal committing suicide over pressure from the union. The progressive Korea Teachers’ and Educational Workers’ Union (KTU), or Jeongyojo, provided downloadable anti-war lesson plans; provided photographs for class use of the mangled bodies of the two schoolgirls killed in the armored vehicle accident; provided materials claiming the U.S. was responsible for keeping Korea divided. Roh promised to look into the matter, but then backed down, claiming that the lessons were not as offensive as claimed. In truth, Roh did not want to alienate the KTEWU as a political power base. Counter claims of the unions abuses in the suicide of the principal again was swept under the carpet.

There is a major controversy of an National Education Information System (NEIS) that the Ministry of Education has injected 52.1 billion won to implement the NEIS early this year. In May 2003 the government agreed to re-examine the planned introduction of the NEIS as an integrated Internet database of school information amid a controversy that the envisaged system might violate human rights. A state human rights panel recommended the Education Ministry scrap three key parts of the NEIS - students' medical history, their individual records on school entrance and school affairs. At the center of the conflict is a choice between a promise of enhanced convenience in information sharing and a perceived potential risk to privacy. The convenience in accessibility of information was claimed to result in 1.4 trillion won savings during the next five years.

The recommendations of the human rights commission caused numerous problems in educations circles as many schools had already scrapped the present "client-server" (CS) system, believing that they would be equipped with a new NEIS system. Under the CS system, a larger, faster personal computer called "server or workstation" controls smaller, slower desktop computers. The left-wing KTU warned that if the government pushed forward with the NEIS its 90,000 members would wage protest activities, such as taking coinciding sick days or boycotting the new system. On May 28, 2003 the KTU decided to schedule a "collective annual leave" -- effectively a strike. If the union had made good on its threat, the most immediate effect would be impaired operations for this year's university entrance exams, which the system handled. By contrast, the larger and more moderate union, the Korean Federation of Teachers Associations, which has 170,000 members, said that if the government returned to the old CS information system it would boycott it or possibly strike as well. (See KTU for Hangul homepage.)

As is becoming typical of the Roh administration, the Minister of Education contributed to the mess with his waffling on his position. Shortly after he assumed his post in March 2002, he claimed there were problems with NEIS and that he would suspend it for improvement. Several days later, he stated the problems were not so serious and it would proceed. When the human rights commission issued its recommendation, he said he would respect it, then he hinted that he might rule against it.

In the end, the ministry reversed its position to implement the system by force if necessary and accepted the KTU’s position that the NEIS be canceled and the former CS system be used for the three sections in question. The system would be implemented for graduating seniors, but those below the 11th grade would be "temporarily" placed under the old CS system until February 2004.

In response, the moderate Korea Union of Teaching and Education Workers (KUTE), Council of Local Education Commissions and several parent organizations called for the resignation of Minister of Education Yoon Deok-hong. In addition, the Workers Council at the ministry is also balking at the decision in a rare move that publicly denounced the "unilateral" decision as "self-serving." The education superintendents, education committee members, school principals, information system teachers, the KUTE and the Korea Federation of Teachers Associations (KFTA), are now vehemently opposed to the decision.

Then Minister Yoon waffled again and said that the announcement was falsely conveyed, and that the new system would not be scrapped but would be reconsidered over the next six months. This kind of response is typical of the Roh administration that when they get in trouble they state they were misquoted or misunderstood.

The Education Minister flip-flopped again and announced it would allow schools to operate the NEIS, despite progressive KTU teachers' threat to boycott classes in protest against the system. Under the guidelines, schools are required to keep the data manually in principle pending a final decision on the new system by an expert committee to be launched this month. In response, the KTU said they would take a collective leave on June 20, 2003. The Education Ministry stated that "the collective leave" would be considered a strike. The KTU is not allowed to strike under prevailing law. The Education Ministry said that those who participated in the protest would be subject to warnings, reprimands, and reduction of wages -- though the degree of punishment would be decided by heads of municipal and provincial offices.

The Seoul courts reacted quickly to set an example and sentenced six former KTU officials to prison over a 2001 incident -- though with a two-year stay of execution in the sentences it amounts to nothing more than a symbolic action. The court ruled that if students’ rights for studying and learning were violated by teachers’ collective move to take leave, that constituted the obstruction of the school administration.

According to the Korea Herald, "Of the 27 NEIS fields, only these three contain students' personal records on their health, grades and school entrance and transfers. Human rights advocates argued the three parts should be scrapped as they might violate students' human rights and privacy. In contrast, NEIS proponents say without these three elements, it is "meaningless" to adopt an NEIS that is aimed at integrating information from all primary, middle and high schools and making them available at students' homes. The conservative Korean Federation of Teachers' Association said they would not revert to the previous "client-server" system, saying 97 percent of 10,950 schools across the nation have already begun using the NEIS. They noted the "complete" return to the CS system could potentially cost the Education Ministry up to 2.2 trillion won, adding the government has already injected 52.1 billion won to the establishment of the new network system."

Attacks on the "Gangster" Press: He then attacked the "gangster press" -- the big-three newspapers: Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo and Donga Ilbo. Roh's first action was reforming the press system at Cheong Wa Dae (Blue House) to eliminate the White House-style press corps and substitute a daily briefing system. Officials were told that they would not grant interviews unless authorized and that newspapers must cite their sources for quoted material from officials. These measures were aimed directly at big three conservative newspapers which voice opposition to Roh's programs.

From September 2003, journalists from foreign news organizations, Internet-only newspapers and other non-conventional media firms will be able to attend press briefings provided by six government ministries and agencies located at the Central Government Complex building in central Seoul. To date, those government offices had been providing briefings only to each ministry's press corps, which mostly consists of major Seoul-based news organizations.

The FTC has launched investigations against the three newspapers. In the mean time, the Roh support group (Nosamo) showed up in front of the Independence Hall Museum with a crane to yank out the press donated by the Chosun Ilbo as an exhibit of the olden days press in Korea. Intimidated, the museum removed the display.

In March 2003 Roh then appointed a reformist to the KBS (nationalized TV station), but the union refused to let his appointee enter the office. His appointee resigned and a new appointee, Jeong Youn-ju, took office. Unfortunately, his only credentials were that he was the head editorial writer for the Hankyoreh, a liberal news source that is currently Roh Moo-hyun PR newspaper source that is also in the feud with the conservative Choson-Ilbo. Roh is stacking the government-controlled news agencies with HIS reform-minded men and attempting to muzzle the conservative newspapers with veiled threats of tax investigations. On 12 Jul 2003, the Chosun Ilbo published an article about the politically-biased KBS programs that appeal only to the Roh supporter viewpoints -- alienating the other half of the viewers.

New Shows at KBS Called Biased

by Eo Su-ung (jan10@chosun.com)

The so-called "reform programs" promoted by the new president of the state-funded TV network KBS, Jeong Youn-ju, are being attacked by critics, who say the shows are politically biased.

Jeong recently introduced a group of new programs, three of which are especially controversial: “Modern History Through Biography,” “Media Focus” and “Citizens Project - Please Come Out.”

“Modern History Through Biography” was slammed by the opposition party even before its first episode, because its host, the actor Moon Sung-geun, is a fervent supporter of President Roh Moo-hyun.

The first three episodes of “Modern History Through Biography” featured the mother of Lee Han-yol, a student demonstrator who died after being hit in the head by a tear gas shell in June 1987; Jeon Tae-il, a labor activist who burned himself to death to protest the government’s failure to enforce labor laws; and Yun Sang-won, the Citizens Army spokesman during the Gwangju uprising who was shot to death by the military.

A professor at Kookmin University, Lee Chang-hyun, pointed out that the selections have been considerably political so far, as Lee, Jeon and Yun represent the democratic campaign against Chun Doo-hwan’s military regime in the late 1980s, labor suppression in the 1970s and the 1980 Gwangju uprising.

Because public channels should appeal to all citizens regardless of their ideological stances, such biased programming is inappropriate, Lee said. KBS needs to serve as the pivotal point that includes a wide spectrum of various ideologies, he said. Critical viewers have written KBS's Internet bulletin board that the Roh Moo-hyun government seems to want to justify its legitimacy by exploiting the names of the activists who sacrificed themselves for democratization.

"Media Focus" debuted with a confessional by KBS in which it repented of past sins and promised to reform. A KBS executive pointed out that reporters in the 1980s were forced to write pro-government stories. The episode got mixed reactions. While some appreciated KBS’ will to reform, others pointed out that the self-reproaches were limited to the past. Others said it lacked objective standards and was created from a certain political perspective.

“Citizens Project - Please Come Out,” which debuted by sending a TV van to former President Chun Doo-hwan’s residence and demanding that he appear on the live show, has been attacked for dealing with serious issues by embarrassing the concerned parties.

A professor at Hanyang University, Kang Nam-jun, said that the second episode dealt with day-to-day issues such as credit cards and sanitary napkins, and observers say the producers used the first episode to promote the program by making it a sensational event.

A professor at Sookmyung University, Park Chun-il, said that if a public broadcasting agency focuses on disclosure programs or enlightenment campaign programs, the entire nation could lose its center of gravity. The media needs to propose an agenda indirectly through stories and reports, not in a direct manner, he said.

At MBC, another public TV station, a documentary program, "PD Notes," had an episode called “Korean Newspapers: the Power above the Power” on July 8, 2003. The show limited its criticism of newspapers to Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo and Donga Ilbo, and reiterated the anti-Chosun rhetoric from the Kim Dae-jung Administration by interviewing government officials and former journalists.

Professor Kang Hyung-chul of Sookmyung University says that the public broadcasting stations are pandering to the views of only half the voters - those woo supported Roh Moo-hyun in the presidential election - and will alienate the other half in the long run. Pointing out that the British Broadcasting Corporation begins its programming by saying that it has no political policy, Korea's public television networks do not need to editorialize.

On 2 Apr 2003 President Roh said, "A few newspaper companies run by clans have relentlessly assailed former President Kim Dae-jung's administration. I have been attacked in the process, the fallout of which is indescribable. The pain is still continuiing." He vowed to take criminal and civil action against "incorrect" reporting.

According to the Joongang Ilbo, "Mr. Roh then abolished the existing press rooms at government ministries, barred journalists from visiting government officials during working hours, and cancelled subscriptions to early-edition newpapers, whose articles had been published the night before. In the past, government officials would call newspaper editors to request them to drop unfavorable articles from later editions. He then issued an order to officials to divide newspaper articles into four categories. They included a "malicious criticism" category, and Mr. Roh urged the government to take action on articles in that group."

On Newspaper Day, 7 April 2003 Roh said, "Neither the government nor the press can win by testing who is more powerful... I propose that we shake off bygones, and propose cooperation and reconciliation." But the press felt that this was a one-sided response as there was no conciliatory stance toward the press on the part of the Blue House.

On 28 May, 2003 the members of the Korea Newspaper Fair Competition Committee issued a statement saying that government intervention into the newspaper market had become institutionalized, making the committee's role meaningless. As a result, they said, they decided to resign en masse, expressing deep regret for the "hastiness and unreasonableness" the government exhibited in the process of revising the code.

On 20 Jun 2003, According to the Chosun Ilbo, "the deputy director at the Government Information Agency, Cheong Sun-kyun, who used to be a reporter at the JoongAng Ilbo, harshly attacked the Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo and Dong-a Ilbo during a speech Saturday to 30 high-ranking officials of the Supreme Public Prosecutors Office. Cheong said that the domestic media market was almost monopolized by the three newspapers. These newspapers report news in the same way, and thereby fix public opinion, preventing the formation of normal public opinion, he said. He took issue with the Chosun Ilbo's critical editorials about Roh Moo-hyun's recent visit to Japan, saying that the paper hastily presumed that the summit in Tokyo was a failure. He also complained that all three newspapers had reported a claim by the opposition lawmaker Kang Seong-ku, who said that fools always blame the media, and called the quote and subsequent reporting "coordinated." "This is evidence that whenever they find a story that fits their ideas they all carry it, as if uniformly," he said."

The government has adopted a new standard for reporting. The first was that there would be no more "anonymous sources" and such articles using such unidentified sources would be subject to legal action. This smacked of intrusions on freedom of speech. It also implemented five classifications for article-grading. On 13 Jul 2003 the Chosun Ilbo reported, "The Seoul District Civil Court on Friday ruled against 11 prosecutors from its office in their slander suit against the Chosun Ilbo. The prosecutors, who were asking for W1.1 billion ($930,000) in damages, had taken issue with a September 2001 article in which the Chosun Ilbo said prosecutors were skirting legal requirements when tracing bank accounts, such as by going through the Financial Supervisory Service. The court said in its ruling that the media should be granted latitude when reporting about violations by prosecutors because prosecutors, when conducting their investigations and releasing their conclusions, have enormous influence on the private lives and human rights of the people involved. The court concluded that the Chosun Ilbo's report, which was based on fact, appeared to have no malicious intent, and amounted to appropriate criticism from the media. The court also said that it agreed that prosecutors, by tracing accounts with the help of supervisory body, were dodging the requirement to get a warrant, which is called for by several laws." This is an extension of the Roh policy to sue newspapers/magazines that the administration feels has filed a erroneous report. These allegations have been made by the newspaper against the Prosecutors' investigations up to the present day in many high profile cases such as the SK Global scandal investigation.

In July 2003 Roh was very thin-skinned, especially since some foreign press releases and magazines have printed articles unflattering to his administration and classified as "malicious" by the Roh article-grading system. For example, after the 14 July 2003 edition of Newsweek hit newsstands with a story called "Is Korea Socialist?" the Roh administration protested -- demanding a retraction and apology. The article took aim at the Roh Moo-hyun government's labor policies, but also used the world "socialism" to describe the Roh Korea. The person quoted by Newsweek as saying, "Now Koreans are saying that Korea is more socialist than China," was reportedly the Chinese ambassador to Korea, Lee Bin. However, the Roh government can't do much except grin and bear it as they could not question a diplomat without causing a international hubbub. The Roh government demanded an apology and retraction from Newsweek, but none was immediately forthcoming.

In August 2003 Roh was under constant attack and vowed to take his fight against the three major conservative newspapers to court. On 2 Aug 2003 Roh said the media was abusing their power "to trample [on the government], trample again when you protest, try to dig up dirt on your family, try to nail you." In frustration, he even stated that he might create his own internet newspaper to get his side of the story out. On 2 Aug 2003 the Information Service stated that the government might take action against editorials and columns "if the opinion pieces carry false facts." The Blue House was contemplating setting up a specific organization to file suits against press companies, without going through the usual procedure of bringing its complaints before the Press Arbitration Committee first. The Fair Trade Commission launched a study into free gifts and promotional copies distributed, illegally, by newspaper companies. Roh dismissed the rancor as part of a shifting change to a relationship between the government and the press. But members of the opposition and media scholars worry that it may lead to oppression of the press.

On 13 Aug 2003 he filed a libel suit against an opposition party lawmaker and four major Korean newspapers "a suit that was unprecedented for an incumbent president." He filed a libel suit against Representative Kim Moon-soo, an opposition party lawmaker who had raised rumors of Roh Geon-pyeong, the president's elder brother, being involved in property speculation. Mr. Roh sued the nation's four major dailies the Chosun, Dong-a, JoongAng and Hankook (Korea Times) Ilbos for libel for reporting on the claim without examining it closely. However, on 27 Sep 2003 President Roh requested the Seoul District Court temporarily suspend procedures for a lawsuit he filed last month against four domestic newspapers and an opposition party legislator until he left office in Feb 2008. Supposedly the plaintiff's status as a sitting president might trouble the court and trigger further political debate on the issue.

When the Asian Wall Street Journal published an editorial on criticizing President Roh Moo-hyun for filing a lawsuit against the four major press companies (the "gangster press"), the Korean Information Service (KIS) told Jeong Soon-gyu, deputy chief of the KIS, to write the article, "Standing Up to the Press in Korea." Jeong defended the action as necessary to “rectify these wrong practices as well as establish a new wholesome relationship between the government and the press.” The response was printed in the ASWJ on 21 Aug 2003 and immediately roused controversy, as its contents seemed to defame all Korean reporters -- though Jeong claimed it was a mistake in translating the article. It stated that government officials "have maintained a select group of supposedly influential reporters at each government agency, wined and dined them, and regularly handed them envelopes of cash." He stated that the offensive passage referred to the practices in the past. It also stated, "Many Korean reporters tend to file reports without first checking and confirming important points." Though Jeong said he would resign and apologized for the corruption statement, he said he had no intention to apologize for saying that Korean reporters do not check basic facts. Jeong said he was referring to reporters' notion of thinking "nevermind if it's wrong." The Korea Reporters Association criticized Jeong, saying that it had to doubt his ability to perceive reality and common sense.

In 11 Oct 2003 the Chosun Ilbo reported that members of 40 civic groups demonstrated in Youido to attempt to abolish the mandatory monthly fees households pay for the Korean Broadcasting System (KBS). Activists said that KBS had broadcast a program that falsely embellished exile Song as a democratic leader -- when in fact he was the 23rd ranking member of the North Korea Politburo. The controversial program that featured Song, "Talking About Korea - Political Exiles Return," was broadcast without a proper preliminary review, which is a mandatory procedure for all programs made, insiders said recently. The program was an inappropriate action for a nationalized broadcasting company. German human rights activist Norbert Vollertsen said, KBS should not stand for the "Korean Broadcasting Service," but for the "Kim Jong Il Broadcasting Service."

By April 2005, the Korea Journalists Club, a group of retired journalists, claimed the freedom of the press in South Korea shrank in 2004 due to new press laws, a journalists organization said Friday. "The country's press freedom index last year stood at 54.6 out of 100, down from the previous year's 60," said a report by the Korea Journalists Club. The group said passage of the new press law in 2004, which “curbs the freedom of the press from all directions," substantially narrowed the scope of government critics, “and the freedom of news gathering and publication is now subject to legal sanction." President Roh Moo-hyun maintained a negative attitude to traditionally conservative papers like the DongA and Chosun Ilbo, which was directly linked to a "closed press policy of the incumbent administration," the report added. The Korea Journalists Club set up a team of six mass communication scholars to assess the nation's press freedom in 30 items.

The Roh administration's Fair Trade Commission has pressed forward with an investigation of 17 newspapers for "illegal" practices of free subscriptions and "freebie" giveaways in Apr 2005. However, the investigation is specifically targeting the major newspapers that Roh had labeled the "Gangsta Press." Some of the techniques of obtaining newspaper mailing lists and using them to mail out questionaires verged on being illegal itself.

Environmental Policy and Saemangeum Project: He offended some environmental groups when he announced that he would follow Kim Dae-jung's environmental decisions. Key among them was the arbitrary restarting of the Saemangeum project in the Kunsan-Changhang-Puan area. A local environmental group asserted the nation would reap benefits of 8.1 trillion won (US$6.76 billion) if the government halted the controversial Saemangeum reclamation project at the current phrase, but there will be a loss of 4.1 trillion won if it continued. The claim was made by the Korea Society for Ecological Economics (KSEE).

Saemangeum Project Map

Add to this mix the confusion caused by various ministries with conflicting stances. In April 2003, Environment Minister Han Myung-sook and Fisheries Minister Huh Sung-kwan encouraged NGO environmental groups' religious leaders who were carrying out an elaborate protest against the Saemangeum land reclamation project. Then a few days later Agriculture Minister Kim Young-jin said that the project should go forward. The conflict is that the environmental impact studies were claimed to be incomplete and threatened to disrupt the wildlife habitats, local fishing and seafood industries. However, the land reclamation would provide more farmlands and industrial areas.

The protest against the Saemangeum tideland reclamation project in Chollabukdo reached its climax as the sensational "three steps, one bow" procession led by a group of clergymen reached Seoul 57 days after they departed Buan 310 kilometers to the south. While the march was inching toward its destination, the National Assembly in Yeoido, the procession grew in length with the participation of conservationist citizens. However, the residents at the project site were holding equally agitated rallies calling for an early completion of the project. They asserted the Saemangeum was the only opportunity for the underdeveloped Cholla region to build its economy to the level found in other parts of the nation. (See REAL AUDIO VIDEO for video of the march.)

After a long delay, and under pressure from opposition parties, President Roh Tae-woo ordered the launching of the dike construction in November 1991, to fulfill a campaign pledge to garner votes in the region. Work was suspended in 1999 by the courts, but resumed two years later when the government of Kim Dae-jung arbitrarily restarted the Saemangeum Project in 2001. Immediately, more than 3,500 residents and environmentalists filed a lawsuit against the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry and the prime minister in 2001, claiming that the Saemangum development project is unjust and that the environmental survey of the area was falsely drawn up. Upon his election, President Roh opted to continue with Kim Dae-jung's environmental policy. (NOTE: Kunsan AB's perimeter is directly affected by the Saemangeum Project and was signed off on over three years ago by the base.)

Saemangeum Protest (6 Jun 03)

Opponents claim that the 33-kilometer dike, supposedly the longest in the world, will remove an ecological treasure house from the face of the earth. Claims are that the migratory bird habitats surrounding Kunsan will be destroyed. Aside from its environmental value, the purely economic contributions of the wetland, with its natural shellfish and sea laver and the products of many marine farms, will be double what project administers promise for the future, they argue. The devastating failure of the Sihwa area in Gyeonggi Province gave environmentalists firm ground for their case.

Saemangeum Construction of Dike (2003)

Researchers at the Agricultural and Rural Infrastructure Corporation deny this claim, quoting different figures, and the controversy is endless. The economic fruits to be gleaned from the reclamation project, according to the corporation now conducting the work, include 180,000 tons of rice a year from 70,000 acres of new farmland, a large industrial estate, artificial lakes containing over 500 million tons of fresh water and port facilities that will handle huge volumes of cargo to and from China

Major construction firms have continued work to build floodgates and parts of dikes spending over one trillion won so far. The project's justification is dwindling, considering that the government has decided to idle farmland four times as large as the projected Saemangeum field. Anti-Saemangeum activists are demanding a decision by President Roh Moo-hyun to halt the project, at least until after a special panel of experts, proposed by the Environment Ministry, has completed its review of all environmental and economic aspects.

For Roh this is another difficult choice that is destined to have immense repercussions, whichever side he may lean toward.

Environmentalists March Against Saemangeum

Saemangum Dispute Pitches Up

by Kim Chang-gon (cgkim@chosun.com)

The fight over the Saemangeum Project, a land reclamation project in North Jeolla province, is heating up, with environmentalists on one side and local residents on the other.

A group of protesters just completed a march from the province to the capital. They left on March 28 and arrived at Yeouido Park on Sunday, after walking 310 kilometers by taking three steps and then prostrating themselves, then repeating the process, the entire way. At the park they held a rally to stop the Saemangeum project. The group of more than 300 people, including religious leaders, released a declaration, urging a resolution to the issue. They will conduct a march next Friday in front of Seoul City Hall and another one the following day at Gwanghwamun.

Down in Jeolla province, meanwhile, ralliers are demanding that the project continue. A group of 140 backers of the project were demonstrating in front of the North Jeolla Provincial Office last Thursday and at Gunsan Station Plaza on Friday. “The government must clearly state its will to pursue the project and put an end to these harmful disputes,” a leader of the rally said. Another rally will take place on Monday in Jeonju, led by the union of civic groups for Jeonju’s development. They are also preparing events that stand against the "Three steps, one bow" march.

An environmental activist spoke out against the projedct. "We see decreases of 20,000 hectares of rice fields every year," he said. "If the government is paying people to not plant rice, why is it making more farmland?

The opposition is also worried that if an embankment is built to close off the freshwater lake, the pollutants entering the lake will make it into another Sihwa Lake (a representative example of polluted lakes). Moreover, the financial value of the estuary silt is $23,000 dollars per hectare, so the value of the Saemangeum silt is over $500 million dollars, and thus should be preserved, they say.

The Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry says that due to the spread of roads and housing complexes, there is still a need for more farmland. They say that water problems will be controlled through construction of a W130 billion sewage disposal plant.

Saemangeum Environmental Protest (2001)

On 24 Jun 2003 the Chollabukdo Provincial Government said it would turn the Saemangeum area into a logistical center of the region. "The local government plans to develop Cholla Province into a production and trade base in Northeast Asia. To that end, Saemangeum will be developed for logistics and the cities of Chonju and Kunsan will focus on the machinery industry," Song Ha-jin, a director-general of the provincial government, said in a debate forum hosted by the Ministry of Planning and Budget.

On 15 Jul 2003, the Seoul Administrative Court ordered that the project be suspended until its fate is decided after environmentalist groups present their arguments that the project will ultimately wreak havoc on the local landscape and sea life. The Court agreed to stop the Saemangeum Project before it reached a final decision stating that it agreed with the environmentalists that the potential damage to the ecology required immediate action. Upon the announcement of this decision the Agriculture and Forestry Minister Kim Young-jin sent in his resignation to protest the court order that work on the Saemangeum land reclamation project be halted. Buan County and North Cholla civic groups joined by Governor Kim Jong-gyu agreed to protest the court decision. Puan county of North Cholla Province also said it would withdraw its application to host a radioactive waste treatment facility if the Saemangeum project was suspended.

Nuclear Waste Dump Protest On 15 Jul 2003, an islet off the central west coast was chosen as the single candidate site for South Korea's first nuclear waste dump, the Commerce, Industry and Energy Ministry said. Puan county tied the withdrawal of its application to host a radioactive waste treatment facility if the Saemangeum project was suspended. A 14-member committee was expected to officially choose Wido in Puan County, North Cholla province, after conducting on-site geological and environmental inspections. However, after massive protests in Puan the official designation of Wedo Island as the nuclear waste site was delayed.

Residents in the region staged violent protests almost daily starting in July 2003, asking the government to withdraw the plan. They have attacked government officials and occupied sections of a major highway. On 23 Jul 2003 some 2,000 protesters scuffled with police Tuesday outside the county office of Buan, North Jeolla Province, after rallying against the government's plan to construct a new nuclear waste dump nearby. Twenty demonstrators and 17 policemen were reported injured in the clash. On 21 Aug 2003 more than 1,000 Puan residents, joined by environmental activists, staged a second sea-borne protest aboard hundreds of boats to oppose the project on Wido, an islet off their coast with 1,500 residents. They blocked passage of other boats to and from 13 ports that dot the coastline. On 23 Aug 2003 the riots spread to Chonju when 3,000 residents of Puan and activists converged on the Provincial Capital. According to Yonhap News, they attacked police with steel pipes and burned two police vehicles.

However, on 22 Aug 2003 President Roh warned that his government would stop efforts to persuade opponents of a nuclear waste dump project if they continue to act unreasonably. Roh chastised the anti-nuclear protesters for ``blocking free exchange of opinions.''

However, on 3 Oct 2003 the parents who were boycotting the schools in protest reentered their children for fear they would held back a year. The protests turned violent. (See Protests: October.)

Frustration on the government refusal to back off its selection, the riots became more and more violent. Injuries to riot policemen and the protestors were on the increase. In Nov 2003, the protests resulted in over a hundred injured on both sides. (See Protests: November.)

Finally in Dec 2003 the government started to seek "alternative sites" but this was done before and NO ONE WANTS THE SITE. The only reason Puan got selected was the Puan District Chief without consultation of the people "offered" the site in order to gain short term benefits -- and possibly political favors. This was the person that was severely beaten by protestors. The government stated that it will not consider the region of Buan as being properly registered as a candidate site if a referendum on the issue by its residents is not held properly.

Farmers Problems, Opening of the Rice Market and Surplus Rice: Roh also created some hard feelings amongst farmers when he stated in February 2003 that the farmers had brought many problems upon themselves. The basic problem for Roh was that the government warehouses are overflowing with rice as the Korean populace is eating less rice, but the government is forced to buy high and sell low. The government has been clearing its overstock by shipping the rice to North Korea as part of its food aid. But the problems are truely not of the farmers making. The labor market is drying up in the country as youths in the country fled to the cities and the WTO has forced the rice market open. Profits are low to non-existent and the farmers are suffering. There is a glimmer of hope as some farmers have switched to specialty crops and on the average farmer's household incomes have risen for the first time in 31 years.

On 20 Jun 2003 farmers attempted to stage a mass demonstration in Yoido with 50,000, but the police restricted the entry into the area. The farmers were demonstrating against Korea's free-trade agreement with Chile blocked major expressways nationwide with trucks and tractors yesterday, creating heavy traffic jams. Some agricultural workers lay on roadways or drove their vehicles slowly to impede traffic. In North Chungcheong province blocked the Joongbu Expressway with an hour-long demonstration. In North Gyeongsang province farmers drove their cars at a leisurely pace to slow down traffic. On the Namhae Expressway in South Gyeongsang province, 150 cars driven by farmers took over the highway, jamming the road in both directions for nearly 24 hours. About 200 farmers in South Jeolla province protested in front of Gwangju Station and tried to block the Honam Expressway with about 80 trucks and sedans, sparking a clash with police and tying up the route from 11 a.m. until late afternoon. Later 300 cars filled with agricultural workers from North Jeolla province slowed down traffic by driving at about 20 kilometers (12 miles) an hour. Farmers in South Chungcheong province joined in with another 40 trucks. Another 1,500 farmers from North and South Chungcheong provinces tried to drive to Seoul, sharing 800 trucks and passenger cars. They were prevented by police from reaching the capital and continued their protest at the tollgate of the Honam Expressway. About 1,000 members of the Korean Farmers League assembled at Youido in Seoul and demonstrated in front of the National Assembly, demanding that the free-trade agreement be withdrawn. They said phasing out tariffs against Chilean products would cause the collapse of Korean agriculture. The league said it would stage a large protest 30 June 2003 if the government presents the free-trade agreement to the National Assembly for ratification. (See Voice of the People for video footoage of farmer protests blocking the highways. Video shows farmers burning farm machines in protest and riot police using shields and fire extinguishers to push back the crowd to put out the machinery fire.)

Protests continued throughout the year joined by the foreign workers who were being threatened with deportation. One Korean leader committed suicide in Cancun, Mexico during a world conference on Free Trade Zones. Protests were constant but for the most part non-violent. At the end of the year, the plight of the farmers was no better off than before. The promises of Roh to solve their situation has been empty.

Roh at his hometown

Poverty Continues to Rise According to a Korea Herald report on 13 Oct 2003, the Korea Development Institute (KDI) reported that one out of 10 urban households live below the poverty line due the rising number of unemployed since the economic debacle of 1997-98. The nation's unemployment resulted in a doubling of the number of urban households living below the absolute poverty line to 10.1 percent in 2000 from the mid-5 percent recorded in 1996. KDI cited aging population and the increasing number of nuclear families as other reasons for the worsening poverty. Analyzing the difference between market income and disposable income, the cause of the widening income inequality was that market income is pre-taxed money while disposable income represents post-taxed money that individuals take home. "The difference between market income and disposable income was relatively small compared with the same in other advanced nations, which means that the nation's wealth distribution mechanism has not matured yet." In other words, the rich retain their wealth while the majority of the middle-class are concentrated in the "lower middle class" -- with 10 percent of the urban population remains in poverty.

The nation's taxation and social safety net do not fulfill their functions well. This is a self-evident truth as the safety net remains non-existent. The chaebols have created so many loopholes that they escape taxation with "slush funds" and illegal transactions. The government backed off investigating these chaebols for fear of worsening the economy -- but most suspected it was the money from the chaebols that greased the skids. KDI recommended that in order to accomplish the income equality between haves and have-nots, the government needed to push for the so-called "horizontal tax justice" by making the income status of the self-employed more transparent and levy corresponding taxes.

At the end of 2004, the "slush fund" loopholes were being uncovered with a vengeance by the prosecution. The Grand National Party (GNP) was accused of receiving more than 50 billion won (US$41.75 million) in slush funds from South Korean conglomerates, including Samsung, SK, LG and Hyundai Motor, before and during the election campaign of 2002.

Chaebol and Business Reforms: He came to office claiming that he was to reform the chaebols but once in office backed off as the SK scandal resulted in the arrest of the chairman for insider trading and stock manipulation to gain control of the group. Then it was learned that the group suffered huge losses and lied about its profits. World-wide confidence in Korean companies in general was shaken. The economy started to weaken and he needed the business leaders so he backed off on reforms -- though he publically continued to mouthe that he was committed to chaebol reform. The chaebols paid lip-service to support the reforms, but as in the past they continued to resist the reform proposals. The tax audits of the other chaebols were delayed for fear of finding other irregularities that would surface.

The corruption of large business has been revealed repeatedly -- not only in illegal political contributions -- but in the bribing of government officials. Prosecutors launched an investigation of the company in November 2003 and determined that IBM executives paid off government officials in order to fix bids for 66 billion won ($55 million) worth of computer equipment to agencies including the National Tax Bureau. In Feb 2004, nine executives of IBM were sentenced to jail along with hefty fines.

Then the nuclear issue caused the sovereign credit rating of Korea to be downgraded. Roh again sent off a delegation to Wall Street to explain the situation, but having a Korean general in uniform show up at a business meeting sent a strange signal to the group according to press reports. To counter this, the chaebols started up roadshows in the U.S. and a large contingent of business leaders accompanied Roh on his May 2003 summit visit to the U.S. Korea's top conglomerates planned to hold a new series of investment road shows in New York, Boston and London in the middle of June 2003, to promote direct foreign investment in Korea.

Bottomline was that sell-offs of Korean stocks continued and direct foreign investment (FDI) dropped in the first quarter. To attract foreign investment, a new incentive package for high-tech foreign firms investing in Korea will award a cash grant equivalent to 20 percent of the value of their total investment. Controversial plans are underway to allow special trade zones for foreign companies to include schools and hospitals operated by foreign companies with special tax advantages.

First quarter profits were down dramatically across the board. The chief problem in the manufacturing sector was the bad semiconductor market, while SK's scandal brought about the profit losses. The top-10 conglomerates' combined revenues in the first quarter added up to 39.60 trillion won, a fall of 19.05 percent from the previous year, and they posted net profit of 2.17 trillion won, down 35.81 percent. On the other hand, some large firms in specific sectors stood their ground in the first quarter, despite the U.S.-Iraq war and the sluggish market conditions here. The shipbuilding and steel firms are among these, having attracted a wealth of orders at high prices -- but also the wrath of trading nations with allegations of dumping and government subsidies. (NOTE: In Nov 2004, the WTO ruled against the EU claim that the South Korean government-led restructuring of its shipbuilding industry constituted state subsidization. The tentative ruling allowed the country to dispel a controversy that has surrounded the government's role in restructuring and the shipbuilding industry after it underwent widespread reorganization in the wake of the 1997-98 Asian finance crisis.)

In June 2003 the country was "technically" in a recession. Korea's economy grew at its slowest pace in more than four years in the second quarter due to the collapse of domestic consumption that eroded gains from brisk sales abroad. GDP rose just 1.9 percent from 2002, the slowest clip since the nation's 1997-1998 IMF crisis. This was the second straight quarter-on-quarter contraction, shrinking 0.7 percent from the January-March 2003 period. Domestic consumption has slid since late last year, after a four-year spending spree began to trail off on a sea of overdue credit-card bills and tightened regulations on household loans. In the second quarter, Koreans spent 2.2 percent less than a year earlier and 1.4 percent less than in the first quarter.

Companies' investment in building new plants and buying equipment dropped 0.8 percent year-on-year, the worst reading since the fourth quarter of 2001. The growth of exports remained robust at 12 percent, although it slowed from the first quarter's 19.8 percent expansion. Real gross domestic income, which represents the nation's real purchasing power abroad, ticked up 0.2 percent from the year-earlier period, as the price of Korean exported goods fell more sharply than that of foreign ones shipped into the country.

The SK Global Co. scandal continued to shake the confidence of foreign investors. The world investment circles continue to monitor the developments of this scandal as a signal of Korea's willingness to reform its chaebols. SK Global, the trading arm of the SK Group, amassed 1.5 trillion won in debts through dubious accounting practices -- including doctoring its books to overstate its profits -- and illegal cross-lending amongst affiliate banks. Local creditors stepped up pressure on the SK Group to come up with a more viable bailout plan for its shaky trading unit. The parent company SK Corp, Korea's biggest oil refiner, is coming under growing pressure from local banks to salvage its troubled partner. Hana Bank, SK Global's main lender, said the SK Corp assistance offer fell short and creditors want the SK Corp. to convert all of SK Global's 1.5 trillion won debt into equity or else face the liquidation of SK Global. Samil Accounting Corp. reported to the creditors that SK Global would be worth more if it was kept afloat than if it was liquidated. The accounting firm estimated SK Global's value as a going concern at 6.4 trillion won, higher than its liquidation value of 2.9 trillion won.

However, the largest shareholder of SK Corp., Sovereign Asset Management, a Monaco-based equity investment firm, has reiterated its intention not to allow SK Corp. from providing financial support for the ailing affiliate as part of its efforts to reform the oil refiner and protect shareholders' interests. (Sovereign's subsidiary Crest Securities holds a 15 percent stake in SK Corp.) Stressing that SK Corp.'s support of SK Global must be based on "commercially sound principles," Sovereign questioned the right of the SK Group to urge the oil refiner to participate in the bailout plan. "The SK Group is not a shareholder of SK Corp. and its not even a legal entity," Sovereign said in a statement. "We therefore challenge its authority to negotiate on SK Corp.'s behalf or attempt to bind it to any decision-making process." It also threatened to take legal action against SK Corp.'s board members if the oil refiner proceeds to support SK Global. The announcement came after the SK Group's chairman, Sohn Kil-seung, vowed last week to save SK Global "under any circumstances" because the failure of SK Global would entail the breakup of the SK Global Group.

In July 2003, a settlement was reached between the domestic and foreign creditors that set forth that the company is to be normalized through joint supervision by both creditor groups. The firms is to also avoid a market expulsion. If the company had been put under court receivership procedures, SK Global would likely have been de-listed from the share market. The foreign creditors of SK Global held a plenary session in Hong Kong on Wednesday and agreed to accept the debt-rescheduling plan for the firm that had been offered by the firm's Korean creditors. The plan that the parties agreed to stipulates that the foreign creditors will receive 43 to 48 percent of the outstanding loans in cash. As the foreign creditors accepted the rescue plan, domestic creditors are to discard their so-called "prepackaged" bankruptcy plan in favor of the joint supervision scheme. (NOTE: In Sept 2003 it was revealed that "SK Global" was going to change its name to "SK Network" to offset the negative image over its name.)

After SK Corp.'s board formally approved 850 billion won bailout of SK Networks, it formally approved 143 billion won bailout of SK Shipping and sale of 10.4 percent stake to Hana Bank and other SK allies. In Dec 2003, Court rejects Sovereign's injunction to prevent SK Corp. from selling stakes to allies. Sovereign attempted to remove Chey Tae-won, SK Group owner and chairman and chief executive of SK Corp., who was sentenced to three-year jail term over SK Global $1.3 billion accounting fraud. Sovereign accused Chey of failing to deliver shareholder value and of misallocating funds by bailing out weak SK affiliates. The oust attempt failed, but other firms are buying into SK Corp which will give them a stronger hand in the next elections.

By Dec 2003, domestic banks had joined forces to prevent Sovereign Asset Management from undertaking a hostile takeover of S.K. Corp., the holding company of the nation's third largest conglomerate. Hana Bank, Shinhan Bank, Korea Development and a few other domestic banks recently agreed to buy 13.2 million shares in SK Corp., held by the company, or 10.41 percent of SK Corp. in cooperation with several other institutional investors friendly to them.

EPILOGUE: In 10 March 2005 the Joongang Ilbo reported, "Sovereign Asset Management, a private equity fund established in New Zealand and now based in Dubai, was trying to turn the meeting into a referendum on SK Corp. Chairman Chey Tae-won. In last year's shareholder's meeting, Sovereign Asset Management lost a vote battle to Chey and his friendly shareholders. SK Networks was found in early 2003 to have misstated its 2001 earnings by 1.5 trillion won. The chairman was convicted of involvement in a US$1.2 billion fraud at affiliate SK Networks Co., formerly SK Global Co. Chey faces an appeals court on March 30. Creditors have rescued the company from bankruptcy through massive debt-equity swaps. Sovereign Asset Management, which holds a 14.96-percent stake, has denounced Chey, saying the chairman's conviction has devalued the top refiner.

For over a year, Sovereign has been seeking to oust Mr. Chey, who was convicted of accounting fraud and insider trading in 2003. Sovereign requested a special shareholders meeting last year, but it was turned down by SK's board. Sovereign's appeal to a Seoul court to overturn the board ruling was also rejected. The meeting Friday is to address several key issues, including approval on the amount of year-end dividends and increases on the limit on pay for directors. The major item, however, will be how shareholders will vote on whether or not to reinstate the two internal directors the board has recommended. The candidates are Mr. Chey and Kim Joon-ho, who heads the company's corporate ethics team and is a former prosecutor at the Ministry of Justice and Supreme Prosecutors Office.

Although he holds just a 0.9 percent of SK stock, Mr. Chey is a controlling shareholder. Shares held by Mr. Chey, immediate family members and SK-affiliated firms total 15.6 percent. Shares of institutional investors who have recently announced their support for the company's position, raise the level to about 35 percent. These include Samsung Electronics, Pantech & Curitel, and 36 out of 38 institutional investors, including firms such as Korea Investment Trust Management (3.6 percent) and Chohung Investment Trust Management (2.5 percent). Sovereign, on the other hand, holds 14.9 percent, and has the support of Prudential Asset Management (0.2 percent) and some other minority shareholders.

The opposing sides are actively wooing supporters. The company met with institutional and individual shareholders to gather more votes to back Mr. Chey. Sovereign, meanwhile, has been working hard, taking out a series of full-page newspaper advertisements advising how shareholders should vote. It also sent out a letter to shareholders last month explaining why Mr. Chey should not be elected. Saying that the dividends for SK Corp. investors who bought at the beginning of last year were just 40 percent of what investors in competitor S-Oil received, Sovereign claimed that voting against Mr. Chey would remove a "drag" on SK Corp.'s value.

Meanwhile, a corporate analysis report released by Merrill Lynch yesterday praised SK Corp.'s board of directors, saying that it was the best in Korea. Merrill Lynch said that SK's system of having its board directly involved in day-to-day management had benefited the company and that SK was the only Korean conglomerate that had a chief executive officer hold direct talks with foreign shareholders. The tension between Mr. Chey and Sovereign will continue to be a positive factor in maximizing share value, the report said.

On 11 Mar it was announced that the scandal-tainted head of SK Corp. won a fresh shareholder mandate, surviving a second attempt to unseat him from the top post of South Korea's largest oil refiner. Shareholders reappointed Chey Tae-won as a board member at an annual meeting, voting down Sovereign Asset Management's bid to oust him. The reappointment came from 60.63 percent of the shareholders. Chey, who is on bail while appealing a fraud conviction, virtually controls SK Group, one of the country's top conglomerates. SK Corp. is the group's de facto holding company. The reappointment is seen as reflecting the shareholders' view that SK Corp. has improved its corporate governance and is performing well under Chey's leadership.