This page is graphically intense with long load times due to photos. However, the photos and narratives by the men who served at Kunsan Air Base makes the wait well worthwhile. The opinions expressed are those of the author and in no way represents any official statement of Kunsan AB or the USAF.

For Kunsan AB viewers, the standard rule for dealing with materials on government computers is "If you wouldn't show it to the Wing Commander, you shouldn't be looking at it." The pages dealing with the RECENT history of the 8th FW contains some materials that are NOT complimentary to the 8th TFW. If you are on a government computer, you should use your judgement on viewing these pages.

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NOTICE/DISCLAIMER: The content of this page is UNOFFICIAL and the views and opinions expressed do not necessarily reflect those of anyone associated with this page or any of those linked from this site. All opinions are those of the writer and are intended for entertainment purposes only. Links to other web pages are provided for convenience and do not, in any way, constitute an endorsement of the linked pages or any commercial or private issues or products presented there. Neither the DOD, the Air Force, the 8th Fighter Wing nor Mickey Mouse has endorsed any of this site. All Air Force links are publicly accessible through the worldwide web. If there is any discrepancy between eye-witness accounts and OFFICIAL DOD records, this site opts to lend credence to the eye-witness views.

This site has little in the way of technical information on Kunsan AB's tactical planning, weekly exercises, or technical specifications on the aircraft. Our position is that Kunsan AB has been promising to "kick ass" for over thirty years and not a speck of bomb iron has hit North Korean soil yet. These tactical plans change from week to week, if not daily, but the point is: NO ONE from Kunsan has dropped a bomb on North Korea or shot a MiG from the sky. All the plans are simply plans -- not reality.

HOWEVER, the hard work and ability of the airmen to carry out the war game planning in the face of a hardship tour speaks loads of their caliber and dedication. The PEOPLE is what we want to cover -- not the GAME. The second item we wish to cover is the BASE which has served the airmen -- who served the mission. Over the years, wings and organizations have come and gone from the face of Kunsan AB -- but the base has always remained to serve. The third item covers those Korean events that affect the life of the airmen or mission at Kunsan. This ranges from main gate protests to the ever-mounting efforts of Korea to wean itself away from American military dependency.


HOW IT WAS!

Eagle

KUNSAN AIRBASE

KUNSAN AB PROTESTS
(2003)


RETURN TO MAIN TABLE OF CONTENTS

America

Table of Contents

8th Pursuit Gp History (1931-1945)
8th Fighter Bomber Wing History (1946-1952)
8th Fighter Bomber Wing History (1952-1955)
8th Fighter Bomber Wing History (1955-1974)
ROKAF: 111st Fighter Squadron (1953-Present)
8th Tactical Fighter Wing (1974-1975)
Kunsan AB: Tenant Units (1974-1994)
8th Tactical Fighter Wing (1976-1989)
8th Tactical Fighter Wing (1990-1995)
8th Tactical Fighter Wing (1996-1999)
8th Fighter Wing (2000)
8th Fighter Wing (2001): Part I
8th Fighter Wing (2001): Part II
8th Fighter Wing (2002): Part I
8th Fighter Wing (2002): Part II
8th Fighter Wing (2002): Part III
8th Fighter Wing (2002): Part IV
8th Fighter Wing (2003): Kunsan AB Affairs
8th Fighter Wing (2003): Military Affairs
8th Fighter Wing (2004): Kunsan AB Affairs
8th Fighter Wing (2004): Kunsan AB Military Affairs
8th Fighter Wing (2004): Kunsan: Information/Links page


Table of Contents (2004)

  • Spot Notes -- Chronological list of events at Kunsan or affected the lives of Kunsan personnel (with links to main articles) (Updated: As events occur)
  • Community Affairs
  • Quality of Life Issues - Facilities (Updated: January 2004)
    • Off-Base Issues: Prostitution and A-Town - Wolf Pack to combat prostitution -- an object lesson in futility -- and on-base rapes increase; A-town Off-limits -- the makings of a scandal (Updated: January 2004)
  • Military Affairs
    • Military Affairs (2003) -- USS Carl Vinson arrives in Pusan; Elmendorf F-15s at Osan; Marine FA-18s arrive at Kunsan in May; Low-key buildup; End of May return to normal. (Updated: 3 June 2003)
    • Military Affairs (2004) -- Seoul Courts Rule Against USFK Land Use; Vehicle Registration Policy Change; Crime Reports on USFK Soldiers; Continuing ROK-US Prosecutions; Bonus to Soldiers for Extension (Updated: 14 January 2004)

    • Relocation of USFK Bases (2003) -- In March USF announces it will relocate off the DMZ and south of the Han River; Renegotiations of Restructuring of 50-year old alliance; U.S. to invest $11 billion in Korea defense; Korea forced to increase its Defense spending; Enmeshed and entangled, the ROK drags its feet and attempts to shift the financial burden to the USFK; U.S. playing hardball and negotiations hit major snag in September 2003. 15-17 Jan continuation of meetings on relocation and reduction in forces. The first bases Camp Greaves and Giant to be returned in Nov 2004 under the LPP instead of 2011. (Updated: 31 Dec 2003)

      • Stryler/LAVIII: Our Opinion -- Details on the Stryker SBCT (3d Bde 2d ID) that will be replacing the 2d ID on the DMZ as part of a global repositioning strategy. Included are short sections on current USFK weapons systems that may augment the Stryker units in Korea after all the smoke has cleared. Stryker headed to Iraq in mid-October; US wants future forces to have a "regional" role; Stryker unit in Iraq in 2003 and blooded in Jan 2004. Stryker with its jerry-rigged LPG protection screens undergo the acid test of combat. Strykers success in Iraq for urban warfare role, but still questions about use in mountainous terrain unanswered. Decision to return the Interim Brigade Combat Team to Korea appears to be still up in the air as of 2004. (Updated: Jan 2004)


    • Relocation of USFK Bases (2004) -- 15-17 Jan continuation of meetings on relocation and reduction in forces. The first bases Camp Greaves and Giant to be returned in Nov 2004 under the LPP instead of 2011. (Updated: Weekly)

      • Proposed ROK FY2005 Military Budget -- Is It the Last Straw??? (OPINION) -- ROK Promised Defense Spending increase of 3.2 percent of GDP in 2004, but delivered a 2.8 percent of GDP. ROK Spending has now passed 1997 levels. The US position is that the ROK has the ability to increase its defense spending, but the ROK has not shown the will to do so. ROK "self-reliant" defense is delusional, but the ROK is maintaining the "free-ride" using the US High-tech warfare umbrella. Cursory look at why the ROK "Self-reliant" Defense is delusional. Though stated as reasons for Budget increase, the truth is that the E-X program will be sent out for bids in Nov 2004 and the SAM-X (Patriot) will NEVER be procured as long as President Roh is in office. The ROK is developing weapons programs that offer technology transfer or benefit industrial growth -- not necessarily what is essential to the defense programs. The ROK continues to be a thorn with its refusal to fund the Yongsan move and disputes over land use with the end result possibly being an explosion that destroys the US-ROK Alliance. (Posted: June 2004)
      • Dangerous Game the ROK is Playing (OPINION) -- Indepth look at the US Perspective on the evolving US-ROK alliance. Look into the r reasons for the ROK "Stall-and-Conquer" Negotiation strategy. Look at the growing American anti-Korean opinion; USFK and Department of Defense strategy; Head-on collision resulting in reduction in forces and pull-out of troops (Posted: June 2004)

    • Korea Continues to March to Its Own Drummer -- Korea upgrades its military and seeks technology transfer. However, Korea aims to control its own destiny. Korea now has OFFENSIVE missile capability. Its indigenous-designed fighter-trainer is ready for production and the KDX-II "stealth" destroyer has been launched. German-designed submarines are rolling out of shipyards and KM1A1 Korean Main Battle Tank is being produced in Korea. The next-generation fighter has been selected as the F-15K. Whether unrealistic or not, President Roh is seeking "self-reliance" for South Korea's defense by 2010. (Updated: 4 Sept 2003)

    • Military Affairst: North Korean Crisis: -- Equipment changes; Korea-wide Exercises; Force Positioning; Policy changes; North-South military dialogue. (Updated: Monthly)



    • Spies, Espionage & Infiltrators: -- Personal Opinion on the Spy Situation in Kunsan. Covers the spy organizations and the abuses by Presidents from Syngman Rhee to Roh Moo-hyun. Covers cases of captured infiltrators and deep-cover spies discovered in recent years to back up conclusions. (Sources footnoted) Covers history of communism in Cholla Provinces; list of coastal infiltration with methods of infiltration and vehicles used. (Posted: 24 May 2004)
  • Kunsan AB Information - Info, maps, slideshows with links to Kunsan City; Transportation; Base (Updated: January 2004)
  • Kunsan AB Protests -- Background of Protests; Protests in 2003 and 2004 by month; Indepth Coverage of the Protest Movement -- The Relocation of the USFK/SOFA -- Roh Moo-hyun actions and how it is all intertwined. Conflicts between Pro-US and anti-US elements are ideological and generational in nature. Coverage by month (Updated: Weekly)
    • Background
      • Subtopics -- Pro-American Demonstrations or really Anti-Sunshine Policy Demonstration? -- Anti-American Protests Waning? NO!!! -- Split in NGO Group Strategies and Shift to Pacifism -- America Responds -- Backlash of Anti-American Demonstrations -- Anti-American and the Generation Gap -- NGO Tactic to Boycott American Goods Backfires -- NGO-Initiated Polls Increasing and USFK Poll in response -- Roh wants to revise SOFA, but U.S. and MOJ Sees No Need -- Danger of Getting What they Want -- Considering the Improbable: What if the U.S. Leaves? -- OUR OPINION (Updated: 3 June 2003)
    • Jan-Mar 2003
      • Iraq War & Korean Perspective of Iraq War (Mar-Apr 2003) -- Iraq and Korea DAILY events with emphasis on anti-War -- but in reality a continuation of the anti-American protests of 2002. President Roh tells nation that he is forced to send non-combatant troops to Iraq in order to protect the nation -- i.e., U.S. blackmailed him. Roh then rewrites the text of his speech for English publications. Coverage is a day-by-day chronology of events in Baghdad and Seoul. (Updated: 16 April 2003)
    • Apr-Jun 2003
    • Jul-Sep 2003
    • Oct-Dec 2003
    • Jan-Mar 2004
    • Apr-Jun 2004
  • North Korean Crisis (2003-2004) -- The brinksmanship continues with the KEDO nuclear reactor program in the toilet and the U.S. refusing to direct talks with North Korea. The North withdraws from the nuclear proliferation treaty and restarts its nuclear weapons program. It started up its missile testing program and threatens to test the Taepongdo-2 missile which in turn forced the Japanese to amend their constitution for War Time Contingency Powers. Low-key buildup with the F-117A and USS Carl Vinson ends at end of May. President Roh continued to be rebuffed in South Korea's role in nuclear disarmament, but continues to send financial aid to the north. The South's actions widen the rift between the two allies. Later admits reprocessing about complete. SARS outbreak places China meeting on hold. DPRK caught smuggling drugs into Australia. DPRK accused of smuggling missile parts from Japan. (Updated: Monthly)
  • President Roh Moo-hyun: Anti-American or simply a Radical Reformist? -- A short look at the changeover of Roh from radical reformer to pragmatist -- but always a politician. Roh is in trouble with a worsening economy, labor disputes, media squabbles and a government run by amateurs. The National Intelligence Service is run by a left-leaning reformist. The question remains whether he can be trusted as an ally. He switched to a U.S. supporter after his summit with President Bush and now his former supporters claim he disgraced himself and Korea with his "humiliation diplomacy." (Updated: Weekly)


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    HOW IT WAS:
    KUNSAN AIRBASE
    (1974-Present)

    8th Fighter Wing


    Kunsan AB Protests:

    2002 Background of Kunsan Protests: Kunsan Protests were minor and outshone by the protests of the deaths of the two girls near the DMZ. The base protests continued every Wednesday in front of the Main Gate with the protestors sometimes not showing up. Things remained very relaxed at Kunsan. After the violent demonstrations in Seoul and elsewhere in the country, the security by riot policemen was increased at the main gate, but no demonstrations occurred -- except for a peaceful Childrens march in August 2002. (See 2001: Protests and 2002: Protestsfor background on protests.)


    Main Gate (2002) (Courtesy Chris Shroyer)

    Protests in 2003: In 2003, the weekly protests continued.

    In the winter months, demonstrations are affected by the bitter winter weather. During the winter months, usually very few show up for the weekly protests as Kunsan protestors are what would be best labeled "fair-weather" protestors. Unfortunately, the riot police must show up regardless. A small tent was erected at the main gate entrance so that three police could fit inside and use their shields to deflect the wind.

    On protest days, the riot police assemble on the side street out of sight from the main road, though their buses are in the parking lot just outside the main gate. Normally for these protests the police are not garbed in riot gear as these protests have a very low-threat of violence. The riot police attitudes seem very relaxed.

    The numbers who turn out for the protests at the Kunsan Main Gate have never be construed as a "strong" turnout. The protests are really not "hot" issues and few show up to support the protests. Normally, in fair weather about 8-10 people come and sit in a circle on the ground (with cushions) in front of the locked main gate. They are faced off with an equal number of riot policemen and the whole scene does not really seem violent at all. On days with inclement weather, no one shows up.

    The protestors continue to use the local newspapers to get their message out, but lately have been overshadowed by the anti-American campaign that was being waged by the NGO groups. The SOFA issue is only marginally applicable to Kunsan AB. The original protest group of landowners has been joined by other environmental groups to bolster their numbers, but it is hard to sustain any large protest. However, if a volatile subject should crop up that grabs the interest of the people, larger crowds will appear.

    Though Kunsan is the home of the prime Anti-War activist the Rev. Mun Chon-Hyun, a Catholic priest, his operations for the past year has been centered in Seoul where he has led the anti-American demonstrations near the embassy. However, when the anti-American demonstrations were ordered to tone down, the anti-War NGO group stepped to the forefront. Thus Rev. Mun's NGO group is now the lead group for the mass demonstrations. As such, his groups focus has been away from Kunsan and in Seoul -- much to the relief of local officials.


    Rev. Mun at Seoul (Dec 02)
    (Click on image to enlarge)
    (From Tongil.news)

    The following is an interview from Argus with the Rev Mun to give you some insight into his causes of anti-war and SOFA revision:

    Interview With Mun Jung-hyeon of People's Action for Reform of Unjust ROK-US SOFA Agreement

    SOFA, Undermining Korean Law and Order

    A short time ago, the Department of National Defense received a document, which was drawn up by the U.S. Armed Forces in Korea (USFK). It was a request to borrow some facilities at the new airport in Inchon for military purposes. But, they are already using a part of Kimpo International airport for this purpose and now they are requesting more facilities for their convenience. These kinds of actions are based on the ROK-US SOFA (Status Of Forces Agreement). So, many people are ashamed of the agreement believing it represents an unjust relationship with USFK.

    The SOFA is an agreement that positions the lawful status of the USFK. According to international law, foreign forces generally abide by the law of the country in which they are stationed. An exception can be made only when the foreign forces have to perform a special duty in a country under a mutual agreement between two countries according to international law. However, SOFA as agreed between the ROK and the US shouldn't go further than just making certain accommodations to the U.S. Army; the current agreement practically forfeits the sovereignty of Korea.

    Hong Sun-young, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade, has made it clear to a revision to the unfair SOFA agreement must be made step by step. Many civic organizations, however, look at the gradual revision suspiciously with doubtful eyes as the authorities put on airs. The Ministry has already undertaken the gradual revision of SOFA in 1991, but nothing has changed. So, 127 civic organizations stand united in calling for an overall revision of the ROK-US SOFA because the government has persistently let them down. The Argus met Mun Jeong-hyun, a standing delegate of People's Action for Reform of the Unjust ROK-US SOFA Agreement, on his street where he was demonstrating in the direction of the American Embassy.

    Reporter: You have participated in a movement for revision of the unjust SOFA. What is the significance of this movement?

    Mun: If you look at the agreement, USFK should stay to protector the weak S.K. against the enemy. South Korea, however, now has been increasing its own defense capability and now has the power to defend itself. Nevertheless, there has been no change in the Status of Forces Agreement for the past 50 years. Meanwhile, the number of crimes committed by U.S. soldiers increase by the week. The environmental pollution around the camps has intensified and of course there is no such regulation restricting such actions in SOFA. All we hope is to hold a meeting between Korea and USFK to revise SOFA, an unfair agreement. If our government only shows benevolence this time, we won't even be able to recover our lost sovereignty. And, foreign military forces must withdraw from every country. The USFK is no exception. We know that foreign forces are sacrificing their lives and bearing all costs, except in a few exceptional cases perhaps. We only know of the inequality and injustice committed by foreign forces. Therefore, the USFK should agree to withdraw from this land unless they agree to revise SOFA completely.

    R: What are some particular problems caused by the USFK?

    M: There have been too many problems for them who are protected by SOFA. First, they haven't paid for using the facilities, the ground forces, nor the taxes on the import of goods from abroad. It violates the international law. Our sovereignty has been infringed on. Secondly, the agreement doesn't contain any provision concerning environmental pollution around the camps. Camp Kunsan is a case in point. The West Sea suffered fatigue due to excessive waste from the camp. Many people also complained of pain as a result of loud explosions from U.S. air-force bombing runs. Finally, they don't have lawful responsibility in Korea even though they commit crimes as serious as murder. Under SOFA, the suspect was sent to their home country. But, most of them are released on account of insufficient evidence. This is the reason to crime has increased among U.S. soldiers. (NOTE: The environmental complaint is valid. Kunsan AB dumps its untreated waste directly into the West Sea.)

    R: We know that no one could have a meeting within 100 meters of the Embassy by law. Didn't you have any problems during the meeting of 'People's Action for Reform of Unjust ROK-US Agreement'?

    M: Of course. In spite of the fact that the law is a bad law, we had to stage the rally 100m away from the American Embassy. The result, however, was only a containment tactic on the part of the Korean police. The reason for this action was to curry favor with America. At last, the meeting was closed briefly. We thought that more attention against the unreasonable actions of the Korean government was needed actually.

    R: Would you tell me about what you think the preferable revisions to SOFA are?

    M: There are several provisions in need of revision: กใ A complete guarantee of the Korean government's jurisdiction concerning criminal investigations and the execution of sentences. กใ Establishing terms for claims on damage incurred by U.S. soldiers. กใ Contracting a lease between ROK and the U.S. and collecting fees for using military camps. กใ Establishing human rights and labor rights of Korean laborers working in the U.S. camps. กใ Providing preventive measures against smuggling and illegal outflow from the U.S. military post exchange. กใ A revised law must include other measures abolishing special privileges of the USFK. These are the minimal requirements and demands necessary to reclaim our nation's sovereignty.

    R: . Do you have any other plans for revising the unjust agreement?

    M: Every country in which the USFK is stationed, has SOFA. So, we held meetings with Japanese and Filipino people committed to overthrowing the unjust SOFA. And, we are pushing for international solidarity against the unfair foreign policy of the U.S. Government. They should agree to the revision of the unjust SOFA ad pay for damages caused by U.S. Forces in foreign lands.

    By Jeon Kyu-m
    The following is from Chosun Ilbo: Letter to the Editor (12 Jun 03) and gives you the "moderate" anti-American view that is prevalent in Kunsan. Dependent on how you read it can be interpreted as either pro-American or anti-American...that is the Kunsan ambivalence. The Kunsan outlook is different from the violent anti-Americanism seen in Seoul or even Kwangju with flag burnings and other outward signs of "Yankee Go Home." In Kunsan, the younger generation feel as strongly about the U.S. as their Seoul or Kwangju brethen, but do not reflect it in violent actions.

    As the U.S. Troops Pack Up

    Common sense has won the day in the USFK debate. After 50 years of putting their boys on the line for people who hold them in contempt and hatred, the USFK is beginning to leave. They call it a redeployment, but it is obvious they intend to leave in the near future. So let's not see any further anti-American demos, let's not spit on U.S. soldiers, let's not show the usual Korean character. The "miguk" will be gone as soon as the ROK army is ready. Although they know South Koreans hate them, they are not going to leave until our army is ready. And let's not forget that other foreign troops who came to Korea throughout history were never swayed by Korean "anger." The United States has listened, and we should be grateful. Although it began with childish demonstrations of adolescent rage, South Korea will soon be on its own, as we have wanted. But let's not complain if growing up brings responsibility and cost. If there is war with the North, it will be longer and bloodier, and Seoul may not be habitable. But we will be standing on our own two feet. And we will owe this chance to the Americans, who came when we needed them, and will leave now that we are asking.

    Lee Park
    Gunsan

    In July the tension heated up again with the protests over the Missile Defense that the ROK decided to sign on to. The ROK had just the month before delayed procurement of the Patriot 3 to replace the decrepit Nike-Hercules systems and Hawk batteries. Just the month before, the Roh administration stated that they were delaying procurement and moving up the purchase of AWACS aircraft instead. They used as an excuse that the Korean people might be offended. Then because the Japanese moved ahead with its joining the Missile Defense with the U.S., the ROK decided to do the same with a "modified" MD.

    In July the weekly protests became more unpredictable -- as the environmentalists were also claiming that the USFK was dumping contaminated soil illegally -- a proven form of disinformation to stir up trouble. The riot police suddenly started to pay attention to the weaknesses in the Kunsan AB perimeter defense that we have been speaking of for years. On the side towards Haje -- the town just outside the Ammo Dump -- the riot police positioned themselves on the main side gate entry points from that side -- on about three points with dirt/access roads leading up to the fence line.

    Our Opinion of the Protestors Blocking the Gate: From the onset, let us say that our opinion doesn't count for a hill of beans anywhere in Kunsan -- and definitely not at Kunsan AB. Our opinion doesn't carry any weight anywhere. Our opinion is based on our observations of the past few years.

    We still maintain that the weekly protests that closes the main gate are ridiculous. How 8-10 people -- if that many show up -- can effectively slows down the operations of an air base is absurd!!! What is even more ridiculous is that even if they do NOT show up the base still has to prepare for the worst and shut down their gates. For over four years, between ZERO to TEN people have been closing the base Main Gate.

    During these protests at the main gate, all traffic is diverted through the North Gate. The traffic is usually backed up and it is very slow getting on or off the base. The protestors ability to tie up a sizeable amount of the base security forces and riot policeman for hours proves to the protestors that they have succeeded.

    But we maintain that the protests are effective only because they are ALLOWED to be effective. We continue to suggest that the Korean Police only allow the protestors to block the main thoroughfare at a distance of 100 yards from the main gate. This would be similar to the distance that they keep protestors away from the U.S. embassy. This would allow the side street -- used by the Kunsan bus and traffic from the airport/North Gate side -- to be used for entry to the base. The Main Gate need not be shut down.

    Suddenly the protestors would be INEFFECTIVE. Without the base closure, this weekly protest would disappear very quickly. If I were a wing commander, I'd be asking my legal experts what his powers are under the "three-mile exclusionary rule." Just as certain restrictions apply to the airmen transiting this zone, so do they apply to VISITING civilians.


    The point we're trying to make is that if the protestors were contained in an area further down from the main gate, a confrontation on the base's doorsteps could NOT happen. Eight-to-ten dedicated protestors are still no match for a busload of riot police.

    But even if the combined group's full membership showed up, they would be at a great disadvantage. If the protestors advanced on the gate, they would be in a violent trap. They are at a distinct disadvantage as they are on a street with low walled houses on both sides and basically trapped with one exit - one entry. To be ridiculous, let's assume a mass rally of 5,000 people showed up at the front gate -- something not seen in all the years here -- and advanced on the main gate. The front ranks on the street would only be approximately 50 men across. They are trapped into a funnel until they reach the parking lot area. It is not a good place to violently protest. The riot police are trained in the Genghis Khan encircle and slaughter techniques and this would be a trap for this technique. Unlike the open streets of Seoul, it is NOT an environment to have a confrontation with the riot police.

    If the protestors tried to block the side road to the Main Gate, they would again be falling into the same trap of one entry-one exit. If they tried to block the main road leading to the airport to shut off this side road entry, they would have a lot of influential and powerful companies -- like KAL and Asean airlines, plus the Korean government -- suddenly becoming very vocal negatively about their actions. To try to block the "Y" at the traffic light leading to Kunsan Airport and the Air Base in an open farm area with no place to run or hide, it would be too stupid to consider. Riot police blocking three avenues of escape with buses could contain any activists silly enough to attempt this.

    Bottom line is that the small amount of protestors from this group can NOT support blocking the side road AND the main road as well.

    We believe, the base has been working from a false assumption for over four years that the combined groups are very large and have community support. The truth is that the NATIONAL cover group has a lot of members, but not that many that live in Kunsan. It is true that some radical leaders are from Kunsan, but their focus is on Seoul or other high visibility sites. Very seldom have they appeared at Kunsan -- though they have mustered some protests not amounting to more than a few hundred -- at the main gate.

    As to community support, the size of the weekly group tells the story. If the protestors had such a great support from the community, the protests would be much larger. The truth is that the group is so small that they had to combine their causes to come up with 8-10 who would show up at all. The primary group REGAIN (Civilian Gathering for Regaining of the Territorial Rights in the Kunsan U.S. Military Airbase) is comprised of only 100 people (approximately). This small group has strangled the base of 5,000 USAF and 2,000 ROKAF once a week for four years. Even if the group doesn't show up, the gate is still blocked off. This is a win-win situation for the protestors.

    Periodically there have been NON-POLITICAL protests at the main gate -- mainly for economic reasons -- such as the shutting down of American town operations and its bar row. The America town row were over Korean rowdies in the bar areas which were supposed to be for Americans only. The bar owners cried foul. However, these were non-violent protests -- and were simply to show the base their displeasure with what they felt were unfair and arbitrary rulings. These folks depend on base for their livelihood and are not out to harm the relationship.

    Other protests in the past have been by people who have lost their jobs at the base or over squabbles of retirement. These again were economic in nature and not political. By and large these protests are vocal, but not violent.

    Though we understand the base's fear that frustrating the protestors will escalate a minor protest into a major protest, we need to point out one thing. For over four years, the protest group has only been able to muster 8-10 people for a protest each week -- if they showed up at all. We feel the base has attributed more power to this patch-together group and the community support than they possess.

    However, the base may point out that there have been some violent large-scale protests in the past. We counter this argument with the fact that most demonstrations in front of the base have been peaceful and the violent ones have been well-publicized demonstrations led by outside agitators.

    Though some protests did turn ugly, we point out that these were very SMALL demonstrations with hard-core activists. One such hard-core activist is the Rev. Mun from Kunsan. He specializes in hitting the shields of the riot policemen with his cane in face-to-face confrontations -- knowing full-well that he is being photographed and that the riot-police are under orders not to react to his taunts. One such protest occurred on 23 March 2001 at the Main Gate. The protest was to support peace on the peninsula and objected to the Nuclear Missile Defense Treaty & Theater Missile Defense initiative. The protestors charged the gate and one individual got a bloodied head. However, the activists in the videos are the same minor actors seen in the videos at Seoul. They were "outside agitators."

    IN ADDITION, VIEW THE VIDEO CAREFULLY AND COUNT THE PROTESTORS. THERE ARE ARE SCORES OF RIOT POLICE AND ONLY A HANDFUL OF PROTESTORS!!! The camera would have panned the crowds if there were any. Instead we only get faces of the speakers and a few protestors violently charging the police ranks. The same faces appear in the 2002 & 2003 anti-American protests in Seoul -- including the Rev. Mun Chong-hyun of Kunsan. (See Protest Video 2 March 23, 2001 (Kunsan AB (Migun): Part I and Protest Video 2 March 23, 2001 (Kunsan AB (Migun): Part II ) The point is that these protests were organized by "outside agitators" and advertised well in advance.

    Also remember that the violent protests (anti-War) that occurred at the gate in 2001 had nothing to do with the on-going protests (Land useage/SOFA/Environment) except in the most general way. The tiny REGAIN group of Kunsan is linked under the Pan-National Committee which is a NGO cover group.

    OUR POINT IS THAT USING THESE PAST VIOLENT PROTESTS TO JUSTIFY THE PRECAUTIONS ON CLOSURE OF THE BASE WEEKLY IS NOT VALID. The violent protests were well-publicized demonstrations that only the hard-core supporters showed up for. They had no broad community support and they were by outside agitators. The local protests have NO broad based community support. In our opinion, the base has suffered for four years for nothing...but we're not affiliated with the base in any shape or manner. OUR OPINION DOESN'T COUNT!!!

    Pro-US rally: (See Pro-U.S. demonstrations.) At Kunsan, 350 demonstrators demonstrated in support of the continued presence of the USFK in Korea on Jan 14. Ironically, the Pro-American demonstration at Kunsan consisted of the American-Town Bar Owners Association, Foreign Organization Employee Union and the Korean contractors at Kunsan. It was NOT "stay in Korea to protect my country," but "stay in Korea to protect my paycheck." Though it also protested the North Korean nuclear program that threatened the peace on the peninsula, the primary focus was on jobs. Han Ki-Hong of the Kunsan Employees Union stated, "This is a matter of our own lives. We are dependent of the base for our jobs." (See Wolfpack Warrior.)


    Wolf Pack Warrior (Jan 17)
    Click on Photo to Enlarge

    Militant Anti-American Groups: Some of the more militant Anti-American groups reported in an Aug 2001 Pacific Stars and Stripes article are listed here. The NGO groups in Korea would require a full-time project to keep up with. They are formed and disintegrate quickly. The following are some groups that show up at the main gates of Kunsan periodically and have been around for some time. The groups highlighted in gold are the core groups for the Kunsan Main Gate protests:

    The National Federation of Student Councils (Hanchongyeon) : commonly known as Hanchongnyeon, the group protest the U.S. military presence in Korea. The federation is said to have the most potential for violent anti-American protests.

    Maehyang-ri's Spring : A group dedicated to the village of Maehyang-ri in Kyonggi-do. Residents, mostly elderly citizens, say they feel their lives are in danger from the bombing and firing exercises executed at Koon-ni range, which is run by the Air Force. Noise pollution is also a concern for Maehyang-ri residents. Member numbers were not available.

    Civilian Gathering for Regaining of the Territorial Rights in the Kunsan U.S. Military Airbase (REGAIN) : A group dedicated to amending the SOFA, investigating crimes by U.S. soldiers, and recovering the land used by the Air Force in Kunsan. Approximately 100 people.

    People's Action for Reform of Unjust U.S.-South Korea SOFA Agreement : A group dedicated to amending the SOFA. This group plays the role of an umbrella for many other organizations. Working with about 127 other women's, religious, civic and farmers' organizations, People's Action for Reform of Unjust ROK-U.S. Agreement links various problems with the U.S. military with the move to amend the SOFA.

    One Korea : A group demanding the removal of the U.S. military from South Korea.

    National Campaign for Eradication of Crime by U.S. Troops in Korea : A group committed to seeking justice for victims of crimes by U.S. soldiers. Holds one-hour protests in front of the main post gate of Yongsan Garrison every Friday. The organization has about 80 members. (See USFK Crimes for the group's viewpoint in English.)

    Green Korea United : An environmental organization with a separate department for U.S. base environmental problems. Approximately 10,000 members.

    Though the organizations above are non-Communist, it is probably true that there are North Korean sympathizers hidden in some of the groups. North Korean "juche" sympathizers have infiltrated student and other opposition groups in the past -- and North Korean agents continue their efforts to recruit members to their cause. In January 2002, Kim Dae Jung publically apologized that "some" Koreans -- meaning the groups above -- don't approve of the U.S. in Korea, but affirmed that the U.S. was needed to ensure stability on the peninsula.

    Politics, Corruption and Protests: We include this item to illustrate how corruption and bribery is alive and well in Korea -- and how it can be used to stiffle local protests. In 2001, a formula race track idea surfaced for Kunsan City. Lauded by the local government, it was protested by local civic groups over the proposed route of the course and public expense. However, the protests were steam rollered and ignored. Later the idea proved to be economically unfeasible and there was no interest in the idea either nationally or internationally.

    In January 2003, former Governor of North Cholla Province You Jong-keun was found guilty of bribery charges, but You appealed his conviction to higher courts. You was indicted on charges of receiving 400 million won ($330,000) from the Sepoong Group, a Kunsan-based paper making firm, in 1997 in return for helping it build a car racetrack in Kunsan. A lower court sentenced You to five years in prison and fined him 300 million won ($253,000). You, formerly of the Kim Dae-jung's Millennium Democratic Party.

    Terrorism threat: There was an increased awareness of possible terrorism as the date of the Iraqi potential attack neared. Riot Police buses were positioned near the gate and police checkpoints leading to the base increased. New curfew regulations have been posted stating that no USFK personnel will be allowed in off-base establishments after curfew.

    However, there has really not been any return to the situation following 9-11. The barriers are still in place. They funnel traffic into a one-lane choke point in the road. As of February, there was no return to the mirror checks or trunk checks -- though there are the standard spot checks of vehicles exiting the base.

    Go to Kunsan AB Protests (2002) for more information.

    Curfews: The anti-American violence in December 2002 caused base lock-downs and tight curfews. These curfews have been lifted, but in some areas they have been expanded. Currently the off-limits regulations that prohibit any serviceman in off-base establishments after curfew has changed an old practice where the GIs would congregate in restaurants and continue drinking.

    Tighter controls have been established for "overnight visitors" -- i.e., visiting family members -- staying in the dorms. In the past, there was a very liberal policy of having spouses staying in the dorms for periods up to three months. With the tighter security from the terrorist threats and the uneasy situation with the anti-American elements, the policy has been modified. We have been told that now it is for 30 days within any four month period. Things have gotten a lot tighter as the tensions in the North coupled with the potential Iraq hostilities heated up. USFK regulations require that all dependents on the peninsula have their locations verified in case an emergency evacuation is required.

    Do Koreans Believe in a Chemical/Biological Threat?: The answer is NO!!! The Korean populace as a whole does not believe that the North will ever attack the South's civilian populace with Chemical or Biological weapons. It may be unrealistic to assume that a country that has a massive stockpile would NOT intend to use it on the South -- especially since it has no delivery system to use it against Japan. The North's target for its WMD is the SOUTH, but the populace of the South won't believe it.

    Ask any family in Kunsan if they have a gas mask and they will look at you as if asking the question, "Are you stupid???" This is the common Korean attitude. The Korean government has made some VERY weak efforts to do an eyewash campaign just following the 9-11 attack, but it soon faded. The conclusion is that the South has consciously decided not to pursue protecting its citizenry from such attacks. The Korean government would rather worry about the destruction of Seoul, but never confront the possibility of a chemical attack. The reason is simply economic...the Korean government doesn't want to spend money on this. The country has the capability of producing such gas masks, but they have been highly regulated as they can be used for protection of tear gas by radical NGO activist groups in street riots. (See North Korea Amassing Chemical Weapons: 2002 for more information. Go to Is the South Korea Civilian Populace Prepared for a Chemical Attack? (2001) for this topic covered in greater detail.)

    As a side note, a Korean company, Samgong Industrial, was experiencing windfall profits from the manufacture of NBC gas masks and cannisters for nuclear, biological and chemical attacks. However, the gas masks are not for Korea, but for the Kuwait government in anticipation of the Iraq War. The contract was to supply 200,000 civilian or NBC gas masks and cannisters. In February 2003, Samgong said that its 150 production-line workers have been working 12 hours a day to meet the orders. "The civilian gas masks were sold at US$40 apiece and the canister at US$10, the company said, adding that the civilian masks are equally capable of preventing against poisonous as those for the military use. The product, however, is expected to work for only 30 minutes, whereas those for NBC attacks are usable for two to four hours, Samgong said. Back in 1991 when the Gulf war was in action, the same firm exported a total of 300,000 military gas masks to Saudi Arabia. Samgong's yearly production capacity of the gas masks is about three million and its revenue reached W35 billion last year."

    This seems very ironic as the Koreans ship out gas masks to Kuwait while a country with one of the largest supply of chemical and biological weapons sits right across the border.


    ANTI-AMERICAN PROTESTS

    2002 Background of Anti-American Protests: In June 2002, two middle-school girls on their way to a birthday party were accidentally crushed by a M60A1-AVLB (basically a tank bridge layer) on manuevers on a country road near the DMZ. It was a perfect situation to stir up hatred against the U.S. However, the anti-American NGO (Non-goverment organization) groups could not stir up interest due to the World Cup 2002 going on. However, as soon as it was over in July, the protests started in earnest with violent attacks on the bases near the DMZ. It soon spread to the campuses across the country and then encompassed the childrens movements in August. The two soldiers involved were slated for a courtmartial, but the NGO groups had a battlecry to bring the "criminals to justice in the Korean Courts." By September the whole country was enflamed and the media, courts and government agencies turned anti-American. President Kim Dae-jung did nothing to stop the violence -- which encouraged the protestors to even greater extremes. In fact, government agencies should a distinct bias for the demonstrators cause and the media -- led by the government-owned MBC television -- publicly threw away their unbiased reporting status to support the demonstrations. Kim Dae-jung still did nothing. (See Background on the Troop Withdrawal Issue in Korea for detailed information on the USFK Troop Withdrawal Issue.)


    Shim Mi-Son and Shin Hyo-sun
    Go to Voice of the People for more photos

    In November when the two soldiers were acquitted by court martial of negligent homicide, the protests exploded with extreme violence at the camps near the DMZ -- especially Camp Casey. Everyone in the U.S. chain up to President Bush apoIogized for the accident, but this did not appease the Koreans. Violent demonstrations continued nationwide. Finally, some students fire-bombed a small U.S. installation in Seoul. Only at this point did Kim Dae-jung come out in opposition to the demonstrations -- but it was half-hearted at best. Up till this time the U.S. media had been focused on the North Korean nuclear issue and had not paid much attention to the Korean anti-Americanism -- rather the media lumped it in with the North Korean issue. Suddenly Americans became aware of the turmoil and American grassroots movements were started to remove the USFK troops from Korea. The Korean business community called for calm fearing a U.S. backlash -- especially after a delegation of Congressmen, led by the head of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, cancelled their visit with Kim Dae-jung in December.

    On 19 Dec 2002, Korea elected Roh Moo-hyun as their new President. He was elected through the support of the "internet generation" (20-30 age group) support -- who were the primary age group of the protestors. He openly embraced Kim Dae-jung's Sunshine Policy which set him on a head-on collision with the U.S. even before he took office.

    In Dec 2002, knife attacks were perpetrated against U.S. soldiers and the violent demonstrations continued until 24 Dec 02 when the protestors took a break. Suddenly conservative columnists in the U.S. started calling for the removal of the USFK forces and the U.S. Congress were starting to ask questions about the U.S. anti-Americanism. Being a pragmatist, President-elect Roh did a public about face and embraced the U.S. presence, while privately still pursuing his previous agenda.

    In Dec 2002, President-elect Roh fearful of the backlash and the confrontation looming ahead with the U.S. attempted to tone down the demonstrations. Police in Seoul announced that demonstrations commemorating the death of the two girls would be allowed, but the "political demonstrations" would not be tolerated. Suddenly the demonstrations no longer had the U.S. flag burning and Yankee Go Home chants -- as though it never existed. Kim Dae-jung openly commented in Jan 2003 that the demonstrations were NOT anti-American, but simply expressions of Korean outrage. However, if one observes the demonstrations closely, the anti-American themes are still present, just subdued. Instead of burning the American flag, they burn signs with American flags painted on them. Anti-Americanism is still alive and well in Korea.

    For indepth information on the protests in 2002 go to Kunsan AB Protests (2002).

    Click on the video link below from a North Korean site (Kuguk Choson) to gain an insight into how violent the demonstrations were and focused on the U.S. military bases. It provides excellent video footage of attack on Yongsan compound and demonstrations with US flag burnings. Footage includes clips of the Kwangju riots which Koreans blame the U.S. because the U.S. military did not stop Chun Doo-Hwan from violently putting down the riot. VIDEO LINK: No More Tolerable (Protests 2002).

    Background of anti-Americanism in 2002: Despite what the wishful thinkers say about the anti-Americanism waning in Korea, we can assure you that it is alive and well. It is just subdued due to government demand.

    Anti-Americanism has a basis in historical fact. Be assured that America's hands are NOT squeaky clean when it comes to its conduct in Korea in the past. The book, American Military Government in Korea, summarizes the feeling of all who worked with the Military Government in 1946-1949, "...the country was just too damn poor, too primitive, too temperamental, too stinking, for Americans to like or understand. ...few Americans forced to live for an extended period in a land without safe drinking water or plumbing, can keep both equilibrium and an open mind." This was Korea up until the late 1970s. There was no SOFA until 1966 and in all the years preceding, Korea had been "U.S. territory." The U.S. military basically did as it pleased without any consultations with Korea. Korea had been bought and paid for as almost 100% of its GNP was from U.S. aid prior to 1970. There is a lot of evidence to support the Korean dislike for American soldier's presence in Korea.

    The Anti-American Blowback from Bush's Korea Policy (Jan 2003) by Jeffrey Robertson states:

    In the inevitable reevaluation of the democracy movement, scholars have studied the role of the U.S. carefully. Revelations of American complicity in the continued repression of democracy have led to a growing cynicism regarding America's place in Korean history. The permission granted by U.S. General Carter Magruder to the Korean Army to dispatch troops in the Masan Riots (1960) during the first stage of the quest for democracy and the more controversial decision to release troops from the Combined Forces Command to suppress the Kwangju uprising (1980) have highlighted American interference. Other commentators cite the historical role of the U.S. in Korean affairs, including American disregard for the U.S.-Korea Treaty of 1882, intended to protect Korea from imperialist designs, and the Taft-Katsura agreement of 1905, which exchanged Japan's agreement to the American annexation of Hawaii for America's agreement to Japan's annexation of Korea.

    Thus, a new understanding of American involvement in Korea has emerged. Whereas America was previously viewed as a strong supporter of democracy guided by Wilsonian values, it is now popularly considered hypocritical, calculating, and self-driven. This same reinterpretation of American values and revelation of U.S. hypocrisy has legitimized and widened anti-Americanism throughout the third world, mirroring complaints across the globe. Current anti-Americanism in South Korea openly reflects public responses to perceived threats regarding economics, culture, and national identity.

    Americans may quibble about the factuality of some of the incidents, but try to understand that it matters not a twit what we Americans think. It only matters what the Koreans believe...and it is an accepted "fact" from the smallest Korean elementary school student to scholarly collegiate intellectuals that the Americans has stepped all over Korea during its time in the country. This is why we say that anti-Americanism is alive and well in Korea. It will not disappear simply because the Koreas temporarily stop saying the "nigger words" (America Go Home). It still sits there festering as an open wound.

    In addition, recent anti-Americanism is increased by the popular view that the U.S. is blocking the reunification of Korea with its stance against the Sunshine Policy's appeasement preconditions. The Koreans have a deep emotional need for the Sunshine Policy to succeed and the country to be reunified. George Bush was openly blamed for killing the Sunshine Policy by his adamant demand of accountability by the North. To the Koreans, this was the same as condemning the hopes for the reunification to the depths of hell. Then Bush added North Korea to his "Axis of Evil" list causing Koreans to rant that Bush caused all the tensions on the peninsula in the first place. By January 2002, animosity towards the U.S. was boiling just below the surface.

    Then U.S. arrogantly announced its determination in following a path of unilateralism in its foreign policy. To George Bush it was a simple matter of "you are either with us or against us" but to the rest of the world it was saying "you FOLLOW me or you are my enemy." The Koreans -- and many other countries in the world -- considered this an affront. However, after the Sept 11th incident, any anti-American sentiment from a government would have been tantamount to saying "I support terrorism." Then in February the U.S. announced it reserved the right to use preemptive strikes against its enemies -- the inference being that the North had just got a bullseye painted on it. The Koreans were NOT happy that a war costing thousands of their lives could be started by someone they viewed as a "cowboy." But the Koreans kept their opinions to themselves and seethed.

    Then on February 21 the the ridiculous "Ohno" incident occurred where the Koreans blamed the Americans for taking away a Korean's gold medal when it was an AUSTRALIAN judge who made the call. Their anti-Americanism flared and their foul language against the U.S. ("Fucking USA" remains a popular song till today) left many Americans scratching their heads wondering if Koreans were fools.

    But the truth that escaped the press was that the young Koreans had just been manipulated by the NGO groups. Remember that at that time Kim Dae-jung's Sunshine Policy was in the toilet and all the Koreans blamed George Bush for this. The Koreans blamed America for dashing their hopes for reunification. The Ohno incident was simply convenient so that Koreans could vent their outrage at America. (See Depth of Anti-American Sentiment for photos and information on the Ohno incident.) The Ohno affair was a way for the Koreans to release all the unspecified tension that was building up against the U.S. by the Bush policies.

    Then came the World Cup 2002 in June and all of Korea tried to put on its best face to the world -- even though it was forced to co-host it with a country the populace HATES, Japan. All anti-Americanism was subdued for the sake of giving a good impression of Korea -- though the American team was booed at all their games by the Koreans. (See World Cup 2002 in Kunsan for article on games. See Depth of Anti-American Sentiment for anti-American banners at games.)

    After the World Cup, Kim Dae-jung's Sunshine Policy looked to be doomed after a naval engagement occurred in June. A South Korean ship was sunk and there appeared to be little chance that any negotiations would take place. The South did not press the issue for fear of scuttling the negotiations forever. Suddenly in August 2002, things flip-flopped. Kim Jong-Il shuttled off to meet with Russian President Vladimir Putin. Then came an announcement that Kim and Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi would hold a summit in Pyongyang in September. (See Sunshine Policy Saved for more details.)

    At the 11th hour the North and South agreed to sit down and again hold negotiations. There were all kinds of speculation as to why Kim Jong-Il chose this time to again open negotiations. Some said it was to make an alliance with Japan to get a "Japan Card" to enhance its negotiating position with the U.S. Others said it was to draw away the gun barrel that George Bush had pointed at North Korea's head. Others said that Kim Jong-Il's country was on the verge of imploding if he didn't get some outside economic help fast. For whatever reason, he extended an invitation for multi-national summit negotiations -- something Kim Jong-Il never did before. The hopes of South Korea were buoyed again as the Sunshine Policy had been saved at the 11th hour of the Kim Dae-jung Presidency.

    Slowly the anti-American hysteria from earlier in the year exploded again. The cause celebre was the deaths of the two girls near the DMZ. It was a perfect incident tailor-made for the NGO groups as it had all the perfect symbology required to incite amongst Koreans of all age groups. The NGO groups played it perfectly as the USFK. fumbled along. Whether intentional or not, Kim Dae-jung's silence tied up the USFK with demonstrations at their gates, while he had a free hand to pursue the Sunshine Policy. The train/road crossing at the DMZ became symbolic to the Korean people of a reunification just around the corner.

    Then the bomb shell hit. In October 2002 the U.S. stated that the North had revealed that it had secretly pursued a nuclear program in violation of its 1994 nuclear accord to receive oil and food in exchange for stopping its nuclear development. The South attempted to put a positive spin on it as a sign of North Korea's opening up for a dialogue. The U.S. viewed the revelation as in effect negating the 1994 nuclear accord. We can only imagine the anger that Kim Dae-jung and the Korean people must have felt that the U.S. had sabotaged their Sunshine Policy AGAIN.

    The anti-American aspects of the demonstrations increased. Because the Seoul government did NOTHING to stop the rampant anti-Americanism raging across the country, the only conclusion is that the Kim Dae-jung government actively ENCOURAGED the anti-Americanism. With the U.S. occupied with its war with Iraq that heated up in August 2002 AND the anti-American demonstrations in Korea, the Seoul government was able to continue to pursue its Sunshine Policy dialogue with the North. A wedge was being driven between the U.S. and Korea.

    As the world started "urging" North Korea to give up its nuclear program, the North started to "sweeten the pot" for the South by agreeing to many areas. In October an agreement was reached for a "permanent" reunion location near Mt. Pakdu in North Korea for the highly emotional issue of the reunification of families. The clearing of the mines in the DMZ by both Koreas continued as business-as-usual. Special economic zones have been offered and despite the closing of doors over the nuclear issue, the South continues to work with the North in many areas.

    The Korean people were heartened by the "gains" in the Sunshine Policy -- and angered by the U.S. insistence to isolate North Korea by shutting off its oil were becoming even more anti-American. Cries of outrage were heard that the U.S. was creating the tensions on the peninsula. The Korean courts made a mockery of justice by freeing protestors who did harm to Americans. The government controlled media flushed their unbiased status down the toilets as they practiced the most depraved forms of yellow journalism to incite the populace to hatred. The NGO groups spread disinformation and hate materials to incite people to violence. Government officials, educators, shop keepers, businessmen, and people from all walks of like shouted "Yankee Go Home." However, what saddened us the most was when Korean spiritual leaders, whom we have trusted, turned to teaching hate to children.

    The current anti-Americanism is rooted in the Korean sense of national pride. Young Koreans no longer feel that the Americans are needed to protect Korea. Understandably, they consider it an the "insult" that a foreign power has to be stationed on its soil to protect it -- and to the NGO groups, the USFK is an "occupation army." Their view is understandable if one just stands in their shoes. In addition, the young Koreans want to have a HORIZONTAL relationship as military equals to the U.S. -- instead of a VERTICAL relationship where the U.S. takes the lead in the defense of Korea. Though we may think it ridicuous, the young Korean activists feel like they are "freedom fighters" freeing Korea from an evil foreign influence (U.S.). Whether or not the young Koreans are judging Korea's military capabilities accurately is debatable. We personally feel that South Korea could hold back an initial North Korean invasion, but we do NOT think it could win a sustained war without U.S. assistance.

    But all this talk of America going home is a moot point. THE KOREAN GOVERNMENT NEVER INTENDED FOR THE USFK TO GO HOME. The removal of the USFK could have been simply accomplished by the ROK National Assembly voting to simply say, "America Go Home!!!" During George W. Bush Senior's visit to Seoul in January 6, 1992, he made a pledge that the United States would keep its military forces on the Korean peninsula "as long as there is a need and we are welcome." Instead, the protestors stormed the camps, burned the American flags in the streets and protested in front of the U.S. Embassy. However, there was NEVER any protests in front of the Blue House. Though politicians from all parties denounced the USFK, there was NEVER any requests to the government to have the USFK go home. The SILENCE of Kim Dae-jung condemns the government as an accomplice in the spread of anti-Americanism in Korea in a game to have their cake and eat it too.


    Kim Dae-jung (Feb 2003)
    Click on photo to enlarge

    We support the Korean view that it deserves the respect due to it as a sovereign nation. We support the Korean view that THEY have the right to control their own destiny without outside interference. We do NOT support their continued use of the U.S. troops as "hostages" to be used as bargaining chips in ALL negotiations with the U.S. on American interests in Korea. Even as we speak the ROK is attempting to solidify the "alliance" and pretend the anti-American demonstrations from last year did not happen. We think it is time for both nations to part ways.

    We had seen this anti-American demonstrations before. We have resided in the Cholla area for over a decade and seen these types of demonstrations go on and on. But we have always known that the Korean people are not against Americans...their problem has always been with the American government. A Korean anarchist on Base 21 said, "I see quite a lot of people here saying they feel proud to be Korean." But in all the discussions with the participants of the protests, many of them promised, "We are not against the American people. We're against American policy". But suddenly there was a shift into making the demonstrations into something else. We feel it has blurred the line between the people and their government. It changed from anti-American government into anti-Americanism.

    Before 2002, what we saw we considered as a prejudice against Americans -- something that was irritating at times, but understandable and tolerable. However, it has now grown into xenophobia, racism and bigotry in its vilest forms. It cannot be overlooked. The news of the Korean anti-Americanism is now spreading at the grassroots level throughout America and filtering into the halls of Congress. In haste, the Seoul government is attempting to sweep this all under the carpet and pretend the anti-American events of 2002 never happened.

    Because of the current tensions in the region with North Korea, the USFK will attempt to play the same political game. For the USFK to pull out right now is too complex to even think about. How do you pull out of a country that isn't even a signatory to the Armistice? Both Koreas are technically at war and have NEVER signed an armistice. The USFK is currently using the catchwords "solidarity" and "alliance" to pretend the events of 2002 were from Korean over-emotionalism.

    However, the fact remains. The 37,000 troops are now being used as hostages until the current situation with North Korea is defused. The anti-Americanism is still alive and well in Korea, but just waiting for a more convenient time to explode.


    JANUARY 2003

    December 31 Anti-Americanism Rally: The national anti-Americanism campaign fostered by the NGO (Non-government Organizations) took a short break for Christmas and reconvened on Dec 31. The protestors officially scheduled a Christmas break in the demonstrations but will pick it up on Dec 31 to greet the New Year -- including some foreign countries. However, there previous attempts at demonstrations in foreign countries -- such as America -- have been totally ignored by the local press in those countries simply because the issues are confusing and not of interest to the local interest. Ever ask a non-military type in America what a SOFA was? Expect a blank stare. To those in Europe with some understanding of the SOFA as it applies to their countries, it is easy to spot the fallacies in logic of the Korean's campaign. The Koreans can probably anticipate a similar response in future demonstrations as they are protesting for changes to something that has no relevance or impact or even understanding amongst the local residents. As of Dec 24, it appears that there is now only moderate interest in the demonstrations in Korea from major American newspapers and the stories are still buried in the back pages for similar reasons.

    On December 31, a number of events took place in downtown Seoul. The Pan National Committee led a large-scale candlelight vigil that began at 6 p.m. at Gwanghwamun, central Seoul. The event was called a "candlelight peace march" and in the videos of the march could be seen "Don't Attack Iraq" along side the placards with the pictures of the two girls, SOFA protest banners and "Out with U.S. Forces" signs. The firing of rockets led to there being a festive air to the protest. There were approximately 10,000 protestors in the candlelight protest. The Riot Police used buses to block off the way to the U.S. Embassy and also blocked the subway entrances at some points. Some protestors got onto the roof of some of the buses but were forcefully ejected. The protest was peaceful except for some shoving of the riot police lines as the protestors tried to break through by sheer force of numbers. However, the Police said that at the December 31 rally, flammable objects were thrown and some participants inflicted damage on three police vehicles. The internet billed this protest as "the march of 100,000 lights" to signify that the march was across the country.

    The following is a description of the event from the perspective of an unknown foreigner trapped in the crowd. It appeared in Letters to the Editor of the Chosun Ilbo on Jan 16:

    Protests, Candles and the New Year

    It didn’t feel like New Year’s Eve as I got on the subway. I was just among the regular haggard commuters from work. On Christmas Eve, there are all the signs in the world to pre-announce its arrival the next day--trees, carols, candies, lights, etc. But, today on New Year’s Eve, no one seems to care or aware of it.

    I got out of the train, and again, moving quiet smoothly with the regular commuter crowd, I made it to the street level at City Hall Station. But, as I looked around to see where exactly I was from the City Hall, I saw two girls in low teens, who were just stepping out from the stairway of the subway station. They were bundled up pretty nicely, from top to bottom, and the only places I could see some skin were around their eyes, which seemed to sparkle with curiosity. Each had an unlit candle, which pierced through the bottom side of a paper cup. The candle with a cup had a shape of a small flimsy torch, but the cup did serve its mundane purpose of protecting the flame from the vicious winter wind. There were two other girls, more mature, maybe in college, walking toward the same subway entrance, and each holding the same type of candles, but which had been reduced to a stump with a charred paper cup. Yet, with the flames still blazing in relative darkness, they a! ttracted casual looks from passersby. As if meant to be, the paths of these girls merged, and the two college girls with blazing flames walked toward the girls with unlit candles and just stood there face-to-face for a moment. Then, without a word, they dipped their candles to relay the flames to these young teenagers. It was a solemn ceremony, in the order of an Olympic torch relay, but sadly enough, the significance of this magnificent event seemed to have been witnessed only by me alone although there were many nonchalant onlookers friskily walking by.

    I really did not know where the action was on this glorious New Year’s Eve; so I decided to follow the light, or rather the teenagers with now lit candles. After a block or so, I could see more people bustling about, and I could hear the traditional Korean bass drums thumping from distance although it seemed have been somewhat muffled by the bone-freezing wind. Amidst scattered groups of people. I saw a couple of old ladies, who for some reasons reminded me of inner city bag ladies, yelling, “Two for a thousand Wons.” With a boxful of cheap paper cups and wax candles strewn about around her, one lady was hastily punching a hole into the bottom side of a paper cup with a screw driver and inserting a candle into the hole. She was selling them like hot cakes, and I stood there for a while just staring at her, for it took some time to fight off the urge to get into the racket by buying a bunch of paper cups and candles from the convenient store a half block away for ! a far less price and reselling them to the mass of people with a whopping profit. As I walked more closely to the light, or rather still following the girls from the subway, I could see various flags in the size of bed sheets. On each flag, the name of a school, union or NGO was written in bold letters with fanciful colors. They were proudly flapping about as if to announce to the world that they are not afraid of the winter wind. In stark contrast to the proud flag, people under it were huddling around its pole, like a pack of penguins, to stave off the cold wind.

    After reaching the fringe of the mass of people gathered here, I could see the police buses surrounding the mass. Except for the medieval-looking steel wire screens on their windows, they were exactly like the regular city buses. The buses were lined up in circle, bumper to bumper. A couple of fully protected riot-control police officers, who looked like baseball umpires, nonchalantly walked about on the top of each bus. The buses not only surrounded the mass but also blocked off the mass from proceeding further toward the American Embassy. Now, the drums were beating wildly, and the thumping sounds seemed to reverberate within the crowd. A short stocky man with disheveled hair went up on a makeshift podium, which was no more than a couple of stacked-up milk crates, and began to shout on a bullhorn supposedly anti-American slogans. Ones that I could make out were “Amend the SOFA,” “Bush, apologize,” and “Revive the two girls!” After each slogan, the people ! under the flags shouted back the same slogan three times in a manner to fake an echo. Each slogan seemed to have two beats to it, and at the beat, people stretched out their arms over their heads as if they were trying to lift invisible dumbbells over their heads. From time to time, a pile of supposedly anti-American pamphlets were thrown up in the air, and when they fell down, they almost looked like giant snowflakes hastily making their ways to the ground where they stayed for as long as I could make out.

    For some reasons, there was a small gap between the two buses to the far left, through which people were moving to the other side toward the American Embassy. I of course followed the crowd to the other side, which at first looked benign enough, but as more people came in through the gap, I realized the area I was in was not the other side. It was a limo between the two sides, a small enclave surrounded by six encircling buses in front and back, a building on one side, and a dark alleyway to the other. Oddly enough though, in the area in front, a police jeep was sandwiched between the two buses, through which some people were trying to climb over to the clearing. As more and more people came into the enclave, now brimming with hundreds of people, I found myself trapped in the middle region with my back pinned against one of the buses. It looked as though we were a herd of cattle, confounded in a holding lot, to be butchered later. Suddenly, out of nowhere from the ! wobbling crowd, a bald middle-age man with an attire of a Buddhist monk, stepped up to the plate; that is, he jumped up on the hood of the police jeep and boldly tried to walk through to the other side toward the American Embassy. But, to no avail, he was blocked off by three riot-control policemen, and there was a tussle between four of them. However, it did not look as though the bald monk was trying very hard to get through, nor were the police officers. It almost looked like a carefully choreographed dance similar to ones I have been accustomed to seeing on pro wrestling. This sort of dance went on for a little bit while the crowd wildly cheered on. At some point though, one of the police officer pushed the monk too hard, and the monk did a reverse dive into the crowd--sort of like what a punk rock star would do from the stage into the frenzy crowd. Of course, there was the crowd to back hiim up. The hands were in the air, and those hands moved back and forth like ! many legs of a centipede to safely carry the monk to the back end of the crowd. At that moment, along with the general backward wave of the people, I managed to squeeze myself across the crowd into the alley.

    There was some breathing room in the alley, the width of which could fit about ten people in a single file. It was unusually dark though since the bars' doors and windows lining up the alley were all shut tight, and the fancy neon signs, which would have allured the passersby with a slight buzz, had been all turned off. Not able to go back to the enclave, I decided to move on to the end of the alley, hoping to reach the other side, toward the light. But, then again, what I found at the end of the line was another set of crowd of people. There, about four layers of people were earnestly pushing against a shield of several layers of riot-control police officers. The police officers were shouting something rhythmically. I could not make out what they were saying but almost sounded like an army marching song. Against this rhythmical shouting, the crowd was heavily groaning something with every push--a groan if translated would amount to something like, “Push hard!” ! At one point, there was a wave of forward movement, climaxed by crescendo of groans, which was then followed by a retreat. I observed this for several times, but it soon became boring; so, I decided to leave the scene. Through a maze of back alleys, I managed to somehow get out of there all together although now I think of it, I would not be able to do the same even in a daylight.

    To the southeast of the American Embassy, toward the Bell Towel, housing a humongous copper-alloy bell, which would toll to signal the coming of the New Year, I was confronted with yet another set of crowd, which was qualitatively different from the ones I have seen before. Somehow, the people here seemed more cheerful or jollier. Here, I could almost feel the festivity of the moment, the impending turn of the year. Instead of paper-cup candles sold by bag ladies, stick firecrackers, which shoot out colorful fireworks were being sold. Indeed, many people were holding them high in the air, and the sky was filled with the rainbow of sparkling colors. I saw people eating corn-dogs and other Korean street delicacies, couples hugging tightly to seal off any warmth created between them from the wind, and teenagers bobbing their heads up and down along with the punk rock band playing live at one end of the Bell Towel.

    Up ahead, I saw a gigantic wide screen on the top of a building. It showed the rambunctious crowd, holding paper-cup candles under various colors of flags. As the camera zoomed away, the screen showed the bird’s eye view of the crowd. I am not quite sure how many people were there, but maybe there were about 50,000 people. It was a beautiful sight though--about 50,000 candlelights wobbling about in the screen. I did not hear any reverberating drums nor loud slogans then. I just saw the light, and that image lingered on as I tried to listen to the tolling of the bell from the Bell Towel.




    Protest at Gwanghwamun in Seoul: (31 Dec 02)



    Anti-War Message at Gwanghwamun in Seoul: (31 Dec 02)

    PHOTO LINK: Protest: December 31 -- Pictures of December 31 Protest at Gwanghwamun in Seoul
    VIDEO LINK: Protest: December 31 -- Peaceful demonstration for "Peace" with speeches and fireworks; Riot Police block way to Embassy;


    Anti-Americanism Gag Order: Suddenly the popular phrases were missing from the protests and instead there was a "Stop War" type of message. Suddenly the Koreans were mouthing just the opposite of what they were saying before. The hardline rhetoric of the protestors suddenly reversed themselves as the protestors suddenly saw a need for the U.S. in Korea -- at least for the time being. (The polls reflected that the Korean people still wanted the USFK out -- but not right now.)

    President Kim Dae-Jung and President-elect Roh Moo-hyun had FINALLY expressed concern about these protests -- and set the government policy against these protests. But the long silence by the government condemned them as supporters of these demonstrations -- until things turned ugly for Korea.



    Roh Moo-hyun (Dec 2002)

    On January 2, 2003, the Seoul Metropolitan Police Agency announced that protestors attempting to attack the U.S. Embassy would be arrested, though assemblies that are judged to be "pure commemoration ceremonies" such as prayer meetings will continue to be authorized. However, the police also stated that any demonstrations that turned "political" -- as an anti-American demonstration -- would be unauthorized and blocked. The Police stated that this was due to violence and altercations at recent candlelight demonstrations, which turned into anti-America protests. It stated that it will restrict future commemoration ceremonies for the two middle school students. Police said that at a ceremony held in Gwanghwamun, near the US Embassy, on December 31, 2002, flammable objects were thrown and some participants inflicted damage on three police vehicles. The police also said participants were seen hold banners with political messages. Current law forbids political demonstrations to be held within 100 meters of foreign embassies. Future illegal protests will be contained and participants will be taken into custody. Strong words, but as the courts on the Ministry of Justice have released protestors who broke into or firebombed U.S. camps, it will take much more than words to convince the world.

    The activists condemned the police action. Nine activists in the park were temporarily detained by the police after a protest in a park near the U.S. Embassy. Sit-in protests had been held there after religious leaders took turns staging hunger strikes for nearly a month over the accident last June. Police acted at the request of City Hall, which is said to have voiced concerns that the protests were harming the city's appearance. Police said that while they had refrained from breaking up the protests of the Christian and Buddhist leaders as they were part of a religious event, they cannot allow further illegal protests. Additional confrontations are expected, as some activists are determined to continue the rallies despite the use of police force.

    However, the protests died down dramatically prompting some to say, "Are the Protest Dying?" According to a 4 Jan Yonhap Newsarticle, "Only about 300 or more people turned out for the regular Saturday evening protests in Gwanghwa-mun on January 4, which is a significant decease in the number of protesters. Yonhap also reports that there were two separate protests because of what appears to be differences of opinion on what the protests should focus on. While 300 or more people were holding a candlelight vigil behind the Kyobo Book Store in Gwanghwa-mun, a group of about thirty people were conducting an anti-war and anti-nuke protest in front of the Sejong Cultural Center. One protester in the smaller group complained that the larger group spoke only with one voice and did not allow for differences of opinion. The smaller group of protesters scuffled with police when police asked them to move their protest to an area in front of the Donghwa Duty Free Center, which is farther away from the US embassy. Approximately 5,300 police were available to deal with the 300-plus protesters."

    Winter Storms Slow Protests: On the weekend of January 4-5, the activists didn't get a chance to stage any protests as a sudden snow storm sent temperatures plummeting into below-zero weather. Snow covered the sidewalks throughout the nation. Roads were clogged as snow turned to ice. Transportation was creeping along. Thankfully this snow storm provided a welcome break from the constant anti-American protests. The snow snap continued into the week of January 6 with heavy snows falling throughout Korea.

    North Jeolla province recorded an average of 20 centimeters of snow, the biggest winter storm since 1997. A road section between Namwon and Gurye that includes Mount Jiri was closed. Traffic on more than 20 local roads was limited to vehicles that have winter equipment. Nine major roads in South Jeolla province were restricted. All flights have been grounded at the Gusan airport in North Jeolla province since Friday, and at the Mokpo airport in South Jeolla province since Saturday. Flights resumed Sunday afternoon at the Gwangju International Airport.

    Jeju island had heavy snow and its first below-zero centigrade temperature this winter. More than 3,000 tourists were stranded as passenger ships stayed in port and flights were canceled or delayed at the Jeju International airport. Entry into the Mount Halla area, which had 120 centimeters of snow, was prohibited.

    At a fish farm in Daesan village, Seosan, South Chungcheong province, 5.7 million mullets died from the cold yesterday. The owner of the farm estimated the loss at 2.4 billion won ($2 million). ...

    Cold weather continues today. The low temperature in Seoul be minus-6 centigrade, and in Busan minus-3. Weather forecasters said the cold would start to moderate tomorrow afternoon.

    On Jan 8-9, pro-American/anti-North Korea demonstrations were held near Osan AB by 900 demonstrators on the 8th and 400 demonstrators on the 9th. The organizers of the demonstrations feared the wrong impression was being sent out by the anti-American message of the candlelight vigils in Seoul.

    Anti-War Protests Begin: The weather cleared sufficiently that on Jan 10, a peaceful anti-war demonstration was held at Yongsan Main Gate led by our favorite Kunsan activist priest, Rev. Mun Chon-Hyun. (See Split in NGO Group Strategies and Shift to Pacifism:.)



    Anti-War Protest at Yongsan Garrison, Seoul: (10 Jan 03)

    The Reverend Mun Chon-Hyun spearheads these protests not only in Kunsan and the Cholla area, but throughout the nation. Reverend Mun is basically a human-rights activist who cares deeply in his anti-war cause. Reverend Mun is an expert promoter who has learned how to effectively manipulate the TV news. At times, he will appear to provoke the riot police by poking their shields, but the riot police know better than to attack an old man. He lays down in front of the riot police and confronts them face-to-face. As part of his protests, he was shown wrapped in a Korean flag as his head was shaved. He has painted his face black. He has a sense of theatrics that cannot be slighted. His visual messages are powerful. Undoubtedly, he is a leader who is fearless and committed to his causes. Though some remark about his unauthorized visits to North Korea in the past that resulted in his imprisonment may link him to the North, none can fault that he believes in his mission.


    Rev. Mun at Seoul (Dec 02)
    (Click on image to enlarge)
    (From Tongil.news)

    Growing Anti-Korean Sentiment in America Gets Seoul's Attention: The growing Anti-American sentiment is starting to worry many in the Bush administration and others in the defense industry. These defense industry folks had vested interests in Americans remaining in Korea. However, up until December the majority of the people in America didn't even know there was unrest in Korea. Now they are being awakened to the fact that the Koreans are chanting "Yankee Go Home." These are not radical students -- but housewives, priests, ministers, monks, rock stars, sports heroes, children and old folks. The common people are shouting these words!!! Though the demonstrations in Korea have subsided in January, the events in America as a backlash continue to unfold.

    An interesting turn of events on December 31 was the sudden left turn by the protest movement to take on a "Peace Movement" stance (Rev Mun's group) versus the protests dealing with the SOFA. The anti-Americanism may become muted and weaken Roh's positions on the USFK in Korea. The anti-Americanism in Korea will have a definite impact on the future relations between the two countries. At the start of 2003, Roh has attempted to silence the "America Go Home" protests and stop the flag-burning as the NGO groups now see the backlash that is coming from their actions. Instead, they are pressing on with their anti-War stance and muting the "nigger" words (America Go Home). The following is from the New York Times on January 2, 2003 and is one of the many articles that now are starting to appear in response to the anti-American demonstrations and fear of Roh's future confrontational policies.

    South Korea, Once a Solid Ally, Now Poses Problems for the U.S.

    By STEVEN R. WEISMAN

    WASHINGTON, Jan. 1 — For half a century the United States has had no more stalwart ally in Asia than South Korea, where 37,000 American troops are stationed to protect against an invasion from the North, representing the unity of purpose between the two countries.

    But now South Korea has become one of the Bush administration's biggest foreign policy problems. Years of resentments over a variety of issues are boiling over in Seoul in the form of demonstrations against the United States and pronouncements by the departing and arriving presidents challenging American policies on dealing with North Korea's nuclear ambitions.

    For the fifth time in four months, Secretary of State Colin L. Powell is dispatching his top Korea specialist to Seoul for urgent consultations on forging a unified policy to handle North Korea's moves to restart its nuclear weapons program.

    The envoy, James A. Kelly, the assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs, is expected to pave the way for a visit to Washington later this year by the newly elected president of South Korea, Roh Moo Hyun, who says he intends to follow the policy of President Kim Dae Jung of diplomatic and economic engagement with North Korea.

    Mr. Kelly said recently that Mr. Roh's past statements did not portend a rupture with the United States. The United States would wait until after he and his team take office and then "look at them face to face and find out what it is that we agree on and what it is that we disagree with."


    Many experts on Korea expect the differences to be significant. Unlike South Korea, the United States favors a policy of no bargaining and no new economic incentives until the North abandons its nuclear program.

    At the same time, and at the behest of its anxious friends in the region, the United States has repeatedly pledged to seek a diplomatic solution to the problem.

    "In some ways, the problem in South Korea has become harder to handle than that of North Korea," said a Korea specialist with ties to many members of President Bush's foreign policy team. "Our first priority is to get Roh and Kim to stop saying that the United States approach will not work. If we don't do that, the divide will get worse."

    North Korea is clearly determined to do what it can to sharpen the divide between the South and the United States by suggesting that Koreans from both states have a common cause against Washington. In its New Year message, the North Korean government said, "It can be said that there exists on the Korean peninsula only confrontation between the Koreans in the North and the South and the United States."

    Some Bush administration officials insist that talk of divisions between South Korea and the United States is "way off base," as one official said this week.

    This official added that the administration's policy is one of increasing diplomatic pressure but not squeezing the North further economically or militarily, and that this was also in keeping with the views of Japan, China and Russia.

    The administration's internal strains over Korean policy, apparent since the first months of Mr. Bush's term of office, have subsided over the current situation, officials say, in part because there is a unanimity of views that the United States cannot give in to what officials say is "blackmail" by the North Korean leader, Kim Jong Il.

    But the strains have taken a toll on the relationship between Washington and Seoul, diplomats and administration officials say. Early in 2001, for example, Mr. Powell announced that the United States would continue the Clinton administration policy of building on a 1994 "framework agreement" with North Korea.

    Under that arrangement, the North froze work at its plutonium-producing nuclear plant at Yongbyon in return for certain economic benefits, including fuel oil shipments. But as they came into office, many members of the new administration were privately disdainful of the 1994 accord. The White House and Mr. Powell then announced that instead of continuing the policy, the administration would review it. The shift was interpreted in Seoul as a rebuff to Kim Dae Jung and to Mr. Powell.

    Later in 2001, the administration shifted again, this time saying that it would continue the policy of engagement. Mr. Kim was cheered, but the wounds were not all healed.

    Last year, American intelligence revealed that although North Korea had kept its Yongbyon plant frozen, it was undertaking a separate clandestine nuclear program using highly enriched uranium. A new difference of emphasis emerged with the discovery.

    Although South Korea labeled North Korea's plans unacceptable, President Kim opposed cutting off all economic contacts. The United States nonetheless persuaded Mr. Kim, and also the Japanese, to immediately halt the oil shipments to North Korea that had been agreed upon under the 1994 framework.

    South Korea went along, but privately South Korean officials warned that such an act might provoke North Korea into restarting its Yongbyon plant. Their warnings proved accurate.

    What seems clear is that the administration's frequent changes of policy have aggravated other factors in producing divisions between the United States and its Asian ally.


    In recent weeks, South Koreans' attentions have focused on the presence of 37,000 American troops on their soil as a major irritant. South Korean anger was further fueled by an incident last June, when two 14-year-old girls were run over and killed by an American armored vehicle north of Seoul.

    The episode unleashed an outpouring of resentment that some experts say dates from the years when a series of military dictators in South Korea, acting with what was perceived as support from Washington, thwarted all efforts at democratization. South Korea did not emerge as a democracy until the late 1980's.

    Administration officials say they are handicapped by their lack of knowledge of Mr. Roh, Korea's new leader. He is a lawyer and human rights activist whose victory was boosted when a third candidate, Chung Mong Joon, an heir to the Hyundai business fortune, withdrew with a promise to "do my best to make him win." Hyundai favors investment in the North.

    Administration officials acknowledge that two overriding factors are pressing the United States to listen to South Korea's pleas for a conciliatory approach to the North. The first, some say, is that the administration's hard-liners are preoccupied by planning a possible war against Iraq and don't want to be distracted.

    Second, officials say North Korea, with its immense armed forces, numbering one million troops, plus a formidable rocket and artillery arsenal, could destroy Seoul and its environs in retaliation against any military pressure by the United States and its allies.

    Some in the Bush administration say they favor imposing economic sanctions in the future if North Korea does not reverse course. But Mr. Powell said last weekend that such a course of action is not being contemplated by anyone. "We'll talk to the North Koreans eventually," said one official. "But they have to do something first. The ball really is in their court."


    A new wave of anti-Americanism in South Korea

    Gi-Wook Shin
    Sunday, January 5, 2003 (SF Chronicle)

    "Arrest Tank" is a new song popular among young South Koreans. It was first introduced by the group Uri Nara (Our Nation) to a crowd gathered in downtown Seoul to protest the acquittal in a U.S. miliary court of two American soldiers in an accident that killed two Korean girls. The song is a cynical reaction to the acquittal and to the soldiers' departure from Korea right after the decision. If no soldiers were responsible for the accident, so goes the song, then "at least their armored vehicle should be arrested before it leaves Korea."

    South Korea has been swept by a new tide of anti-Americanism. Thousands of citizens marched with candles and burned American flags, demanding social justice in the deaths of the two girls. Student activists cut a barbed-wire fence and entered a U.S. military base.

    Netizens opened Web sites such as www.antimigun.org -- "antimigun" literally means "anti-U.S. troops" -- to lodge protests against the United States. Even the otherwise pro-American Grand National Party has launched a petition drive to demand revision of the Status of Forces Agreement concluded between the two countries.

    Anti-Americanism is nothing new in South Korea. After peaking in the late 1980s, and except for a brief reappearance right after the 1997 economic crisis, it declined with increasing democratization and economic development.

    In a 1994 Gallup-Korea poll, two-thirds of Koreans expressed a favorable attitude toward the United States.

    Then, a series of events and remarks intervened. Jay Leno joked about the Koreans' practice of eating "dog meat." President Bush characterized North Korea as part of an "axis of evil." The United States and North Korea engaged in a new round of verbal sniping over Pyongyang's revival of its nuclear weapons program. All of this fueled Korean resentment against Uncle Sam.

    The new anti-American sentiments do not represent Korean public opinion as a whole. Nor do they recall the 1980s, when anti-Americanism focused on U.S. support of South Korea's dictatorship and pressure to open the Korean market.

    Today's anti-Americanism expresses a new kind of Korean nationalism resulting from enhanced confidence and pride in the nation. It may appear less aggressive than in 1980 -- when Korean activists burned U.S properties -- but it is more widespread and has stronger support among young and educated people.

    In a February 2002 Gallup-Korea poll, only one-third of Koreans now view the United States favorably.

    Many Koreans now consider the United States, once thought of as their nation's savior from colonialism and communism, an obstacle to their national interests. The acquittals of the two U.S. soldiers only confirmed Koreans' belief that the United States still does not treat their country as a sovereign nation.

    U.S. officials in Seoul complain that Koreans do not even try to understand the American legal system, yet they fail to grasp why Koreans don't care about the technicality of the case involving the girls' deaths. For many Koreans, what counts is the inequality of their country's relationship with the United States. What, they ask, would Americans have done if Korean soldiers had killed two American schoolgirls during a military exercise on U.S. soil?

    Koreans were also angry, and their national pride was hurt, because Bush's apology was read by Ambassador Thomas C. Hubbard, rather than communicated by Bush directly.

    South Korea is a vital ally, and the United States should not allow U.S.- Korea relations to deteriorate further.

    The U.S. must pay close attention to the Koreans' demand to revise the Status of Forces Agreement. First established in 1966, it has already been revised twice (in 1991 and 2001), to grant Korean authorities the right to take custody of American soldiers charged with a crime. However, the United States does not grant Korean courts jurisdiction over American soldiers who commit crimes while on official duty in South Korea. Last year, Korean judicial authorities handled only seven percent of the cases involving American GIs. A more flexible use of the agreement, allowing Korean courts greater involvement, would give Koreans a sense of social justice.

    (SITE NOTE: This passage shows the author's bias towards Korea -- despite her credentials to show impartiality -- and a lack of understanding of the SOFA and what it is meant to preserve. The rest of her recommendations are warmed over Korea Herald editorial recommendations that do not stand up to consideration once evaluated seriously.)

    Still, a revision of the agreement may not be enough. The recent outrage against the acquittals, an explosion of accumulated resentment, is the tip of the iceberg.

    The United States may need to consider more drastic changes, such as relocating its military headquarters outside of downtown Seoul, where Japanese troops were once stationed. Though they value the importance of maintaining U. S. troops in Korea, many Koreans view U.S. presence in their capital as an unhappy symbol of their nation's colonial or neocolonial status.

    The United States, and especially the U.S. Embassy in Seoul, must communicate better with the Koreans to improve mutual understanding. South Korea wants to remain friends, but the United States should try harder to maintain this valuable relationship.

    Gi-Wook Shin is acting director of the Asia/Pacific Research Center at Stanford University's Institute for International Studies.

    Roh Viewed as Anti-American: The talk of backlash and the views in the American press that Roh's liberal views that placed him on the anti-American side must certainly have shocked the transition team of President-elect Roh. Roh attempted to rescind his previous remarks made during his campaign, but in some cases stuck his foot in his mouth. For example, when he initial visited the Korean Military Joint Chiefs he pointedly asked them if they were ready for the removal of the USFK forces from Korea.

    Within weeks, he was mouthing to the USFK the strength of the "alliance" and how the USFK was needed on the peninsula. No one believed him -- but the reality is that the USFK can NOT be removed at this time because of the on-going nuclear crisis with the north. With such talk in the U.S. press, he would have been made into a lame-duck even before he entered office.

    Suddenly on January 3 Roh and Kim Dae-jung started initiatives to "solve" the Korean nuclear problem -- but was promptly rebuffed by the North. Instead, seeing an opportunity in widespread anti-American sentiment in South Korea, North Korea has urged the South to prevent war by backing the North in its confrontation with the United States. In the latest inter-Korea meeting, North Korea called for cooperation from South Korea as two countries with the same type of people. This was rebuffed in turn.

    On Jan 24 North-South Korean cabinet-level talks in Seoul agreed to continue their dialogue but failed to give any indication of how the international standoff over Pyongyang's nuclear development program could be resolved. The two countries only agreed to "actively cooperate to resolve the issue peacefully." Meanwhile, the United States has expressed its willingness to begin negotiations with North Korea, saying it would consider stating in writing that it would guarantee the country's status quo. Yet, Washington refuses to make concessions in the face of Pyongyang's threats to go ahead with its nuclear development program. We cannot fault this position. China was asked to act as an intermediary and refused politely.

    In the end, Roh's transition team ended up with egg on its face and was basically viewed as "amateurs" playing in a big boy's game. As of February Roh's team was still is rushing around to Russia and the European Union to seek intervention.

    Roh's attempts at damage control come off as half-hearted and verge on being insincere. On 21 Feb, he used phrases like "thanks to the US, who bled to protect the country in the Korean War," and "the Korea-US alliance contributed to economic revival as well as security." Roh urged Pyongyang to change its attitude, not Washington, to solve the current nuclear tension -- unlike his previous remarks. He stated that he had been misread as a "leftist" and Koreans want the USFK presence in the country. He spoke to Americans of the "alliance," but many wondered if this was all for show. Many conservative Koreans feel that if Roh truly wants to relieve Washington's anxiety, his words should be followed by more concrete actions. American officials point out that Roh should keep in mind not to pick flaws of the other party to stress one's position, and to pursue policy discussions and negotiation in private, not through the media.

    Resurgence of U.S. Isolationism: The problem of troop withdrawals also plays into the internal politics occuring in the U.S. between hawks and moderates. There is a growing tendency to lean towards isolationism because of the unilateralism that prevails. Conservative editorials have now appeared recommending troop withdrawals. The following article is from Asia Times on Jan 16:

    US: Korea crisis fuels isolationism

    By Jim Lobe

    WASHINGTON - That the hawks in the administration of US President George W Bush along with their cheerleaders in the media and Washington think-tanks are unilateralist has become conventional wisdom. But they are also isolationist, because they not only distrust and despise most multilateral institutions, they also resist any "entanglements", including alliances, that could constrain Washington's freedom to pursue its national interests, as it defines them.

    These tendencies have been clearest in Washington's attitude toward the International Criminal Court (ICC), its withdrawal from the Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty and construction of a missile defense system, as well as its insistence that it reserves to itself the ultimate decision of whether to invade Iraq. Foreign-policy expert Charles Kupchan argues that these two tendencies "are in reality opposite sides of the same coin" and have co-existed in US diplomacy for more than two centuries.

    "They share common ideological origins in America's fear of entanglements that may compromise its liberty and sovereignty," wrote Kupchan in his recent book, The End of the American Era. In practical terms they mean "the country should do its best to shun international engagement, but if it does engage, it should do so in a way that preserves national sovereignty", he added.

    These tendencies are becoming increasingly apparent in the hawks' reactions to the ongoing crisis over North Korea. They are furious with Washington's two most important Asian allies, South Korea and Japan, for refusing to line up behind the administration's initial demands to cut off contact and aid to Pyongyang until it completely and verifiably dismantles its nuclear facilities.

    That they are now losing out to the administration's realist faction, led by Secretary of State Colin Powell, who is moving to renew negotiations with Pyongyang over the terms for a verifiable agreement that may include US aid and a non-aggression pledge, only adds to their fury.

    The Weekly Standard, whose views generally mirror those held by the civilian hawks in the Pentagon, even denounced the notion of a non-aggression pledge as "reminiscent of appeasement", a reference to Britain's acquiescence in Nazi Germany's occupation of Czechoslovakia in 1938.

    They recognize, of course, the practical impossibility of destroying the nuclear reactors with US military action without risking the destruction of the South Korean capital, Seoul, and the lives of the 37,000 US troops who have acted as a "tripwire" against any North Korean invasion since the end of the Korean War. But they do not see that as an excuse for letting Tokyo and Seoul, as well as Pyongyang and China, the North's main external source of fuel and food, off the hook.

    Their frustration has expressed itself mainly in surprisingly radical suggestions that Washington should withdraw its troops from South Korea and even encourage Japan to go nuclear, even though either move would radically alter, if not destroy, Washington's oldest Asian alliances.

    Troop withdrawal was first floated last month by the editorial writers of the Wall Street Journal, a neo-conservative mouthpiece close to Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz and the chairman of the Defense Policy Board, Richard Perle. It followed the victory of South Korean President-elect Roh Moo-hyun, who defeated the US-favored candidate on a tide of anti-American protests over Bush's hard line against Pyongyang and a US military court's acquittal of soldiers who accidentally killed two South Korean schoolgirls.

    "Perhaps in his call of congratulations, President Bush should inform Mr Roh that the US does not stay where it isn't wanted. American troops are there to protect Koreans, and if they no longer feel that is necessary, we will bring them home," said the Journal.

    As the crisis intensified, the hawks became more resentful of Seoul's refusal to adopt Washington's hard line. "I've been saying for a week or two now that we should pull our troops out of South Korea," noted New York Times columnist William Safire, a prominent neo-conservative, who suggested that the very presence of US troops acted as a constraint on US military options.

    "If we have to attack or take out a nuclear plutonium-producing facility," he asked on Meet the Press, the United States' most widely watched public-affairs television program, "why should we have 37,000 US troops vulnerable right there?"

    And Kenneth Adelman, a protege of both Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and Perle who serves with the latter on the Defense Policy Board, recommended withdrawing at least half of the US troops from Korea, in a recent comment on National Public Radio.

    Such a move would have two benefits, he argued: it would "challenge the South Koreans on whether our military presence is, indeed unwanted", and, more significant, it would "show the world what Americans instinctively know ... the default position of US foreign policy is isolationist, not expansionist".

    According to Adelman, a US withdrawal would also "shake up" the region, by forcing neighboring states to take more responsibility for North Korea. That echoed an earlier suggestion by yet another hawk, Washington Post columnist Charles Krauthammer, that the administration encourage Japan to develop its own nuclear weapons as a source of leverage over China.


    In addition to the notion of withdrawing US troops, the hawks have used the North Korea crisis to press the case for major increases in the US military budget, which is already larger than those of the 15 next-biggest arms-spenders combined. They argue that North Korean leader Kim Jong-il timed the crisis precisely to coincide with the huge US military buildup around Iraq, knowing - Rumsfeld's insistence to the contrary - that Washington did not have the forces available to launch a credible attack on North Korea.

    "The North Korean crisis shows the need to spend more on defense and get back to a true 'two war' standard - the ability to fight two conflicts at the same time," wrote yet another prominent hawk, Max Boot, a former Journal editorial writer, now a fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations.

    "We can't press North Korea too hard if we know we can't back up bellicose talk," he went on, suggesting that Washington add US$100 billion to the current budget of just under $400 billion.

    While Powell appears for now to have persuaded Bush against adopting either policy recommendation, his failure to gain an agreement leading to the dismantling of Pyongyang's nuclear programs will almost certainly bolster the hawks' arguments for reducing security ties in Northeast Asia and boosting the military budget.

    (Inter Press Service)

    The talk of troop pullouts increased in January. More and more articles are appearing and the grassroots movement is swelling. The talk is now filtering into the halls of Congress as constituents complain about what is happening in Korea. It was about this time that the NGO groups started taking the warnings from their business leaders, AmCham and the President-elect seriously. An article excerpted from ClariNews on Jan 18 talks about possible troop cuts. It stated:

    Pentagon rethinks US force posture in South Korea: officials and analysts

    WASHINGTON, Jan 18 (AFP) - The Pentagon has been quietly rethinking its military posture in South Korea in ways that would reduce the size and composition of its 37,000-strong force there, according to Pentagon officials and analysts.

    US troops have become a lightning rod for anti-American sentiment in South Korea, turning a confontation with North Korea over nuclear proliferation into a test of Washington's five decade old alliance with Seoul.

    In the United States, anger over perceived South Korean ingratitude has sparked calls by some conservative commentators for a withdrawal of all US forces from the south.

    "We must make clear to the South that while we will honor the terms of our mutual defense treaty, which means that we will respond to any aggression by the North, we will not stay where we are not wanted," Richard Allen, a former national security adviser to president Ronald Reagan, wrote this week.


    US Defense Secretary Donald (Rumsfield) has welcomed a review of the US security relationship with South Korea once South Korean President-elect Roh Moo Myun takes office.

    Pentagon officials say an informal reappraisal already is underway internally.

    No one is talking about a complete withdrawal of US forces or abandoning the alliance with South Korea, according to the officials who spoke on condition that they neither be identified nor directly quoted.

    But there is a growing sense that the military arrangements that have been in place in the south with little change over the years should be re-examined with an eye to both modernizing and reducing the size of the forces there, they said.

    Tank-heavy US ground forces now arrayed south of the demilitarized zone could be replaced with a smaller-sized force that relies more on technological advances as well as air power and strategic forces, according to the officials. They said the discussions were still informal and conceptual in nature. But they noted they were consistent with Rumsfeld's push to use new capabilities -- information technologies, long range precision strike, and increasingly sophisticated reconnaissance and surveillance -- to transform old Cold War force structures.


    Rumsfeld also has called for re-examining commitments of US forces in places where they have become a permanent fixture, like the Sinai. Any reduction in US forces in Korea, though, is liable to prompt questions in Japan and elsewhere about US staying power.

    "It's an inescapable reality, it's a brute, crude fact that if the United States were to reduce its troop presence in East Asia in a time of heightened tension or crisis, the regional actors would view that as a lessening of American commitment in the area," Nicholas Eberstadt, a Korea expert, told AFP. "It would be hard to blame them."

    Other commentators say a US withdrawal would send the wrong message to North Korea and encourage Japan to look to its own defense, triggering a destabilizing arms race in the region.

    James Lilley, a former US ambassador to China and South Korea, agreed that a unilateral withdrawal of US forces, as some conservative commentators have suggested, would be "absolute insanity."

    But he told AFP, "You want to use your American troops over time as a bargaining tool to get the North Koreans to cut back their own conventional forces under verification."

    US air and naval power, strategic forces and a contingent of marines should suffice in a missile age, he said. Moreover, South Korea has a 600,000-strong force while North Korea's military capabilities are deteriorating.

    Likewise, he said existing command arrangements that put a US general in charge of US and South Korean forces in the event of a war are anachronistic. "You can't have an American four star (general) with 37,000 men commanding a force with 590,000 Koreans. No sovereign country can accept that," Lilly said.

    Larry Wortzel, a former US military attache in China now with the Heritage Foundation is leery of a pull-out, but agreed that a smaller force would ease friction with the South Koreans.

    "It is possible and even wise to somehow adjust our force posture. I think we can do it, and even do it safely," he said.

    At the end of February 2003, the talk within Korea of the possibly of relocating the USFK forces south was being taken seriously. The GNP opposition party stated that on the issue of a redeployment of U.S. troops in the country, any such move should be carried out so that the U.S. Forces Korea's (USFK) role as a deterrent to war is not jeopardized. As far as the MDP (Roh's party), the official position is that the USFK-ROK alliance is essential and the troops should remain positioned along the DMZ until tensions are reduced.

    U.S. May Shift, Reduce South Korea Forces-Rumsfeld

    Thu February 13, 2003 04:47 PM ET
    By Charles Aldinger

    WASHINGTON (Reuters) - Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld said on Thursday he wanted to shift U.S. forces away from the fortified border between North and South Korea and perhaps remove some of the 37,000 U.S. troops stationed in the south.

    Rumsfeld said no final plan had been developed for realignment of the long American military presence in the south, but that South Korea's President-elect Roh Moo-hyun had asked the United States to study the bilateral relationship.

    His comments to the Senate Armed Services Committee came at a sensitive time for relations between longtime allies Seoul and Washington and as the Pentagon openly reviews the post-Cold War balance of U.S. forces deployed around the world.

    South Korea has been rocked by recent anti-American protests and the United States is seeking Seoul's help in resolving a crisis over North Korea's nuclear ambitions.

    "For one thing, I would like to see a number of our forces move away from the Seoul area and from near the DMZ (Demilitarized Zone), and be more oriented toward an air hub and a sea hub" in the area, Rumsfeld testified.

    He did not say whether such large hubs for facilitating the easy movement of U.S. troops around the world might be inside or near South Korea, but added that "with our improved capabilities of moving people, some of those forces (could) come home."

    FORCES BEING STUDIED

    The secretary said that Army Gen. Leon LaPorte, commander of U.S. forces in South Korea, had been studying the alignment of American forces on the peninsula for months.

    "It is quite clear to me that ... the deployments we have, for example, in Korea can be reviewed in cooperation with the South Korean government," Rumsfeld told senators.

    "And, as matter of fact, the new president of South Korea has suggested that we look at our relationship and see if we (can) rebalance it in some way. And I have accepted that invitation."

    The U.S. military has maintained a stabilizing military presence in South Korea since the Korean War a half century ago.

    But that presence has become increasingly controversial in the past year, with some critics in the south accusing the Bush administration of hindering closer ties between Seoul and Pyongyang's hardline government in the north.

    The issue of alleged crimes committed by U.S. troops in the south has also become a subject of tension.

    The U.S. military in South Korea said on Thursday it had put an American soldier on trial for charges including sodomy and aggravated assault against a South Korean soldier, in a case that could reignite anti-American feelings.

    STATUS OF FORCES AGREEMENT

    The statement said South Korean authorities had transferred jurisdiction of the case to the U.S. Army, although the bilateral Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) gives the host country the right to try the case because the alleged crime did not occur during official duties.

    Late last year, large numbers of South Koreans protested over the SOFA pact and the U.S. military presence in the country after the acquittal of two soldiers involved in a road accident in which an armored vehicle crushed two schoolgirls to death.

    The accident occurred during a training mission and the soldiers were tried by a U.S. army tribunal under SOFA provisions giving the U.S. military jurisdiction of official duty cases.

    South Korean emotions in the case were fanned by local media reports alleging the soldiers had intentionally run over the girls and that the U.S. Army had not apologized or compensated the victims' families. Some activists continue to protest.

    The accident prompted several apologies to South Korea from President Bush and resulted in bilateral agreements to improve the implementation of SOFA rules governing the 37,000 U.S. troops stationed in the South.

    Roh Does a Turnabout: A January 15 article in the Cybercast News Network (CNS) stated that there were pro-American demonstrations in Korea. It goes on to state that the demonstrations "thanked God" for the U.S. presence in Korea. The success of assembling a "pro-American" demonstration (actually an anti-North Korea demonstration) can be attributed to the NGO groups deciding on how they will press forward for their advantage. There is a split as the anti-War element of Rev Mun from Kunsan has stepped to the fore as the war with Iraq looms and North Korea has continued to rattle its saber. The various elements of the Pan National NGO Committee are fractured at this time. The internet is filled with discussions amongst the youth of Korea on how to proceed next.

    Interestingly, there was a complete turnabout in the positions of President-elect Roh -- though the news article implies that his stance was "some years ago" when in reality is was only a few months ago. President-elect Roh is attempting to distance himself from his campaign promises by attempting to practice a wierd version of double-speak. At times he slips up and states his anti-USFK stance in news interviews and then turns around a blames the "foreign media" for misinterpreting his statements. It is curious that the "foreign media" in Korea are Korean-nationals fluent in Korean and English. Thus far no one in the foreign press has called him to task for it.

    The S. Korean government expressed regrets and cares about the anti-American sentiment. The president-elect, Roh called on those demonstrating to restrain from their anti-American protests. S. Korea wants to make the relationship between the two countries more cordial and to improve in areas of economics, culture and the military. All efforts are being made to defuse the situation.

    US-South Korean Alliance 'Precious,' President-Elect Says

    By Patrick Goodenough
    CNSNews.com Pacific Rim Bureau Chief
    January 15, 2003

    Pacific Rim Bureau (CNSNews.com) - As conservatives in the U.S. question the continuing deployment of 37,000 American troops in South Korea, the country's liberal president-elect has assured a visiting U.S. envoy that the half-century military alliance is highly valued.

    "The South Korea-U.S. alliance was precious, is now still precious and will continue to be important in the future," Roh Moo-hyun told Assistant Secretary of State for Asian Affairs James Kelly.

    A spokesman for Roh said the president-elect had told Kelly - on a visit to discuss bilateral ties and the North Korean nuclear standoff - that he hoped the U.S. would remain Seoul's ally in the future.

    Pressing the message home, Roh Wednesday visited the Korean-U.S. combined forces command in Seoul, where he reiterated that the U.S. forces were needed for "peace and stability on the Korean peninsula.

    That presence, he added, "will continue to be needed in the future."

    Just a week ago, Roh was quoted as saying the Korean armed forces had to prepare for the eventuality that the U.S. military may depart in years to come.

    Some years ago the incoming president, a former human rights lawyer, backed calls for the removal of the U.S. Forces Korea (USFK), deployed to help South Korea defend itself from the communist North. He has since disavowed that stance.

    His assurances to Kelly come against a backdrop of public protests over a bilateral relationship that Korean political activist groups say is unbalanced in favor of the U.S. - a stance echoed by Roh himself in his recent election campaign.


    Anti-U.S. sentiments have been aired at many of the demonstrations, and there have been reports of attacks on U.S. military personnel.

    However, Roh told Kelly that anti-American feelings were limited to "a very small group of people," according to the president-elect's spokesman, Lee Nak-yon.

    He said the demonstrations were calling for a revision of the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) governing the legal status of USFK members, and not demanding their departure.

    The protest movement arose out of the accidental deaths of two teenagers knocked down by a U.S. Army vehicle, and last November's court martial acquittal of two soldiers involved.

    Many Koreans felt the soldiers should have been tried by civilian courts rather than by the U.S. military as laid down by the SOFA.

    On Internet bulletin boards popular with wired, young Koreans, debate now rages about the direction the protests should take.

    According to Korean media reports, a group called the Pan National Committee is urging a stronger anti-U.S. tone, while others think the protests should focus on human rights issues and promote an "anti-war" message.


    Coverage of the protests and the treatment some U.S. soldiers have received has sparked calls in the U.S. to pull out or reduce the USFK presence, with commentators like William Safire and Robert Novak broaching the subject in recent columns.

    Other voices have suggested that it's time to pull out the troops, without linking this to the anti-U.S. mood.

    In a new foreign policy briefing, the Cato Institute's Ted Galen Carpenter warned that, if North Korea cannot be dissuaded from building a nuclear arsenal, U.S. troops in the South will no longer be military assets but "nuclear hostages."

    It was time, he wrote, that both South Korea and Japan were told they should "provide for their own defense and take responsibility for dealing with security problems in their region."

    Two lawmakers from Korea's conservative opposition Grand National Party returned from a visit to the U.S. and told a press conference this week that they had heard numerous statements to the effect that the USFK would be withdrawn if they were not wanted.

    Business associations are alarmed at the way the mood has been read in the U.S. and about the possible economic ramifications.

    In a survey of more than 70 U.S. firms operating in Korea, 60 percent of the respondents thought the tensions were serious and more than half were anxious about the impact on U.S. direct investment in Korea.

    Half of the firms surveyed by the JoongAng Ilbo newspaper and the American Chamber of Commerce in Korea said their U.S.-based head offices were worried about the mood.


    Government officials warned that leading ratings agencies such as Moody's Investors Service may downgrade Korea's credit rating if the anti-U.S. sentiment persisted.

    A Moody's assessment team is due in Seoul next Monday for an annual evaluation.

    Meanwhile there are signs that a counter-protest movement is emerging.

    In a weekend gathering, an estimated 30,000 Koreans identified as Protestant Christians prayed in unison, thanking God for the presence of the USFK.

    More such pro-U.S. rallies are planned by various church and other groups.


    Conservative Elements Warn of Anti-Americanism: The conservative elements in Korean politics are now stepping to the forefront as it is becoming evident that the anti-Korea backlash is spreading in America. A Jan 17 article in the Chosun Ilbo stated that former President Kim Young-Sam stated that the "spread of anti-American sentiment must be discouraged at all costs." There is a growing movement of the conservatives to voice their opinions strongly on the dangers of this anti-American movement.

    Former President Warns on Anti-US Sentiment

    by Han Jae-hyun (rookie@chosun.com)

    Former President Kim Young-sam made a statement Friday at the Chosun Hotel, insisting that the spread of anti-American sentiment must be discouraged at all costs. Kim warned that the dangerous phenomenon of demanding a withdrawal of the United States Forces Korea and disguising North Koran provocation as nationalistic ideas was spreading among Koreans.

    In a press conference following the statement, Kim condemned President-elect Roh Moo-hyun's assuming a mediator's role between Pyongyang and Washington, saying treating Korea's own problem as if it was other countries' business was seriously wrong. Kim asserted that Korea is not a third party in the nuclear crisis, and must take a decisive and active role in resolving it.

    The ex-president and 25 senior leaders from politics, business, academia, and religious sector, including former prime ministers Lee Yeong-deok and Hwang In-seong, National Congress of Freedom and Democracy chairman Lee Cheol-seung, Yonsei University Emeritus Professor Kim Dong-gil, and Pastor David Cho of Yeoido Full Gospel Church signed a resolution calling for North Korea's reentrance to the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, opposing the withdrawal of the USFK, and urging human rights improvements in North Korea.
    Worry of Backlash: As 2002 drew to a close, there was a foretaste for more protests. However, something seemed to have changed in the tone of the protests. The bucket of worms the protests had opened up was coming back to haunt them. North Korea has played its nuclear trump card and suddenly the South Koreans were faced with a dilemma whereby the "Yankee Go Home" message took on new meaning. Many Americans were seriously talking about bringing the troops home. (See Background on the Troop Withdrawal Issue in Korea for detailed information on the USFK Troop Withdrawal Issue.)

    In the U.S., Korean businesses were now talking of a backlash that they had warned of if the anti-American protests continued. On 7 Jan, Seok Yeon-ho, the head of KOCHAM (Korean Chamber of Commerce) said after the major US newspapers' reports of the current nuclear crisis and anti-America protests in Korea, he was worried that Korean businesses might be adversely affected. Yim Pil-jae, head of a New York based Korean business group said the anti-Americanism could become a life and death problem for ethnic Koreans who are raising their children and running businesses in the US. He said that as the North Korea nuclear crisis deepened, and local papers reported on anti-Americanism, Americans they did business with started to talk about the subject.

    Pro-American Demonstration: On Jan 11 a PRO-AMERICAN demonstration was held in Seoul. However, it seemed odd that this demonstration was NOT covered in the Korean press, but was picked up by some foreign press. Some skeptics claimed that this demonstration was government organized. However, a government organized demonstration would garner a lot of press coverage. This was not the case. We feel it was just the opposite. This demonstration would best be labeled "Anti-Sunshine Policy demonstration" and would explain why there was no coverage at all by the press. The government would actively suppress it as the cabinet-level meetings with North Korea -- which came to naught in defusing the nuclear situation -- were scheduled to start the next week. This demonstration was as much an Anti-North Korea demonstration as it was a Pro-American one.


    Pro-American or Televangelism? (Jan 11)

    But a better insight on this "Pro-American" rally comes from Kimsoft. It would explain why the foreign media probably did not wish to report this rally. First, it was composed primarily of only ONE church group (80% of the crowd belonged to the True Revival Church); and second, the rally itself smacked of televangelism with the event coming across as a crowd of crazed religious fanatics. (Go to Pro-American Demonstrations or Really Anti-Sunshine Policy Demonstrations? for more information on this demonstration.)


    Pro-American or Anti-Sunshine Policy Demonstration? (Jan 11)


    Immediately following this demonstration another cold snap hit accompanied by heavy snow. The storm dropped about 6 inches of snow in Kunsan and due to the temperatures remaining below freezing, the roads remained slick in areas that were not cleared. The roads remained treacherous for days -- especially at night as the melted snow turned to ice. Any planned demonstrations were called off.

    Demonstrations Missing Violent Anti-American Rhetoric: The cold snap lasted for a better part of the week and continued over the weekend of Jan 18 & 19. However, as soon as the weather got better, the protestors were out again. During the week of 20-24 Jan, the weather warmed up a little though snow was still on the ground and small clusters of demonstrations took place around Seoul. However, the Cabinet-level meetings between the two Koreas was taking place and the demonstrations were small and peaceful. Anti-war protests on 20-21 Jan were held to hopefully influence the North Korean delegations into discussing the nuclear issue with the South. The anti-American protests "commemorating" the deaths of the two girls and calling for SOFA revisions were held on the 22-23 Jan. Immediately after the North-South cabinet-level meetings were completed on Jan 24, the anti-American protests -- missing the violent rhetoric -- were again held in Seoul near the U.S. embassy. The standard sidewalk displays of all the American "atrocities" were set up. All of these small protests were peaceful.

    According to a 23 Jan editorial in the Chosun Ilbo, "Tens of thousands of Christians gathered in front of City Hall Plaza for the second time on Sunday afternoon (23 Jan) to hold a 'Prayer for Peace Rally.' They shouted slogans opposing the withdrawal of the United States Forces Korea and anti-Americanism, as well as calling for North Korea to abandon its nuclear ambitions and not withdraw from the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT)."



    Anti-War Protest in Seoul: (20-21 Jan 03)


    Riot Police in Seoul: (20 Jan 03)


    Anti-American/SOFA Protest in Seoul: (22 Jan 03)


    Commemorative/SOFA Protest Seoul (23 Jan 03)


    Anti-American Protest (24 Jan 03)

    On the weekend of Jan 25 & 26, the weather was mild light jacket weather and the demonstrations continued. The temperatures were around freezing, but there was no wind to make it miserable. The Anti-War demonstration featured sidewalk displays, videos of Iraq suffering. The linkage of "Don't Attack Iraq" meaning "Don't Attack North Korea" was not on the signs, but it was chanted (See video). Rev. Mun's anti-War group now lead off the demonstration as their message was more topical with the pending attack on Iraq. The little children with candles made a touching show -- but behind each child is a parent supporting the cause. The demonstration showed a slight shift in strategy as the commemoration of the two girls deaths and protest of SOFA were at the end of the program. The demonstration was peaceful.


    Anti-War Daytime Protest (25 Jan 03)





    Anti-War/SOFA/Anti-American Candlelight Protest (25 Jan 03)


    Police at Candlelight Protest (25 Jan 03)

    PHOTO LINK: Demonstration: 25 January -- Pictures of January 25 demonstration at Gwanghwamun in Seoul
    VIDEO LINK: Demonstration: 25 January -- Peaceful demonstration for Anti-War ("No War - Don't Attack Iraq/Don't Attack North Korea"); Anti-American/Commemorative of two girls/SOFA demonstration


    However, look carefully at the photos above of the 25 Jan protest and the only element missing from previous anti-American rallies is the flag burning and yelling "America Go Home." However, also note how they are burning the word "SOFA" with the letters painted in the design of the American flag. The visual images are still the same -- just the rhetoric has been toned down. The earlier part of the demonstration was for the children involved in the anti-war portions and the later part was for the anti-American/Commemorative/SOFA portion for the adults. The crowds were significantly smaller than previously but this could be attributed to the temperatures being still hovering near freezing in Seoul -- though there was no wind to make things miserable.

    Then on 28 Jan another cold snap hit with heavy snows throughout the country and temperatures were far below freezing (average 10 degrees F). These were not good days to have demonstrations. The weekend of Jan 31-Feb 1-2 will be the Lunar New Year, Sol Nal, and no demonstrations of any significance are anticipated. 30 million people headed to their ancestral homes in the country clogging the nations highways and leaving no one left to protest.

    ROK & USFK Attempt to Deflect Negative Foreign Press on Protests: At the end of January, the Ministry of Defense (MND) and the USFK is attempting to counter demands among activists that the United States withdraw its troops from South Korea to ease tension and accelerate reconciliation between the two Koreas. Suddenly President Kim Dae-jung addressed the Osan AB troops and President-elect Roh visited the Yongsan Garrison to speak the catchwords of "alliance" and "solidarity." However, remember that during the anti-American violence of 2002, Kim Dae-jung remained SILENT and thereby encouraged the NGO groups, while Roh Moo-hyun was also openly encouraging these protests to feed his political ambitions. When they feared a backlash, both did an about face and curtailed the NGO groups.

    Now that the protests have stopped, it is easy to come out and say that Korea and the U.S. had been "strong partners in the defense of Korea" (2d ID commander's words) all along. The USFK started its ``Good Neighbor Program'' in January with a view to enhancing Korean people's perceptions and understanding of USFK. Suddenly the USFK 2d ID and ROK 28th ID are having joint 5-mile runs at Tongduchon (near Camp Casey) in late January to cement the "alliance" between the two units. During the Lunar New Year, Sol Nal, USFK and ROK units throughout Korea are sharing celebrations jointly. To skeptical outsiders, it simply looks like a photo op.

    On 1 May, leaders of the Federation of Korean Industries (FKI) paid a visit to the headquarters of the U.S. 2nd Infantry Division in Dongducheon, north of Seoul, to thank American forces for their service on the Korean Peninsula. In a meeting with John R. Wood, commander of the division, Son Kil-seung, chairman of the FKI, said realignment of U.S. troops in Korea requires enough time for consideration from a strategic viewpoint, as it is an important security issue not only for the Korean Peninsula but also for Northeast Asia. The visit is also timed after Maj Gen Soligan announced the U.S. intention to relocate ALL the USFK forces to Pyongtaek/Osan and Taegu/Busan. The meeting scheduled in Hawaii May 6-8 was cancelled till the end of the month pending President Roh's trip to Washington. It also is trying to stall the relocation which it opposes as it wants the USFK to remain as "tripwires" in case of a North Korean attack. The photo op continued.

    There was only SILENCE from the MND during the anti-American protests at the bases (Jul-Dec 2002) -- not even provide public words of moral support. The MND only issued these statements of the "alliance" between the two countries only when it was apparent that there was a backlash from foreign countries growing. "Alliance" and "solidarity" has became the new catchwords for the MND and USFK leaders. The following is from Choson Ilbo on 30 Jan.

    Emotions Mixed in US Base Town Close to Front Line

    For the 37,000 United States troops in South Korea, rising tension over North Korea's nuclear ambitions comes at a time of heightened concern over anti-American sentiment as Seoul and Washington work to smooth their longstanding alliance.

    Dongducheon is 64 kilometers northeast of Seoul and is home to Camp Casey, just south of the Demilitarized Zone separating the two Koreas, which was the target of protests following the acquittals of two American soldiers whose armored vehicle struck and killed two local girls in June last year.

    These angry outbursts have died down in the new year, but emotions are mixed among GIs who are both homesick and excited to be in a foreign land that hosts the world's last Cold War frontier. While some complain about the restricted freedom brought on by last year's protests, others play down reports of harassment.

    "Some people will say stuff like that just because they don't like being in Korea and they'd rather go back home. But I myself have personally never, I don't know anybody that has, none of my friends have and I never have," notes one soldier.

    Then there are those who acknowledged the occasional verbal harassment off-base but take it in their stride; "No. It happens everywhere. It happens in America, it happens here. So it don't bother me really too much," added a GI.

    Though feelings are just as varied on the Korean side of this US base town, with American soldiers being the prime customers at bars, restaurants and other shops many Koreans want to put tensions behind and make a living. 50-year-old Song Ki-soon has been selling sports wear for 13 years here and she says business has never been so bad. She says tempers flared when demonstrators showed up early this year, resulting in a scuffle with merchants who were losing revenue because of the protests as the controversy over the US forces pits Dongducheon's older generation, which is grateful for the U.S. role in building this town up from the ruins of war, against younger Koreans who want legal revisions that would give South Korea more say over the American troops serving on Korean soil.

    (Arirang TV)

    Most Americans were relieved that the violent nature of the anti-American demonstrations had disappeared from the on-going anti-War protests. The North Koreans had another explanation for the sudden calm. On 30 Jan the Korean Central News Agency wrote, "U.S. secret operation against S. Korea disclosed." According to the Rodong Sinmun accused the U.S. of having pushed forward a secret operation since last year to "quench the South Koreans' towering anti-Americanism." Supposedly the "secret propaganda plan of the U.S. Defense Department included operations to bribe South Korean media persons, build up public opinion in favour of the U.S. and organize pro-U.S. demonstrations, etc. This is an intolerable challenge and mockery of the South Koreans in their efforts to retake the national dignity and sovereignty usurped by the U.S. imperialists as it glaringly reveals the U.S. true colours as a kingpin of fabrication, trick, plot and terrorism." Supposedly, "The South Koreans are strongly demanding the U.S. clarify its secret operation plan and how it has been pushed forward and apologize for it." We wonder if this "secret plan" is the USFK's ``Good Neighbor Program'' started in January with a view to enhancing Korean people's perceptions and understanding of USFK.

    Signs of Changing U.S.-ROK Relationship: There was a dramatic breach in the "unified policy" on North Korea at the end of January. The following article in the New York Times on 23 Jan covers the breach where the U.S. laid out the policy and Seoul followed blindly. This is no longer the case.

    Seoul Looks to New Alliances

    By HOWARD W. FRENCH

    SEOUL, South Korea, Jan. 23 — For five decades, Washington's leadership in its alliance with South Korea went unchallenged. With 37,000 American troops in South Korea, many of them along the world's most heavily armed frontier, the United States called the tune and this country followed along.

    With startling speed over the last several weeks, that pattern has dissolved. The breach between Washington and Seoul could be seen on Wednesday, when John R. Bolton, the under secretary of state for arms control and international security, forcefully announced that he had forged a consensus that the issue of North Korea's nuclear weapons programs should be referred to the United Nations Security Council. Within hours, South Korean officials said just as forcefully that they had agreed on no such thing.

    The talk in Seoul in recent weeks has been of emerging from the shadow of the United States and of refocusing South Korea's foreign relations within its own region. Moreover, in violation of the ultimate taboo, there have been increasingly strong hints of interest here in a substantial reduction of the American military presence.

    In one recent speech, President-elect Roh Moo Hyun, whose election in December has driven much of the talk of change, said: "Although we don't know if it might take 10, 20 or 30 years, someone has to consider an independent defense. Senior military officials have to prepare a plan for a special emergency situation when the U.S. Army moves away."

    Washington appears to have been taken aback by the changing language in Seoul, just as it was by the weeks of anti-American demonstrations that swept this city during the election campaign and its aftermath.
    Looking back, Western diplomats and Korea analysts said that plenty of warning signs pointed to serious problems in the relationship, but that the United States, fixated on Iraq and inflexible in its approach to North Korea, paid them little heed.

    Now, American experts in East Asian affairs say, pique over South Korea's sudden assertiveness and umbrage over the long season of protests against the American troop presence have caused people in the Pentagon, and elsewhere in Washington, to contemplate a smaller force here.

    "There are major reports under preparation in the Pentagon about how to transform our presence," said Kurt M. Campbell, a former deputy assistant defense secretary who is an East Asia specialist at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington. "Generally speaking, it is hard for our senior military people to believe that we are not loved. We are doing God's work, and if people don't appreciate it there is something wrong with them."

    Some regional diplomatic analysts go so far as to compare the shifting relationship between the two countries to a runaway train, and to criticize each side for losing sight of its long-term interests, failing to hear its ally and falling prey to emotionally seductive ideas without thinking through their potentially monumental consequences. These analysts say the Bush administration is conspicuously lacking in high-level Korea experts, while Mr. Roh has never been to the United States.

    On the South Korean side, a weariness with being the seemingly always put-upon junior partner in a three-way alliance that includes Japan has driven plans for closer relations with China, a country with which Koreans have deep cultural links.


    While no one here speaks of cutting economic ties with the United States, the vision Mr. Roh brings to office is one of a regional economic community, or union, much as in Europe. Significantly, it would include North Korea, which Washington has been working hard to isolate because of its weapons programs. Inevitably, China would be the community's superpower.

    In immediate diplomatic terms, whatever Washington has in mind, Mr. Roh seems determined to accelerate the engagement strategy toward North Korea that was begun under the current president, Kim Dae Jung, and has been called the sunshine policy. Already, Mr. Roh plans to invite the North Korean leader, Kim Jong Il, for a second North-South summit meeting, and to seek ways to establish military confidence-building by scaling back the armed forces and examining each other's drills.

    "If North Korea responds to the outside world and abandons its nuclear program, South Korea will reward them beyond their own expectations," a senior adviser to the president-elect said this week.

    Scott Snyder, Korea representative of the Asia Foundation, a San Francisco-based research group that is partly financed by the United States government, said there had been a "paradigm shift" that revolved around two issues: "a changed South Korean view of the North, since sunshine policy, and a changing view of China."

    If South Koreans are feeling more self-confident, many experts warn against allowing giddiness to lead the country down the wrong path.

    "This is a real misreading of history," said Victor D. Cha, a Korea specialist at Georgetown University in Washington. "U.S.-Japan-Korea was a pretty winning formula for South Korea's development. Koreans are feeling assertive and are not in a mood to acknowledge this at the moment, but to place their bets on China, whose domestic institutions are not exactly transparent or stable, is wishful thinking."

    If anything, experts in Northeast Asian affairs are more scathing in their reaction to the calls in the United States to simply reduce the number of American troops here or withdraw them altogether.

    Less than four years ago, William S. Cohen, then the defense secretary, created a stir here when he proclaimed in a speech that the United States would like to retain a military presence in Korea, even after the North and South eventually unified. Mr. Cohen's remarks offended some Koreans at the time, but regional experts say they grew out of a sober assessment of the United States' interests in this part of the world.

    In terms of military doctrine, the 37,000 American troops here serve as a tripwire, meant to dissuade a North Korean attack more than to fight a war. Their presence radiates symbolic value, however, throughout the region, especially toward a fast-rising China.

    "This administration came into office warning about the rise of China, and we are stumbling into a situation where American interests throughout East Asia risk being compromised," said Joel Wit, a former State Department official who helped negotiate the 1994 arms control agreement with North Korea. "If America is seen as playing an active, positive role, it will be possible to contain these trends. That means dealing with the North Koreans in a way that tells the South Koreans that we have their interests at heart, too," Mr. Wit said. "In the absence of that, there will be more of a drift away from the United States."


    FEBRUARY 2003

    As the Lunar New Year came and went with great fanfare of the "solidarity" between the U.S. and its ROK counterparts in the "alliance." At Kunsan AB, the ROKAF held a ceremony and meal of traditional Korean foods for the Air Force personnel at Kunsan. The 31 Jan Wolf Pack Warrior had a feature with a photo captioned, "Col. Kwon, O Sung, 38th Fighter Group Commander, and Col. Timothy Byers, 8th Support Group commander, present offerings to ancestors, a traditional custom during Korean New Year. The commanders then performed a traditional bowing ceremony." Great photo opportunity and good for public relations...but is that all it is?

    Changes in U.S.-ROK Relationship in Future: In an article in the Korea Herald on 12 Feb, U.S. Ambassador Thomas Hubbard addressed a seminar on "50 Years of Korea-U.S. Alliance: Challenges and Vision," which was organized by the Institute of Foreign Affairs and National Security (IFANS), an affiliate of the Foreign Ministry. In it Hubbard reaffirmed the U.S. military presence in Korea and said that the defense chiefs of South Korea and the U.S. agreed last December to conduct a joint study of the future of the alliance to "ensure that our partnership responds to changed circumstances of the 21st century and to the increased sophistication and capabilities of our respective militaries." In other words, there is a review going on of the current relationship between the two countries to continue the "alliance" as "true equals." .

    However, what was interesting was the think-tank responses to the future U.S.-ROK relationship. Prof. Kim Sung-han of IFANS said the two countries should work toward forming "a comprehensive alliance" that covers political, economic and military aspects. Kim suggested that both sides "consolidate bilateral security forces and forge a comprehensive regional security alliance and strategic partnership as mid-and long-term measures." In other words, a partnership of equals where Korea would have a say in America's regional policy...something that will never fly...but something that Korea demands in its view of creating a "horizontal relationship" with the U.S.

    Kim also said there should be steps in which the U.S. side should "concede wartime operational control to the Korean side since North Korea does not recognize the South as the main party." In other words, the U.S. follow-on troops committed to bail out the Koreans in time of war under the Mutual Defense Treaty would be placed under the ROK control. This is a pipe-dream at best. Currently the North refuses to talk to the ROK as they are NOT a signatory of the Armistice agreement. Remember that the ROK does NOT want to talk of negotiating a separate armistice as then they must set down and settle the disputed boundaries -- both land and coastal waters. It is a nightmare that they are unprepared to face. They would rather talk about military superiority and continue the face-off.

    It was strange that Roh Moo-hyun in front of a body of KFTU (Korean Federation of Trade Unions) on 14 Feb stated that the U.S. was "bossy" and reiterated what was said before about the ROK not being able to control the military during the war. The strangeness of this statement is that Roh's security briefings prior to his becoming President most assuredly contained these details.

    Also note that immediately following this statement to the KFTU body, the Ministry of National Defense (MND) issued a statement that Roh's comments that he would not be in command of Korean forces in the event of a war on the peninsula were incorrect. This was reported in the Choson Ilbo. The MND said the Korea-US Combined Forces Command would have operational control of troops, but the president was in overall command of South Korean forces, and must approve specific operational plans and orders, and missions. They added the presidential authority devolves to the overall commander, who takes responsibility for all operations, logistics, administration and discipline, in achieving war aims. The United States assumed operational control of the combined forces in July 1950 right after war broke out, but this was returned to the ROK military in December 1994 for peacetime purposes. In time of war operational control goes to the commander of the CFC, but he receives directions from the NCMA, which is composed of the presidents, defense ministers and joint chiefs of staffs of the US and Korea.

    The great fear is that Roh's comments could invite the misunderstanding that Washington wields all authority on the Korean military during a war. Our comment is that this seems to be EXACTLY the false impresson that Roh intends to create in the mind of the public. It appears that he is attempting to create an issue in the minds of the Korean people that is actually a non-issue. This is a dangerous approach at best.

    On 18 Feb, Ambassador Hubbard admitted that the U.S. was considering a revision in the USFK in Korea, but assured Korea that the USFK would remain and fulfill the mutual defense treaty. (See 18 Feb Ambassador Hubbard for article. NOTE: Hubbard didn't mention that Korea has the only mutual defense treaty with America that must be authorized by the U.S. Congress -- it is not automatic.)

    Suddenly the think-tank folks at the Institute of Foreign Affairs and National Security (IFANS) warned that the United States may resume a review of a 12-year-old proposal for a three-stage pullout of troops from South Korea amid the growing perception that its forward-deployed troops are "hostages" in its nuclear standoff with North Korea. The institute said, "There is a possibility of (the United States) considering withdrawing ground troops (from South Korea) as suggested in the 'Nunn-Warner proposal.'"

    At the end of February, the feelings about Roh and his new administration are still mixed. The official line from the U.S. is that Colin Powell will visit him shortly after his inauguration, but "give him time" to formulate his policy towards North Korea. Roh on the other hand seems hell-bent to go his own way by scheduling a "mini-summit" with the Japanese Prime Minister immediately following his inauguration. Roh is viewed as a loose cannon, though he has attempted to tone down his anti-U.S. stance. However, he seems committed to embracing North Korea which puts him on a head-on collision with the U.S.

    An article in the New York Times on 23 Feb stated:

    U.S. Approach on North Korea Strains Alliances in Asia

    By HOWARD W. FRENCH

    SEOUL, South Korea, Feb. 23 — With little of the clamor generated by preparations for war with Iraq, the showdown between the United States and North Korea over that country's nuclear weapons program is severely testing Washington's oldest Asian alliances.

    In recent weeks, senior officials in officially pacifist Japan have spoken of mounting a "pre-emptive strike" against North Korea, if it appeared that the heavily armed Communist state intended to use its ballistic missiles against Japan.

    "Our nation will use military force as a self-defense measure if they start to resort to arms against Japan," said Defense Minister Shigeru Ishiba.

    For many Japanese commentators, Mr. Ishiba's statement was meant to draw attention to the fact that Japan in reality has no strike ability. More than as a credible threat against North Korea, it was intended to influence a debate that has gathered momentum during the administration of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi over giving the country's armed forces, which face sharp constitutional limits on their action, a larger role in the country's defense, and in making Japan a player in international security again.

    When Secretary of State Colin L. Powell arrives here on Monday for the inauguration of Roh Moo Hyun as president of South Korea, he will try to narrow differences with a man whose response to tensions with North Korea has been virtually the opposite of Japan's and, if anything, even more radical.

    Mr. Roh has given strong indications that he intends to accelerate South Korea's embrace of North Korea, even as the United States looks for ways to ratchet up pressure on North Korea.

    To the dismay of Washington, Mr. Roh has spoken in recent weeks of establishing an economic community with North Korea, stepping up trade, aid and investment there, ruling out economic sanctions and military strikes against the country and even of personally "guaranteeing" North Korea's security.

    The president-elect said he would replace the current armistice agreement with a treaty between the Koreas in order to ensure peace on the Korean Peninsula.

    "It is better to struggle than to suffer deaths in a war," Mr. Roh said in a speech to the Federation of Korean Trade Unions. "Koreans should stand together, although things will get difficult when the United States bosses us around."

    A senior South Korean diplomat said: "It looks like Roh is prepared to throw the alliance away and make common cause with North Korea. We don't understand why he seems to trust North Korea so completely."


    While Japan looks nervously at North Korea and is beginning to explore ways to augment its alliance with the United States, South Koreans and experts in this country's affairs are contemplating the end of the five-decade-old alliance between the countries, at least as it has existed, with 37,000 American troops on the front lines here.

    "The Japanese are on the spot because the U.S. alliance with South Korea is defunct, and there is no point in insisting on it any more," said Robyn Lim, a regional security expert at Nanzan University in Japan. "The U.S. alliance with Japan is integrally linked with the U.S. alliance with South Korea. Indeed, since the Korean War, the American presence in South Korea has been as much about protecting Japan as it was about South Korea."

    Increasingly, the United States is on the spot in South Korea, as well. Mr. Roh, a liberal labor lawyer with almost no international experience, began appointing relatively conservative aides to his national security team today, in what appeared to be a bid to reassure Washington.

    He has also distanced himself from the anti-American protests that occurred here throughout the December electoral campaign and seemed to favor his candidacy. Most important, after campaigning for a "more equitable" alliance with the United States, he has said that he sees a place for American troops in this country, even after the two Koreas are united.

    There are already signs of a deep distrust of Mr. Roh in the Bush administration. American military officials here say plans are being drawn up to remove thousands of American troops from positions along the demilitarized zone between South and North Korea, and to close the headquarters of American forces in Korea at Yongsan, in the heart of the Seoul, as rapidly as possible.

    In a private conversation here last week, a senior American military analyst here said there were profound doubts about what the new South Korean government would do if the United States struck at North Korea's nuclear facilities.

    Referring to North Korea's leader, the analyst said: "Kim Jong Il would probably attack our troops on the DMZ and then pick up the phone to Roh and say: `If the Americans retaliate, I will have to strike back again. We don't want to kill Koreans, but the Americans' Yongsan base is in the middle of your capital. You must do something to stop the Americans.' "

    Under such circumstances, the analyst said, Washington would have little confidence in Mr. Roh, who has said he would never support the use of force against North Korea.

    Just as the United States is rumored to be contemplating moving its military bases out of Germany, there has been a great deal of talk here, still unofficial but inconceivable even a few months ago, about a possible phase-out of the American military presence in this country.

    "As both our forces have modernized, the possibilities for a new division of roles have grown," said the United States ambassador, Thomas C. Hubbard, in a recent speech here, in which he reaffirmed the American interest in retaining troops here.

    South Koreans have paid close attention to the recent rift between Washington and its traditional European allies, Germany and France, and many complain that the talk of an American withdrawal is fed by the petulance of a United States that is not accustomed to Asian allies articulating a strong vision of their own security interests.

    "Should the United States give up Korea so easily?" said Paik Hak Sun, director of Inter-Korean Studies Program at the Sejong Institute, an independent policy group. "An American rivalry with China is inevitable. Japan will always be a close ally of the United States, for fear of China, but the Korean Peninsula is a lot closer to China, and if the U.S. can keep its troops here it can counter China better and compete for the friendship of the Korean people."

    Possibility of US Withdrawal: In February the government continued to try to head off the hard-feelings against Korea that was surfacing throughout America. There were conflicting reports of these meetings from the Korean representatives. Representative Ham Seung-hee of the Millennium Democratic Party (MDP), visited the U.S. on January 26 and met with 23 American senators and representatives, as well as government officials including US Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs James Kelly. Rep. Ham stated on 3 Feb that USFK withdrawal was being actively discussed in the U.S. by the government and Congress and that there was a "strong possibility of a USFK withdrawal." He said the Americans he met did not seem to think the candlelight demonstrations were a problem by themselves, but the Korean government's attitude towards them was. However, MDP Chairman Hahn Hwa-kap, who led the party delegation to the United States, denied such remarks from U.S. officials.

    The following is from the Choson Ilbo on Jan 30:

    US Politicians: USFK Would Leave if Asked

    by Kang In-sun (insun@chosun.com)

    WASHINGTON - Millennium Democratic Party (MDP) leader Han Hwa-kap who is visiting Washington DC said Wednesday (KST) that a number of American politicians said the United States Forces Korea would leave whenever Korea requests a withdrawal. Hahn told a group of Korean correspondents that after meeting with some ten senators and representatives, he had received the impression that American politicians were more interested in the USFK issue, than the North Korean nuclear problem, and that certain politicians had very strong opinions on the subject.

    The MDP party chief said that during his visit, the subject was brought up naturally, while before it had been taboo to mention the problem and that American politicians were worried about the [anti-American] attitude shown by the next administration during the presidential election. The MDP leader said that he had explained that President-elect Roh Moo-hyun would lead the economic and social development of Korea through solid Korea-America relations for peace on and development of the Korean peninsula.

    Han, who is in the US to participate in the 'Asia-America Network' events met with eight senators including Republican Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist, Republican Senators John Warner and Chuck Hagel, Democratic Senator Hilary Clinton, and three representatives including Republican Congressman Speaker J. Dennis Hastert, on Monday and Tuesday. On Wednesday, he will plan to meet with government officials including United States Assistant Deputy Secretary of State James Kelly.

    During recent "fence mending" trips to the U.S. by Korean politicians in January, Secretary of Defense Rumsfield was alleged to have made comments that the U.S. would withdraw U.S. troops if Korea did not want them there. According to the Pentagon in February, Rumsfeld DID mention that the United States can withdraw its forces if the South Korean people so desire, though added that is a very general remark. Seoul officials played down the remarks saying that it is based on a presumption of Seoul's consent. They worried that the controversies concerning the troop reduction will have a negative influence on the Seoul-Washington alliance, which is essential in resolving the North's nuclear issue. They also stated that Rep. Chyung Dai-chul, President-elect Roh Moo-hyun's special envoy, did not discuss the issue when he met Rumsfield face-to-face.

    Amidst all the denies of a potential U.S. pullout, on 7 Feb, the Korea Times ran an article stating that Rumsfield DID say the U.S. was willing to pullout IF THE SOUTH KOREAN PEOPLE WANTED IT.

    Rumsfeld Tells Seoul US May Pull Out Forces: Report

    The U.S. has notified South Korea of its willingness to withdraw its military from South Korea if such a request is placed by the South Korean side, MBC television reported yesterday.

    Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld, during a meeting on Monday with President-elect Roh Moo-hyun’s special envoy Chyung Dai-chul, told him of Washington’s intention to initially implement a gradual cutback of forces and redeployment of ground troops to the rear, the network said.

    ``I agree to the views being spread in South Korea on the removal of U.S. Forces Korea, and the U.S. is willing and ready to do that,’’ Rumsfeld was quoted as saying.

    The defense secretary went on to say that he is willing to take any measure regarding the USFK that is what the South Korean public wants, the MBC report said, quoting anonymous sources.

    To begin with, Rumsfeld requested that Washington and Seoul start discussing the transfer of USFK bases north of the Han River, including the main Yongsan Base, to locations south of Pyongtaek, some 70 kilometers south of Seoul.

    Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz relayed nearly identical views in a separate meeting with Chang Young-dal, chairman of the national defense committee at the National Assembly Tuesday.

    By Seo Soo-min
    Staff Reporter

    The main point was the "SOUTH OF THE HAN RIVER" comment. If there was a full pull-back of all USFK forces from the DMZ, the Unified Command would then shift to the ROK. Unfortunately, the ROK is NOT a signatory to the Armistice so it has a technical problem of heading up a United Nations Command unit. This problem was demonstrated in 1992 when a ROK General was to assume the Combined Command leadership -- and therefore negotiator with the North at Panmunjon. It was immediately rejected by the North for the reasons stated -- it was not a signatory to the Armistice. Shortly thereafter the ROK pulled out of the Combined Command and assumed control of its forces in peacetime operations as a move that was publicized as planned under the 1990 Nunn-Warner initiative.

    Thus the only logical scheme for the future is that the USFK move of MOST of its troops south of the Han River, but leave SOME on the DMZ. Thus the USFK would still maintain the Wartime responsibility -- and Korea would retain its demanded tripwire -- and the USFK forces would still remain hostage. Thus the key element is "how many" will be left. Only a handful of troops would not be considered a "tripwire" while a thousand troops might. The movement out of Yongsan would be handled under the MOU signed in 1990, but never implemented by the ROK as they did not want to come up with the money.

    To further complicate matters for the ROK was that all the activists' arguments of how much the ROK was spending to keep the Americans in Korea would blow up in their faces. The movement of the USFK off of the DMZ will entail about a $20 billion dollar increase for the ROK as it picks up the burden -- something that the Ministry of National Defense kept its mouth shut about as the activists foamed at the mouth heaping venom on the USFK in 2002. These costs have been well-documented over the years by advocates for removing the U.S. forces from Korea. One can probably expect the same type of misinformation being spread again if this becomes the hot issue of the Spring 2003 offensive to replace the accident with two girls as the cause celebre.

    The South Korean government was now in a panic to head off anti-Americanism. On 8 Feb, the South Korean government discounted any talk of a U.S. troop pullout. In a Korea Herald article, South Korean officials stated that the Seoul government had not discussed with the U.S. government a possible withdrawal of American troops. Defense and Foreign ministries flatly denied the reports. Some South Korean media had reported that U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld said Washington was willing to pull American troops out of Korea when he met President-elect Roh Moo-hyun's special envoy, Rep. Chyung Dai-chul. In response, Chyung stated, "I am the one who met with Rumsfeld. He did not mention a withdrawal or reduction of U.S. forces stationed in the South. ... Cheney did not make such a comment, either." He said Rumsfeld suggested that the two countries discuss relocating some American military bases in populated areas including the Yongsan Base in downtown Seoul, as well as the Land Partnership Plan, a pact on land use related to the U.S. military presence here. Defense Ministry stressed there have been no discussions (though they kept up consultations) between the two sides on paring down the 37,000 American soldiers here since a number of troops was withdrawn in 1991 under Phase I of the Nunn-Warner initiative.

    On 7 Feb the Choson Ilbo ran an article of the discussions to relocate the USFK bases with the "envoy" from President-elect Roh's transition team, Yoon Yeong-kwan. The discussions were to relocate the bases north of the Han River to the south and reviewing the Land Partnership Plan (LPP). (See Land Partnership Plan (2002).) The point that the South Koreans are missing -- at least not wanting to talk about -- is the public recognition by the Rumsfield that the U.S. troops on the DMZ are "hostage" to any dispute between North and South. These troops act only as a "tripwire" because of the South Korean demands for them to be there -- not the USFK. From a global perspective, it is very exceptional to have US troops so forward deployed in an area of conflict. However, relocating them south would be a massive change in the topography of the security of the Korean peninsula. For the present, the Pentagon's official stance is that raising the issue of the U.S. troop withdrawal can present a misleading sign to North Korea.

    Plan to Relocate USFK Bases Discussed

    by Kim Chang-kyun (ck-kim@chosun.com)

    Senior Bush Administration officials, including Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, suggested discussing the relocation of United States Forces Korea bases located north of the Han River to the south of it with the South Korean delegation sent to Washington by President-elect Roh Moo-hyun, it was learned Friday.

    Currently in Japan following the Washington visit, Yoon Yeong-kwan, Presidential Transition Committee's secretary for foreign affairs, unification, and national security, said that Secretary Rumsfeld brought up the issue of reviewing the existing Land Partnership Plans during a meeting on Tuesday, proposing relocation of Yongsan Base which is currently located in densely populated area. Yun responded the issue could be discussed between Washington and the next government's minister of national defense.

    Meanwhile, delegation head Chyung Dai-chul said at a press conference with Korean correspondents in Washington Wednesday that Secretary Rumsfeld requested the Roh administration's cooperation in relocating USFK bases north of the Han, when emphasizing rebalancing the two countries' alliance. Chyung added that Secretary of State Colin Powel also mentioned the relocation plan, as well as USFK commander General Leon J. LaPorte, prior to the delegation's departure to Washington.

    Chyung reconfirmed Washington's position in a radio interview Friday, and denied some media reports that Secretary Rumsfeld had said Washington would pull forces from Korea if Koreans don't want its presence, calling it false information, and added that the defense secretary never said this.

    On 16 Feb, the line of thought of relocating the USFK forces south away from the DMZ was resurfaced. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld remarked to the Senate Armed Services Committee on 13 Dec that he wanted to shift US forces away from Seoul and the DMZ. He also stated that "perhaps" this would lead to the removal of some of the 37,000 USFK troops because of improved manpower transportation capabilities, the size of the USFK could be reduced. Rumsfield envisioned US Forces in Korea might in the future, be more oriented toward air and naval hubs. Specifically this would mean the area near Pusan proposed under the LPP and an unspecified "air hub." However, he said that these were not final plans, but President-elect Roh Moo-hyun had requested the US to study the bilateral relations and realignment would be conferred on with the new administration. Rumsfield stated, "It is quite clear to me that ... the deployments we have, for example, in Korea can be reviewed in cooperation with the South Korean government."

    Conservative Korean opinion was now in a panic. A 15 Feb Choson Ilbo Editorial stated, "Having US troops along the DMZ is a military and psychological statement to North Korea that cannot be calculated in financial terms. If you think of the astronomical cost of security that we would have to bear should the USFK leave, you realize how irresponsible and dangerous it has been for some in our society to claim that the US has been here entirely because of American needs. In addition it is clear that this issue will be a massive blow to the domestic economy. Foreign capital has become the largest source of investment in Korean industry; if it were to take flight for fears about stability, the results would be catastrophic. Roh says that we "must be determined even should the economy have difficulty," but with this we cannot agree. One wonders how he can talk as if he's telling the country to prepare itself for hard economic times before being sworn in, and without ample explanation as to what he means or plans about what he's going to do about it." The Korean political lines were being quickly drawn. The GNP would favor the U.S. remaining in Korea while the MDP would be on the opposite side.

    Army General Leon LaPorte, commander of U.S. forces in South Korea, stated that the USFK had been studying the alignment of American forces on the peninsula for months. He admitted that the time has come for Seoul and Washington to reassess their military alliance. On 20 Feb in a speech at a seminar here sponsored by South Korean and U.S. military and research organizations, Gen. Leon J. LaPorte of the U.S. Forces Korea (USFK) said the alliance "must grow and evolve." "We can improve the alliance by closely examining the roles, missions, command relationship, force structure, and stationing of our respective forces in order to reflect current and future capabilities of our two nations," the commander said as he spoke on the sensitive issue soon to be put to bilateral negotiations. He also said, “In the future, the both countries will develop the new operation concept based on the changed world security strategy, and we will actively use the improved abilities of both Armies, advanced military techniques, and operation precept from other fighting areas.” He, then added, “Although the interests of Korea and US cannot be one, but they can be harmonized,” and “since the Secretaries of Defense of both counties formed a council to study the future of the Korea US alliance at the Security Consultative Meeting(SCM) in the end of last year, I hope it can develop as a fair alliance.” The following is from the Korea Herald of 21 Feb:

    Rebalancing military alliance

    The U.S. military commander in Seoul said yesterday that South Korea and the United States will devise a new model for the combined operations of the two sides' militaries after President-elect Roh Moo-hyun takes office Feb. 25.

    "I firmly believe we have a window of opportunity to transform the ROK-U.S. alliance during the formative stage of President Roh's administration," said Gen. Leon J. LaPorte, commander of the U.S. Forces Korea (USKF).

    LaPorte said both sides can strengthen the alliance by closely examining the roles, missions, command relationship, force structure, and stationing of the respective forces in order to reflect current and future capabilities of the two nations.

    The commander was delivering a keynote speech at an international conference, which was sponsored by the Heritage Foundation of the United States, the Korean Institute for Defense Analyses and the Korea-U.S. Exchange Council. The two-day seminar at the Seoul Plaza Hotel will end today.

    "These operational concepts will take advantage of our vastly improved capabilities, advanced military technologies, and lessons learned from other theaters to implement an effects-based strategy," he said. Seoul and Washington will begin in April their consultations on the realignment of 37,000 U.S. troops stationed here when they open the first meeting of their joint consultative body on the future of the alliance.

    "The interests of the ROK and the United States can never be identical, but they can be harmonious," he said.

    LaPorte confirmed that both sides will review basic tenets of the 1953 Mutual Defense Treaty, a pact aimed at protecting South Korea from any threat from the North.

    "One thing is certain. This review will not take away the vital element of confidence necessary for both nations to ensure and maintain deterrence on the peninsula," he noted.

    Peter Brookes, director of the Asian Studies Center at the Heritage Foundation, said that South Korea and the United States should respect each other's position even if they hold different policies on North Korea.

    "Seoul and Washington should ensure that if they decide to employ different policies to deal with North Korea, neither country will undermine the other to promote or justify its own policy," Brookes said. The director added, "Both countries should recognize that while their methods may be different, their goal is the same: a peaceful, prosperous, unified Korean Peninsula."

    (shj@koreaherald.co.kr)
    By Seo Hyun-jin Staff reporter

    (SITE NOTE: Korea has now backed itself into a corner with the THREAT of a mutual defense review. The Mutual Defense Treaty of 1953 is the ONLY mutual defense treaty the U.S. has that the Congress must approve intervention. The reason is the actions of Syngman Rhee who never agreed to an armistice with North Korea. This situation has continued till today where the South remains technically at war with the North. Roh's unrealistic response was that he would seek a PEACE TREATY with the North to substitute for the Armistice. As the South was never a signatory to the 1953 Armistice, this will be an interesting proposal -- and one which the North will reject. Remember the regime of Kim Jong-Il only remains in power because of the war threat from the south. If the threat is gone, Kim Jong-Il is gone. Thus the proposal sounds idealistic and simple, but in reality it is a deceptive ploy that ends nowhere.)

    Rushing to head off panic, Seoul announced that Rumsfield's comments did not mean the USFK was going to be reduced automatically. However, it was stated that realignment or force reduction was a foreseen movement, and negotiations will be centered on keeping defense abilities at current levels. Working level talks were expected to start with the visit of Department of Defense official Richard Lawless, between February 25 to 27. ROK officials said that there might be the possibility of a "cross wind" blowing at these talks, over the American-flag burning anti-Americanism in Korea, and for the incoming administration's "reassessing atmosphere" of the Korea-America alliance.

    The Ministry of National Defense said that there had been no specific agreements with its American counterpart and said a meeting on the future of the alliance was being set for March or April, and that it hoped that USFK issues will be dealt with every quarter through the commencement of this meeting.

    However, on 18 Feb Ambassador Hubbard confirmed that there was movement in the way of realignment of the USFK forces in Korea. This was all part of the "on-going" reevaluation that was announced in January and brought to a head by President-elect Roh's call for Washington to study the relationship between the two countries and propose ways to "rebalance" it." The ambassador said, "There is definitely room for changes in our alliance." "Our alliance not only should be balanced, it must be seen as being so."

    Hubbard confirms plan to realign forces in Korea

    The top U.S. envoy in Seoul confirmed yesterday Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld's recent statement that stressed the need for the realignment of 37,000 U.S. troops stationed in South Korea.

    "As both our forces have modernized, the possibilities for a new division of roles have grown," Amb. Thomas Hubbard said in a forum of the Alumni Association of the Advanced Management Program at Seoul National University.

    He also added that the two countries will review how many U.S. troops are required in South Korea in line with a new international security order demanding more reliance on troop mobility.


    The envoy's remarks came after Rumsfeld said before the U.S. Senate Armed Services Committee last week that the United States will discuss readjusting the roles of U.S. troops in the South with the incoming Seoul government.

    The defense secretary mentioned possibly cutting the number of U.S. ground troops. He said Washington will focus on reinforcing the Air Force and Navy, with U.S. troops to be withdrawn from Seoul and from areas south of the Demilitarized Zone.

    Hubbard reaffirmed the U.S. commitment to defend the security of South Korea in accordance with a mutual military alliance, saying the United States is not considering pulling all of its troops out of South Korea. But the ambassador said, "There is definitely room for changes in our alliance," and, "Our alliance not only should be balanced, it must be seen as being so."

    He was apparently referring to South Korean President-elect Roh Moo-hyun's call for Washington to study the relationship between the two countries and propose ways to "rebalance" it. Roh reportedly delivered the position to top U.S. officials when his envoy visited Washington early this month.

    On North Korea's nuclear threat, the U.S. diplomat emphasized that the issue should be resolved through a multilateral body including South Korea, China, Japan and Russia, rather than bilateral talks between Washington and Pyongyang.

    "Such a multilateral dialogue could offer Pyongyang a way out of its self-imposed isolation and a way to improve the lives of its people," he said. "Regrettably, Pyongyang has turned a deaf ear to this call."

    (shinyb@koreaherald.co.kr)
    By Shin Yong-bae Staff reporter

    South Korea and the United States was slated begin talks in April 2003 on reducing and the repositioning of U.S. troops in Korea. The talks, agreed upon at last year's Security Consultative Meeting, will be led by defense ministries of the two countries and held on a quarterly basis.

    Roh is in agreement that the USFK at Yongsan should be relocated outside the Seoul area, but he does NOT agree that they should relocate south to Pusan. He is also against the removal of USFK forces on the DMZ and relocation to a southern area -- especially a location as far south as Pusan.

    However, nothing has been agreed upon as yet as to the exact location of the new bases South of the Han River. On 24 Feb, the TV news broadcast coverage of the movement of the USFK forces at Yongsan to some flood plains along the Han River. The Koreans intend to keep the USFK near Seoul to act as a "hostage to negotiations" and "tripwire" in case of North Korean attack. To make this work they are going to offer the undeveloped flood plains south of Seoul -- a very bad location. This is a pipedream like the unrealistic offer by Pusan in 1993 to give undeveloped flood plains to the USFK in an even exchange for Camp Hialeah. The coverage was such that it made it appear the U.S. had already agreed to this. This is not true. We believe the biased media is starting to build a false case of "look at how the Americans lied" when the U.S. refuses this ridiculous offer.

    Deputy Assistant Defense Secretary for East Asia Richard Lawless met with the Ministry of National Defense (MND) on 26-28 Feb to arrange the basic framework for the meeting on South Korea-U.S. alliance policy slated in April and relay Washington's position on the changes in the Korea-U.S. alliance. In the meetings, nothing concrete was discussed -- only broad issues and settle the agenda for the April meeting. In the meeting with South Korean defense counterparts, Lawless relayed Washington's position on adjustments to the Korea-U.S. alliance, such as readjustment of the U.S. Forces in Korea in size and makeup. In April, the discussions on the relocation of the Yongsan Garrison and the possible reduction or reshuffle of the United States Forces Korea (USFK) will be undertaken.

    On 27 Feb, the MND announced that Defense Policy Director Cha Yeong-gu and United States Undersecretary of Defense for East Asia Richard Lawless had discussed the agenda and dates for the joint policy consultation on the future Korea-America alliance to be held in April. Changes in the Korea-America alliance, the relocation and reduction of United States Forces Korea, and alterations in the line of command were addressed at the meeting. Two bases in urban areas; Uijeongbu and Dongducheon will be moved south of the Han River initially, and the Yongsan Base in Seoul will be moved within four years, instead of the eight years, which had been set previously.

    At this point, people should be reminded how these same plans exploded in everyone's faces between 1991-1993 when Pyongtaek refused to accept more military within their city; Osan was not large enough to accomodate all the people from the 8th Army relocation; and Pusan offered a ridiculous offer to get Camp Hialeah in exchange for a flood plain with no infrastructure. The government wants them to relocate to the Pyongtaek area but remember that in 1990 and the mayor and populace of Pyongtaek flatly said "NO!!!"

    The relocation issue first surfaced in the 1980s, and in 1990 South Korea and the U.S. drew out a memorandum of agreement to move Yongsan base somewhere else. In 1993 the grandiose plans to relocate the Yongsan Garrison was shelved indefinitely because the KOREAN GOVERNMENT did not want to pay an estimated $10 billion for the relocation. The situation has not changed in Korean minds...but the situation has definitely changed in the mind of the USFK. The meeting in April will tell whether the U.S. has learned from the behavior of the Koreans over this same issue in the past. (See 1990: Return of Yongsan to Korea.)

    On 26 Feb the activists protesting outside Yongsan demanded the U.S. pay for the full cost of the relocation as in their view the U.S. was in Korea for its own purposes -- and not for the defense of Korea. The NGO groups may attempt to make this the new focus for anti-Americanism in Korea in spring when protests start up again.

    As in 1990, the Americans still continue to seek ways to disengage from the Korean conflict without weakening the military resolve. The Koreans want to grow strong, but the Americans want to limit their offensive capabilities. This contradiction has resulted in some interesting developments. On one hand, the Koreans want the Americans to go and on the other, they want them to stay. Likewise, the Americans want to leave, but as the Philippines is closed to them and the Japanese antipathy increased -- along with Japanese demands for shrinking their presence in Japan -- they are forced to remain in Korea. However, if the Bush's new vision of a mobile military is put into place, the presence of the stationary force in Korea -- and partially in Japan -- is eliminated. All of these factors enter into reshaping old elements into a new cold-war military strategy for Northern Asia.

    Base Movement Plan to Be Ready by May

    by Yoo Yong-won (kysu@chosun.com)

    Cha Young-gu, the policy planning bureau director at the Ministry of National Defense, stated Monday that the Initial Master Plan written by Korea and the United States Forces Korea on moving its Yongsan Base will be completed by the end of May. Cha added that the plan will become the basis for estimating costs and searching for base sites, which will be completed by the end of the year.

    Cha also stated that the site for the army base will most probably be located between Seoul and Daejeon. Osan, Pyeongtaek, Seongnam, and Suwon are being discussed as the most probable sites for the base and the cost for moving the base will be between US$3 and US$5 billion, less than the original US$10 to US$20 billion projection.

    The ministry and USFK entrusted an American service company with the study of the requirements for moving the Yongsan base last December, and are examining the current facilities and moving costs. The MND, with the president's approval, will work closely with the Seoul Metropolitan Office, the Ministry of Finance and Economy, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade once the plan is completed, promoting the plan from a pan-governmental level.

    Cha added in regards to the moving costs that it would be appropriate for the government to pay the cost since moving the base fulfills the demands of Koreans, and the USFK is accommodating such demands. The memorandum of agreement (MOA) that was signed by Korea and the US in 1990 includes a statement on Korea paying moving costs. However, civic organizations have demanded that the US pay some or all the cost.

    Cha suggested that once discussions between the ministry and the USFK are held on the Korea-US alliance and the future of US troops in Korea in April, the Land Partnership Plan (LPP) as well as the base issue might be changed according to the results.

    The Yongsan relocation plan will probably be finalized by the end of this year according to the Ministry of Defense. A special South Korea-U.S. task force on the issue has already discussed the issue. Both the USFK and Korea have commissioned studies on the base relocation and hope to produce an initial master plan by the end of May. Seoul and Washington will then negotiate on the terms of the base relocation. The next step will be winning approval from the National Assembly and forming a team of various government bodies involved.

    The Defense Ministry official said South Korea will likely assume the full cost for the relocation, which experts have estimated to be between $3-5 billion since the relocation is carried out due to Seoul’s, not Washington’s, needs. Sources said the main U.S. military base will likely be put somewhere between south of the Han River and north of Taejon 140 kilometers away from the capital.

    On 28 Feb, the new Defense Minister Cho Young-kil warned against any drastic change in the military alliance between South Korea and the United States. Cho said, "I don't think we have any factors which will change the Korea-U.S. alliance." The defense minister said the issue of U.S. troop withdrawal or any other reorganization of U.S. forces here should be dealt with in a cautious manner from the national strategic standpoint. Now that the wheels are in motion, the MND is seeking to slow its course. The major worry is the costs of relocation as well as additional costs to the defense budget once the USFK is pulled back and the ROK must fill the void. The worst case scenario would entail the US leaving Korea entirely and the Korean defense budget would have to increase by $20 billion to maintain the same level of defense -- and still relying heavily on the US promise that it will come to its defense if attacked. (SITE NOTE: The Mutual Defense Treaty of 1953 requires the U.S. Congress approval to enter the fray unlike other automatic mutual defense treaties as in Europe.) The most reasonable scenario will be that the USFK will close Uijongbu and Dongduchon installations and leave some units on the DMZ. These are all open for discussion in April ALONG WITH the US insistence that the ROK increase its share of defense expenditures.

    Candlelight Vigil Demonstrations Continue: The anti-American tone of the candlelight vigils died down greatly after the New Years and was superceded by the anti-War movement. The political climate has changed and though the Korean people still feel strongly over this issue, there is a growing movement to suppress any anti-USFK sentiment.

    There have been small protests such one held on 22 Feb near the U.S. embassy. Die-hard NGO groups continue to attempt to keep the momentum alive on this protest aimed at the USFK. The NGO groups have tried to keep this alive by attempting to bring the suit into the U.S. courts. However, there is not much substance to the case -- and would be quickly thrown out of civil courts in America. (See Civil Suit for details.)



    Protest Candlelight Vigil (22 Feb 03)

    Small scale anti-American demonstrations have been held, but most tie in the threat to North Korea with the potential War on Iraq. There are a lot of mixed messages in these demonstrations. For example, on 24 Feb, there was an anti-U.S. protest against Secretary of State Colin Powell, due to attend Roh's inauguration, near the U.S. embassy. On sign portrayed Powell as "Addicted on War: North Korea, Iraq." The signs said "No War for Oil" but it was mixed in with "We Oppose Powell's Visit to Seoul."

    Comfort Women Demonstration: Though the anti-American demonstrations have virtually disappeared overnight primarily due to the inclement winter weather, protests are still occurring. The protests over the comfort women resurfaced again with a small demonstration in Seoul held on 7 Feb by comfort women demanding compensation from Japan. Another rally was held on 12 Feb. (See OhMy News for photos of rally.) The position of Japan on the comfort women issue is that the 1963 normalization treaty and reparations at that time absolved Japan of any further litigation. The issue is over compensation for the injustice done to them after all these years. Japan recruited these women in WWII and then turned them into sex-slaves to "service" the Japanese Army throughout Asia. The fight for these women's just compensation continues in Korea and Japan through human rights NGO groups.


    Comfort Women Demonstration (7 Feb 03)

    Yongsan Removal Demonstration: On 22 Feb, NGO groups protested the building of new apartment structures on Yongsan to accomodate the families. According to a Reuters news report, "Dozens of protesters demanded the United States give up its army bases in South Korea and withdraw their 37,000 troops from Korean peninsula." Seoul City government wants the land badly to construct a park, but until the USFK moves out of Yongsan, it is on a hold indefinitely. Under the latest developments in USFK-ROK relations, there has been more talk of the USFK moving out of Seoul -- but it is all dependent on Korea providing new lands. The NGO groups want an immediate halt to all USFK construction and are protesting the provisions of the Land Partnership Plan as well. Primary NGO protest group is Green Korea. On 26 Feb, another small group protested outside Yongsan stating the "fact" that an overpass was constructed and the apartment construction had started indicated the USFK had no intention of leaving. The group also wanted the USFK to pay for the move in its entirety.

    The following is an excerpt from Jan 2002 Special Press Summary: Land Partnership Plan and Yongsan Relocation: Executive Summary.



    1. Assessment: The U.S is facing two issues on its continued presence in South Korea: much needed apartment construction for its military personnel and the eventual consolidation and relocation of some bases under the Land Partnership Plan (LPP). Although U.S. Forces Korea (USFK) has made tremendous efforts to clarify the situation that the LPP, including Yongsan relocation, is a separate issue from the more urgent need to construct military apartments, opposition groups have focused on possible construction on Yongsan to spearhead their Anti-US protests. Any construction there will be seen as a delay in relocation and a sign that Yongsan may never be returned, spurring further protest of overall U.S. presence in Korea. Complicating this will be continued refusal by alternate sites to accept Yongsan relocation to their neighborhoods for fear of increasing social and environmental concerns. Careful negotiation and astute political maneuvering is need to prevent further complications.

    2. Summary: In May 1989, the U.S. and the Republic of Korea (ROK) signed a Memorandum of Understanding agreeing to transfer Yongsan base out of Seoul by the end of 1996. The two nations signed the agreement in 1991, but failed to narrow their differences about relocation. Suspicions that North Korea was covertly developing nuclear weapons and the overall cost of relocation (as much as $9.5 billion) hamstrung the initiative. On 15 November 2001, during the 33rd ROK - U.S. Security Consultative Meeting (SCM), ROK Minister of National Defense Kim Dong Shin and U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld met and discussed the LPP and subsequently agreed on the need to expedite consultations based on the Letter of Intent signed at the SCM. The 10-year plan calls for 15 of the United States' 41 installations to close with forces being consolidated onto 26 enduring installations with no reduction in the number of troops on the peninsula. The amount of land that will be returned to the ROK represents nearly 60 percent of the 65,000 acres currently occupied by USFK, or 12 percent of the remaining land granted to USFK following the Korean War. The formal signing of the plan is scheduled for 15 March 2002. Yongsan Apartment Construction - While the LPP has received press coverage, including the plan to reduce the U.S. Forces "footprint" on the Peninsula, the main focus of reporting has been on the possible construction of U.S. military apartments on Yongsan. Opposition groups have touted the possible construction as evidence that the U.S. is intent on maintaining Yongsan with an underlying scheme to permanently station its forces on the Peninsula and prepare Korea for inclusion in the U.S.'s Missile Defense Plan. While President Kim is in favor of the apartment construction, politicians appear to be split. Seoul officials appear to be against construction, claiming the area is a "green zone" and hoping to expedite the return of the base to the city. Press reporting indicates that the Korean Veteran's Association along with 57 other groups are in favor of construction to support U.S. forces. Yongsan Relocation - Reporting indicates that the ruling Millennium Democratic Party is in favor of Yongsan relocation while the opposition Grand National Party is more cautious. Seoul city leaders have said USFK and the Defense Ministry shirked a 1990 promise to move forces out of Yongsan by 1996. They appear to have their eyes on the base's prime real estate and plan to build a city hall at Yongsan whenever the land is vacated. Representatives of some alternative sites are opposed to relocation to their neighborhoods because of expected social and environment problems experienced by current bases. Cost of the relocation is also an issue with some groups saying that the ROK should not fund it because of the current financial crisis. Meanwhile, North Korean reporting continues to be negative toward any U.S. presence on the Peninsula.

    Prepared on: 31 January 2002


    Yongsan Demonstration against USFK Apartment Construction (22 Feb 03)

    Other Demonstrations: Other demonstrations have been by farmers over the farm subsidy cuts by the government. President-elect Roh made it plain that he felt the farmers had caused much of the problems in this area. These protests have been relatively small as compared to the WTO demonstration of 2002.

    There have been small protests from foreign workers -- many of them illegal workers -- who wish to be granted greater rights and protection when working in Korea. Many have been cheated or not compensated for injuries. Medical insurance and other basic benefits have been denied to these workers -- most of whom are from Southwest Asian countries (Bangledesh, Pakistan, etc.). The organizers are Seoul Church groups who sympathetic to the plight of these illegal workers.

    Other demonstrations have been political calling for the release of political prisoners -- especially students activists jailed as "spies" after they were found to have direct links to North Korea. These protests have been very small and carried out mostly by relatives and mothers of the students.

    Pro-US/Anti-North Korea Demonstrations: The Christian Council of Korea held a prayer meeting in Yeoido on February 28 in the same manner as the mass prayer meetings in front of City Hall 11 & 19 Jan. The prayer meetings spread to local areas as well. On 16 Feb, 3,000 gathered in front of Busan Station and another 3,000 in front of Seomun Church in Daegu to pray for the country and the people. Other meetings of a similar nature are also being prepared in cities such as Wonju.

    Anti-War Demonstrations: The major problem between the U.S. and Korea on this issue deals with the "alliance" based on a common threat of war with North Korea. Unfortunately, President Roh and a large group of Koreans continues to think North Korea is not a threat and believe the North has no intention to go to war. In fact, some Korean activists feel that the USFK presence actually creates a stumbling block for reunification. Some activists voice the view that the U.S. "invents" threats that do not exist.

    Small demonstrations continued in February on the Anti-War theme that paints America as the "devil" hell bent on attacking North Korea. Bush and Rumsfield are the primary targets identified for being burnt in effigy. Small rallies were held on 6 Feb, 11 Feb and 12 Feb. The faces are the same, but the cause is now different for the "NO WAR" movement. The minister who led the SOFA sit-in in front of the White House in December 2002, is marched in the front of the procession for the anti-War rally. (See Anti-War Protests for more info on this movement in Korea and worldwide.)

    On 11 Feb NGO groups held a small rally in front of the U.S. Embassy demanding the Seoul government refuse support for any military action by the United States against Iraq because the U.S. has not proved its case that the war is required. This comes amid the South Korean government's strong evacuation recommendation for its citizens in Iraq, Israel and Kuwait Tuesday, warning that the situation in the Middle East is becoming increasingly tense. However, intermingled with this demonstration is the call for No War on North Korea.

    Unfortunately, there is a sense of unreality in the North-South relations. On one hand, the North has stated that it would launch "pre-emptive" strikes against U.S. units in the South if the U.S. increased its forces in Korea. On the other hand, more than 100 South Koreans on Feb. 5 embarked on a three-day tour of Mt. Kumgang through a land route crossing the DMZ. At the end of January, the two Koreas reached an agreement regarding the crossing of the DMZ through a 10-meter-wide temporary road linking South Korea and the North Korean tourist attraction in an east coastal area. The opening of the land route to Mt. Kumgang came four and a half years after South Korean tourists began their trips to the famed mountain in the North through a sea route under a joint venture between Hyundai Asan Corp. in the South and the Asia-Pacific Peace Committee in the North. In addition, the initial surveys continue on the North Korean special economic zones.

    The unreality of the situation deals with North Korea saying "I will kill all the USFK in pre-emptive strikes, but I'm sorry that I will also kill a lot of Koreans." The South says, "That's ok, I know you're only saying things you don't mean. I will be your friend and give you money." This is the unreality.


    Anti-War Demonstration Protest (6 Feb 03)

    OhMy News Slide Show -- 11 Feb Anti-War Demonstration

    On 14 Feb members of 20 Roman Catholic organizations gathered in front of the U.S. embassy in Chongno-gu to urge the Korean government not to look the other way if and when the U.S. invades Iraq. It was a rather small demonstration led by the Rev. Mun. A protestor dressed in fatigues with a Bush mask hoisted an oil barrel with the label IRAQ on it. The banners read "Stop this evil oil war." (Go to 14 Feb Anti-War Photos.)

    According to Baharain Tribune Times South Korean protesters urged North Korea and the United States to open discussions to end Pyongyang’s nuclear threats and chanted opposition to a US-led war on oil-rich Iraq. The protest at a park in central Seoul attracted a crowd of some 2,000, including representatives of various civic, religious and academic groups, trades unions, entertainers and foreigners. According to the report, "The crowd carried and chanted anti-war and anti-US slogans and brandished banners demanding Yankees go home" and calling for the United States "to stop attempts to start a war on the Korean peninsula" and to sign a non-agression pact with North Korea." The article described the crowd as chanting “No war, No war.” One protester wearing a mock US military uniform and a mask of US President George W. Bush danced in front of the demonstrators. He carried a barrel symbolising Iraqi oil to suggest that the US motive for the war was its desire to get its hands on the country’s black gold. One Western protestor held high a placard reading: “I am not an American.”"

    Though this protest was Anti-War, it was actually Anti-U.S. as the target. The crowd still chanted anti-US slogans and brandished banners demanding "Yankees go home." Pictures of Bush and Rumsfield on the "No War" signs of the NGO groups, but there are no signs with England's Tony Blair. The NGO groups target is clear. They stated, ``We will actively participate in the anti-war protests to send a clear message to the U.S. government and seek strong alliance with anti-war groups from around the world.''

    The Anti-War and Pro-Peace Organization, composed of 700 civic groups announced in February that it would hold a "massive" Anti-war on Iraq demonstration on February 15 in conjunction with international groups. The organization was created in 2001 to oppose US action in Afghanistan, and revamped last year when the possibility of war with Iraq loomed. About 40 non-governmental organizations joined the protests to coincide with rallies in 60 cities throughout the United States, Europe and other countries.

    On 15 Feb thousands of Koreans rallied in Seoul and five other cities to protest a possible U.S. war on Iraq and call for a peaceful resolution to the North Korea nuclear issue. The demonstrations were part of massive anti-war rallies planned throughout 100 different cities around the world. An article on 15 Feb in The Star stated, "Shouting invective against American war plans and waving banners for peace, thousands of protesters poured into the streets of Asia Saturday in a chain of rallies planned around the world against a U.S.-led attack on Iraq. Demonstrators clogged a downtown park in Seoul, South Korea, to chant and listen to a series of anti-war speeches. The crowd, estimated at 10,000, held signs that included one reading, "Drop Bush, Not Bombs.''

    Around the world, massive rallies protesting the United States’ threatened attack on Iraq were held. Protestors around the world felt that the U.S. and England had not made their case that war was essential. This was the first time a protest of this size was held BEFORE a war had started. In London the marches to Hyde Park numbered around 500,000 and other marches were held in Australia, Moscow, Japan, China and Korea -- as well as across the U.S. and other nations.

    February 22 to 27 was designated as "national autonomy, anti-war week," by the NGO groups. On the weekend of the 22-23 Feb, the Anti-War demonstrations were mainly confined to handing out of pamphlets. On the TV news, a death-masked figure in fatigues protraying the U.S. held a toy pistol to the head of a "people"-masked figure kneeling on the ground with hands in the air. The anti-U.S. message was very obvious. Feb 26-27 there were small peaceful street demonstrations in Seoul by college age participants, but not any major march. The NGO groups announced a parade commemorating the 33 leaders of the Samil Independence Movement was to take place with marches from Tapgol Park to Gwanghwamun. Again turnout was small.

    Kim Dae-jung and Hyundai Merchant Marine Scandal & More: Also in the midst of the North Korean crisis, the flap over Kim Dae-jung using the Hyundai Merchant Marine (HMM) to funnel about $250 million to the North Koreans has raised a hornet's nest. Allegedly at least $500 million was transferred to Pyongyang through Hyundai Construction, Hyundai Electronics and Hyundai Merchant Marine. The Wall Street Journal went so far as to publish an article that said Kim Dae-jung "bribed" the North to hold his historic meeting with Kim Jong-Il that led to his Nobel Peace Prize. Kim stated that funds that were used to further inter-Korean relations were "outside the law" as it was the use of "discretional presidential power" and those involved should not be prosecuted. Kim said this was a "supra-legal action in which the laws of South Korea were inapplicable, as they define the North as an anti-government (South) organization." Kim said to reveal everything about this would not help the national interest or inter-Korean relations.


    Kim Dae-jung

    The Public Prosecutor's Office stated it was postponing an investigation into HMM's allegedly illegal fund transfer to North Korea until a "political solution" is reached. In other words, it wants instructions from the incoming President-elect as to which direction to take -- but the Roh team has been vacilating. Many Koreans still feel an independent counsel should be appointed. However, Former president Kim Young-sam and twenty "elder statesmen" in various fields announced on 7 Feb that President Kim Dae-jung should be prosecuted according to the law for secretly giving financial assistance to North Korea. In a statement to the press, they stated that the assistance by Kim Dae-jung turned out to be "an act of treason" because it helped the North develop nuclear technology and missiles with South Koreans' taxes. "President Kim Dae-jung brought about the nuclear crisis of today," they said.

    On 14 Feb, President Kim Dae-jung apologized for the incident, but stated that the payments were part of a "payment schedule" that was prearranged between Hyundai and the North. It was admitted that the NIS -- Korean equivalent of the CIA -- aided in the transfer of the funds, but again stated that there was no illegality in the act. Despite President Kim Dae-jung's apology for Hyundai's illegal transfer of money to North Korea before the summit in June 2000, the rival parties continued their dispute. While the opposition Grand National Party (GNP) insisted on a special counsel being appointed for a criminal investigation, the ruling Millennium Democratic Party (MDP) resolutely called for a political settlement.

    Suddenly the support for the "sunshine policy" is not too popular. And then the Chairman of Hyundai, Chung Mong-hun, came forward with a televised statement. According to a Newsday.com report, he admitted that $500 million had been transferred to North Korea to secure exclusive rights to "avoid unnecessary competition and disputes with Japan, Germany, Australia and the United States, which showed interest in North Korean projects." "Hyundai projects in the North include tourism, railways, an industrial park, a sports complex, dams, an airport, telecommunications infrastructure and power generation. And Chung said his group would consult with other companies in pushing ahead with investments there.

    In other words, the South Korean government funded a secret deal to give "exclusive rights" for a specific chaebol (conglomerate) who is now willing to share its largesse with other KOREAN companies. "We have been promoting inter-Korean economic projects with the belief that balanced growth on the Korean Peninsula would help movement toward reunification," he said. Nice bucket of worms.

    Chung also said he brokered the summit by setting up a meeting between government officials from the two Koreas in March 2000. He said "government understanding and cooperation" was an inevitable result of the money transfer because of the special nature of relations between the two Koreas, divided since 1945.

    Sunshine Policy Renamed 'Peace and Prosperity': The term "Sunshine Policy" used by the Kim Dae-jung administration to characterize its North Korea policy will be changed to "Peace and Prosperity Policy" by the Roh Moo-hyun government. The current North Korea policy, which is based on changing North Korea through continuous support, will remain but with some adjustment.

    The reason behind changing the term is said to be the negative image the "Sunshine Policy" gained after secret fund transfers were revealed. Renaming the policy also has to do with the negative public sentiment rising in and out the nation regarding the term. Koreans view the "Sunshine Policy" as a heedless funding policy to North Korea and North Koreans have expressed disapproval for being an object of benevolence.

    It was also pointed out that the terms previously used for the North Korea policy emphasized only the methods rather than its goals. The Presidential Transition Committee concluded that a goal-intended term would be more appropriate and thus "peace and prosperity" were chosen as ultimate goals. Taking the leadership in North-eastern Asia through inter-Korean reconciliation, which is one of the central tasks of the Roh administration, was also included in the new term under "prosperity."

    More Garbage heaped on Kim Dae-jung: Then to add more garbage heaped on Kim Dae-jung, Daewoo's erstwhile chairman, Kim Woo-choong, disappeared from the public stage in disgrace hiding out in such places as Morocco, but now resurfaced. In a 10 Feb Business Week article it stated that Kim offered a lengthy interview with Fortune's Louis Kraar which has caused a firestorm in Seoul. The conservative press has jumped on Kim's contention that President Kim Dae-jung advised the Daewoo boss to leave the country in 1999 and lie low until the political heat surrounding Daewoo's collapse blew over. Kim Dae-jung's opponents think that the ex-Daewoo boss could spill dirt on Kim Dae Jung's backdoor dealings with the company. However, most Western business correspondents don't lend much credence to Kim Woo-Choong's side of the story.

    Pro-US Groups Rallies: According to a 9 Feb Associated Press story a rally in Pusan backed the U.S. stand against the North. Thousands of South Koreans staged a pro-U.S. rally on 9 Feb and prayed for North Korea to give up its nuclear ambitions and an envoy of South Korea's president-elect urged Washington to hold direct talks with the communist nation. About 3,000 people attended Sunday's pro-U.S. rally in Busan. The demonstrators, mostly Christians, burned a picture of North Korean leader Kim Jong Il, waved American flags and prayed for an end to North Korea's nuclear ambitions.

    The Christian Council of Korea planned a prayer meeting in Yeoido on February 28 with 200,000 participants. Christian groups already held mass prayer meetings in front of City Hall last January 11 and the 19th. The prayer meetings spread to local areas as well. On Sunday, 3,000 gathered in front of Busan Station and another 3,000 in front of Seomun Church in Daegu to pray for the country and the people. Other meetings of a similar nature are also being prepared in cities such as Wonju. These anti-North Korea demonstrations are being billed as Pro-US support.

    Suddenly it is fashionable to be Pro-American. What is extremely strange is that on 14 Feb some 30 Grand National Party (GNP) representatives and GNP regional chapter heads decided to form an "anti-USFK withdrawal" group. By 23 Feb, the total had grown to 130 GNP representatives including Kim Yong-kap and Maeng Hyung-kyu. A statement issued by the group read that the Korean American alliance had been responsible for 50 years of peace and prosperity on the Korean peninsula. And said that the irrational anti-Americanism and the spread of sentiment calling for USFK withdrawal would no longer be looked upon with indifference. It is unsurprising that they would surface once Kim Dae-jung is on the ropes and they would want to be on the opposite side of Roh's policies under the MDP. However, what is surprising is the hypocrisy they show when they were silent when the masses were burning the American flag and members of the GNP were joining ranks with the anti-American NGO groups. Some 20 GNP members do not support this move and belong to the "Towards the People" group.

    However, there was a conflict brewing between the pro-U.S. and anti-U.S. (anti-War) groups. On March 1 both an "anti-USFK withdrawal" rally and a candle light demonstration protesting the acquittal of two US soldiers who accidentally ran over two middle school students, were to be held in Seoul. According to an article in the Choson Ilbo on 10 Feb, future plans are underway to organize a massive "Pro-US Rally" on March 1, an independence movement commemoration day. The "anti-USFK withdrawal, anti-nuclear weapons, anti-Kim, pro-unification" committee announced on Friday that their rally to protest the North Korean nuclear program is to be held in front of City Hall on March 1 from noon. The committee consists of various former high level government officials, veterans, and Christian group leaders. However, we question whether it is truely "Pro-US" or is it simply a rally where the Korean people wish the U.S. to remain as a "tripwire" on the DMZ. The U.S. is not viewed as a savior, but rather a "tool" to "balance" the military equation. According to the rally's organizing committee for the 'March 1 People's Rally', the rally will be an "Anti-nuclear, Anti-Kim, Free Unification" rally. The protest is for March 1 in front of City Hall in Seoul with one million participants. The committee consists of 33 representatives including former Prime Minister Kang Young-hun, Korea-United States Friendship Association chairman Park Keun, and Korean Veterans' Association chairman Lee Sang-hoon.

    But then another group popped up on 22 Feb and said it too was scheduling an anti-war march on March 1. Supposedly over 10,000 people will hold a candle-lit rally in Tapgol Park, downtown Seoul, on March 1 to oppose war in Iraq and commemorate demonstrations against Japanese colonial rule in 1919. Beomdaewi, a NGO group seeking punishment of two U.S. soldiers who drove a military vehicle which crushed two Korean schoolgirls to death last summer, said it will join forces with other NGOs to organize the mass rally which will feature a parade of those in the costumes of freedom fighters and Japanese military police. The images would seem to ready made to substituted NGO groups for freedom fighters and USFK Americans for Japanese military police. This should be an interesting encounter. The candle light demonstration organizers also announced that a demonstration was to be held from 7:00pm at Gwanghwamun.

    The effort to stroke the USFK continues to "promote mutual understanding." Gyeonggi Province invited 300 American soldiers and 200 foreign laborers for the performance of the musical "Subway Line Number 1" (with English Subtitles) at Uijeongbu Arts Center (UAC) on February 15 and 16. "Subway Line Number 1" has been running since 1994 and is about the contradictions of Korean society seen through the eyes of a young Chinese woman. Gyeonggi Province hoped to expand "mutual understanding by providing cultural exposure, and that such events were planned throughout the year." On February 15, Gyeonggi Governor Sohn Hak-kyu, Major-general John Wood, head of the US 2nd Infantry Division, 150 American soldiers and 20 foreign laborers watched the musical together.

    60-Minutes Blasts Korea: The 60-Minutes crew that was reported to be in Korea in January has aired their program to the American public on 9 February. The CBS Recap 60 Minutes for the Feb. 9 airing read, "YANKEE GO HOME! – Bob Simon finds out that young South Koreans see President Bush as more dangerous than North Korean dictator Kim Jong Il and have demonstrated their displeasure with attacks on the U.S. Army."

    Though we did not see it, a Korean-American Hojoong Kim noted in a Letter to the Editor of the Choson Ilbo that, "It was an embarrassing and humiliating experience to watch CBS's 60 minutes covering S. Koreans anti-American sentiment tonight. Most heart breaking moment was seeing 8th army commander and US Ambassador choking and swallowing their tears with overwhelmed emotions." Other Americans commented that it had changed their minds about the USFK staying in Korea.

    A concerned friend of mine, Richard E. Orr wrote, "Could not help thinking about you last nite as I watched the 60 Minutes program on Korea. I remember you writing about how bad it had become in some areas there. But I don't think I could have imagined some of what I saw. Several of the younger people they interviewed said they were less afraid of the leader of North Korea than they were of Pres. Bush. It would be virtually impossible for me to bridge the mental gap between what I saw there 50 years ago and then what I saw on TV last nite. I realize that these programs tend to go to the extremes a lot; and also that there are still a lot of people there that appreciate the US & UN for what was done for them. But that still was a shock to my mentality..." The following are excerpts from Korea Informed a BBS for the "expat community in South Korea to keep up to date with the articles, stories, images, videos, and links about the problems we face in South Korea -- primarily anti-USFK and anti-US matters."

    "ghonakorea" wrote on Feb 10, "I've seen a few posts reference the "Yankee Go Home" piece Which seem to indicate that the 60 minutes crew did not go in-depth enough and point out the media bias, the subway incident, etc.
    While I would agree that it would have been nice to point those things out, I STILL think that CBS did a fair job of getting to the point. Let's face it, the show wasn't meant for the expat/military viewing audience in Korea. The opening scene of Old Glory being ripped to shreds. . .and the poignant (and rare) scene with the teary-eyed american General will REALLY hit home with folks back in the states, IMHO. Many of the attacks that have happened are below the radar screen back home, but pictures of shredded flags, molotov cocktails will have an impact if for no other reason than that 60 Minutes is still one of the highest rated shows on TV in the states. I mean, even my Korean wife, her mother and her sister, who watched it with me, were VISIBLY shaken when that General broke down. Can you imagine Ma and Pa in DeMoine?
    Hell, the sobbing General even brought a tear to my eye when I thought about the question that was asked.
    "Don't Tread On Me!"

    "koreaquotables" wrote on Feb 11, "I'm happy they did the show and I think they had most of the right conclusions. I just think they could have had more effect by mentioning more specifics that could have shown better why the conclusions were valid. Really, if the general hadn't broken down and cried, it would have lost much of its punch..."

    On 19 Feb, Ambassador Hubbard commented on the tears of 8th Army Commander in response to the U.S. flag burnings. He stated the program did not give a balanced view of the anti-Americanism, but it did show truthfully the signs with murderers, flag burnings and other incidents.

    US Ambassador Clarifies Remarks Made to CBS

    by Kwon Kyung-bok (kkb@chosun.com)

    Thomas Hubbard, the United States ambassador to Korea said Tuesday that US 8th Army Commander Charles Campbell's tears shed during an interview with the American TV station CBS was not an emotional response, but an understandable one after being shown the burning of American flags, and the recent Korean candlelight demonstrations. He added that if Koreans saw their flag being burnt, there would have been a similar negative response and said that Commander Campbell shedding tears was a sad thing.

    Ambassador Hubbard, who was invited to speak at a breakfast meeting of a Seoul National University (SNU) CEO alumni held at the Shilla Hotel, said this in reply to a question from the audience as to whether he thought Commander Campbell's actions would stimulate anti-Koreanism in the US.

    The ambassador also said that although the CBS current affairs program "60 Minutes" did not give a balanced report on the recent anti-Americanism in Korea, Korean protestors did carry around placards reading that Americans were murderers, three American flags were burnt at the protests, and petrol bombs were thrown at the American Embassy in Seoul. He said that it was also true such images projected negative responses in the US. Ambassador Hubbard said that it had been difficult not to react emotionally when he saw his flag being burnt in the candlelight demonstrations, and that he had been hurt when protestors yelled that American soldiers were murderers.

    He also clarified that he did not say that many Koreans hated the US, which was reported in Korea recently, but had said that there were Koreans resentful of the US in an interview with CBS. Ambassador Hubbard concluded that this was the time for Koreans and Americans to respond coolly and think about the importance and significance of Korean American relations

    The CBS show "60 Minutes" reported on Korean anti-Americanism on February 9 and when shown burning American flags, Commander Campbell had been seen to have tears in his eyes, while he said that state policies were not made on the basis of emotions but of national interests.

    Roh Moo-hyun Becomes 16th President: Roh Moo-hyun took office as the 16th President of the Republic of Korea in an inaugural ceremony at the National Assembly in Seoul at 11 a.m on 25 Feb. More than 45,000 packed National Assembly square and its vicinity.

    President Roh Moo-hyun sat at the center of the main platform along with first lady Kwon Yang-sook. To the left sat former Presidents Choi Kyu-hah, Chun Doo-hwan, Roh Tae-woo, Kim Young-sam and Prime Minister Kim Suk-soo, while to the right sat Park Kwan-yong, National Assembly speaker, and Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi.


    Former Presidents at Inauguration

    In his inaugural address, he touched on the main points of his agenda. He intended to solicit popular participation based on the dictum "by the people" and develop "a balanced, advanced society, in which the nation is united as a harmonious community, is possible only when we remove the structure of contradiction such as privileges, discrimination and exclusion." Roh vowed to continue Kim Dae-jung's "sunshine" policy of engaging the North but his North Korea policy was targeted at "peace and prosperity."

    Roh's presidential agenda also outlines his intention to reach out to the public via the Internet, bypassing existing mass media. In a surprise move, he had an interview with Internet newspaper "OhmyNews," in which he vowed "not to compromise with the big print newspapers." The editorials in the large dailies were understandably "concerned."


    Roh at Inauguration

    North Korea Tensions Heat Up: Despite North Korea's war-like rhetoric in January due to escalating tensions on the peninsula over the nuclear issue, it showed no clear signs of mobilizing its military in January. This contrasts sharply with the first nuclear crisis in 1993-94, when the North declared quasi-wartime conditions and set up an anti-air raid network in Pyongyang. However, the USFK and ROK forces have undergone a review of their ability to withstand a pre-emptive attack from North Korea. These preparations the MND wishes to be kept secret, but there have been leaks in recent weeks. At this point in time, the USFK and U.S. administration do not want to upset the apple cart and unbalance everything in Korea. Though the U.S. Ambassador denied it initially, the Commander of the Pacific Forces requested 12 B-52 bombers to be stationed in Guam. Whether this was to offset the airpower loss in the region created by the U.S.S. Kitty Hawk carrier group leaving for the Middle East -- or by the North Korean situation -- is anyone's guess.

    But as things heat up, the economic outlook for South Korea sinks. Moody's Investors Service on 11 Feb slashed the outlook on the long-term ratings of South Korea to negative from positive, due to heightened security concerns stemming from North Korea's suspected nuclear weapons program. The rating agency said that increased uncertainty regarding North Korean actions and possible responses from the international community had reduced the likelihood that South Korea's ratings could move up in the near future. This uncertainty had also introduced the possibility that the rating could move down should the security environment on the peninsula continue to deteriorate. To make matters worse, a global economic downturn and an oil-price upsurge caused the country's trade balance to be mired in deficit for two months in a row for the first time since the 1997 financial crisis. Concern in the export sector has become more serious as global prices of memory chips, the largest export item for Korea, have continued to decline, in addition to a sharp drop in exports of computers and ships.

    North Korea Restarts Nuclear Plant: On 28 Feb, U.S. and Japanese media reported that North Korea had restarted a suspended 5 megawatt nuclear reactor in Yongbyon, which is capable of producing weapons-grade plutonium from spent fuel. (NOTE: The Yoimuri Shimbun reported that this was "a 5,000-kilowatt graphite-moderated reactor.") The IAEA and other nations previously had implored the North to not start their reactor. This comes at a time when Secretary of State Powell once again said to the Roh face-to-face that though the U.S. does NOT intend to attack North Korea, any option should not be removed from the table -- even the military option. "Any moves by the North Koreans to reprocess spent fuel would be a matter of deep concern to the entire international community," U.S. State Department spokesman Richard Boucher.

    In a Yonhap news article, Foreign Affairs and Trade Ministry spokesman Seok Tong-youn stated, "North Korea's reactivation of its 5 megawatt reactor is not only unhelpful to maintaining peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula but goes against nuclear non-proliferation efforts of the international community, and the government expresses deep concern and regret."

    In addition, the U.S. was also looking towards economic sanctions, though it will continue its food aid. North Korea in return has called the referral of its nuclear program by the IAEA to the UNSC as an "act of war." In defiance, it continued its nuclear program. Tensions were cranked up a notch. The anti-War protests have been lukewarm at best due to the cold weather but can be expected to increase as warm weather returns in spring.


    Yongbyon Nuclear Facility


    Yongbyon Nuclear Facility Satellite Photo

    On an international scale, the reactivation of the nuclear reactor was the least dangerous of Pyongyang's three diplomatic cards. The remaining two cards were activating a nuclear plant to extract plutonium by reprocessing used nuclear fuel rods and test-firing a ballistic missile. If North Korea takes one of the two other actions, Japan will have to start discussing sanctions against the country. (NOTE: If North Korea test launched a Rodong missile capable of reaching Japan, the Japanese people will "panic" according to Japan's Foreign Minister Kawaguchi. However, the options are limited as the Japanese Self-Defense Force does not have any weaponry to combat the threat. The only countries with Tomahawk missiles are the U.S. and Britain. The largest concern will be that if that happens, the Japanese would abrogate the Peace Constitution and rearm in "self-defense.")

    By reactivating the reactor, North Korea will be able to obtain an additional 8,000 used nuclear fuel rods in about a year. As Pyongyang already has 8,000 used fuel rods, it is possible that North Korea will be able to produce enough weapons-grade plutonium to build more than 10 nuclear bombs.

    Pyongyang is urging the United States to open a dialogue by indicating that it could produce a large number of nuclear bombs. Reactivating a nuclear fuel reprocessing plant is a risky option for North Korea as it will upset Washington. North Korea seems to believe reactivating the reactor is an action that will fall just short of drawing sanctions.

    The nuclear power plant under the 1994 accord remains on a hold. The executive board members of the Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization (KEDO) agreed to put off some immediate actions they need to take for the project to build two light-water nuclear reactors in North Korea. The three key KEDO members -- South Korea, Japan and the United States -- decided at an unofficial meeting in early January to postpone making purchase deals to acquire some parts that are required immediately for the project.

    The reactors are being built in North Korea’s Kumho district in South Hamkyung province. The Bush administration’s view that the Geneva Agreed Framework, which called for the reactors to be built, was wrong from the start implying that the administration wants the construction stopped. At present, Seoul is against scrapping the project, while Japan is taking a cautious stance. Groundbreaking work for the project was finished at the end of last year, and nearly 30 percent of the construction has been done. Korea has so far invested $765 million in the work, out of a total of $1.1 billion invested in the project.


    MARCH 2003:

    A North Korean delegation of religious leaders arrived in South Korea on 28 Feb to hold a wide range of inter-Korean ceremonies to mark the 84th anniversary of the March 1 Independence Movement against Japanese colonial rule. This was the first-ever joint South-North anniversary ceremony at a spacious suburban hotel where more than 100 representatives of North Korean religious and civic circles participated. The northerners were invited by their counterpart organizations in the South who had sent their delegations to North Korea on the occasion of the Aug. 15 liberation anniversary last year.

    Jang Jae-on, head of the (North) Korean Religionists Council (KRC), led the 105-member delegation, comprising mostly of religious figures. Tongil News showed photos of the delegation being greeted at the airport by groups waving Blue Korea unification flags. Later the press was filled with the Buddhist monks, Catholics and other North Korean individuals attending religious ceremonies and meetings with their southern counterparts. The Korea Herald voiced some skepticism, "Since we know the true status of religious activities in North Korea, which are subdued if not outright suppressed, we tend to doubt the real credentials of the visitors, but we extend our warm welcome to them as we believe the wider the civic exchanges with the North, the better."

    As is typical of inter-Korean events in recent years, the participants called for acceleration of efforts for peace and reconciliation between the two divided parts of Korea and denounced what they called "anti-unification forces" - meaning conservatives in the South.

    On 1 Mar there was a large Pro-U.S. demonstration was held in Seoul in front of the City Hall to show their support for the U.S. as well as condemn North Korea on its nuclear stance. The participants in the event, "National March 1 Rally Against Nukes and Kim Jong-il," brought together members from 114 conservative bodies including the National Council for Freedom and Democracy for a rally at noon in front of Seoul's City Hall. Up to 100,000 people, most of whom appeared old enough to remember the Korean War, showed up to hear speeches by prominent conservatives and retired generals and to sing hymns, in an event organized by veterans groups and many of South Korea's influential Christian churches.

    According to a New York Times article, "The United States has to stand firm," said Paik Sun Yup, the long-retired general who commanded South Korean troops in the Korean War. "Without American support, we may not have independence and freedom." Demonstration organizers criticized the government for permitting the North Korean religious delegation to come here. "There are three official churches in Pyongyang for foreigners to see," said Kim Bum Soo, with the Commission for Human Rights in North Korea. "There's no religion in the North." Peter Hyun, author of a book on North Korea titled "Darkness at Dawn," denounced the joint religious services as "a charade" in which "they're following North Korea's propaganda."

    Interestingly photos of this demonstration appeared in U.S. papers stating that "20,000" South Koreans were in this rally. The police estimated the crowd size as 70,000. However, based on aerial photos it most assuredly was near the100,000 mark. (Go to 1 March Pro-US Rally for more information. See Anti-Americanism and Generation Gap)

    At the pro-American rally, a rare event here, distaste for the politics of young people bubbled out from many of the demonstrators, who waved American and Korean flags."All my friends like America — the young ones, they don't know anything," said Lee Dae Yung, a 67-year-old who fought in the Korean War and is now a real estate agent.


    Pro US Rally in Seoul (1 March)


    Five hours later, several thousand young people took their turn. A rally started at 5 p.m. at Tapgol Park. Police estimated the crowd at about 2,200. The symbolism that could not be lost as the NGO groups pictured themselves as freedom fighters against the American oppressors. They marched from Tapgol Park to a site near the American Embassy. The bulk of the participants were university students protesting against U.S. war preparations against Iraq. That rally was sponsored by a claimed 250 civic groups, including the Pan-National Committee. The demonstration was entitled "Anti-War Demonstration for Self-reliance and Peace" and was held at Gwanghwamun, downtown Seoul, from 7 pm. Initially announced for 200,000, the turnout was a much smaller turnout, but the TV broadcasts played it up with shots of confrontations with the riot police to create an illusion that it was equal in size to the daytime pro-US demonstration.

    According to a New York Times article, "South Korean leftists enacted the same message in a street drama that highlighted an anti-war protest on Saturday evening. The drama showed figures in flowing white gowns collapsing while sounds of whirling helicopters, exploding bombs, gunfire and artillery reverberated from loudspeakers. Earlier a row of female dancers pranced and danced on the stage to a song whose only English words were an obscene reference to the United States. Several thousand young people crowded the sidewalk and street, shouting anti-American slogans, but rows of police officers, backed up closely parked police buses, blocked them from marching toward the nearby American embassy." (NOTE: The song with an "obscene reference" to the U.S. is "Fucking USA" which has become a trade-mark of the anti-American movement since the irrational Ohno incident of the 2002 Winter Olympics.)

    Led by Rev. Mun of Kunsan -- the head of the anti-War faction of the NGO groups -- the demonstration had a definite anti-US tone. The organizing group's agenda included demands for the revision of the SOFA, opposition to the war on Iraq, and opposition to the hard-line policy towards Pyongyang. The rally was basically peaceful, but unlike the pro-U.S. rally, the presence of the riot police was evident. Television coverage showed the same well-orchestrated performances that have become the hallmark of Rev. Mun's demonstrations. There were extensive use of visual performances with a nationalistic flavor.

    According to a news report, "The younger demonstrators sang anti-American songs and, in interviews, voiced sympathy for North Korea and doubts about American assessments that North Korea is moving swiftly toward the production of nuclear weapons. They also questioned the wisdom of their grandparents and sometimes their parents in continuing to support close ties with the United States — a sign of how much things have changed in an East Asian country where the aged are often still deeply respected."

    "Older people have lived in times in which they got a lot of pressure from America and toward Americanism and militarism and obedience," said Park Yong Jun, 27, an office worker who held a sign calling for an end to all wars. What was even more telling was a middle-school teacher's lament as to why South Korea doesn't have a nuclear weapon -- and why was the U.S. keeping the weapons all to themselves.


    Anti-War Protest in Seoul (1 March)
    (Source: OhMy News)

    (NOTE: Korea is joining other anti-war activists from around the world in providing "human shields" in strategic locations -- with the intention of protecting civilian lives in case of a U.S.-led attack. Thirteen activists of the Iraq Peace Team of Korea -- in collaboration with American peace organizations Voices in the Wilderness and International Nonviolent Peaceforce -- head for Iraq in March. Unfortunately, the U.S. response is that these shields are against the Geneva Convention and any of them killed will be considered a war crime against the generals and Saddam. In addition, the U.S. pointed out that "strategic targets" are deliberately intermingled with civilian structures but will not deter the U.S. attack with smart weapons. At the same time, on 10 Mar the U.S. asked for South Korean support in the event of war breaking out against Iraq. Seoul was asked for a statement of support, medical aid, and help in handling refugees.)

    There were also other nationalistic events throughout the country to honor the patriots in the Independence Movement of the country. The Ministry of Patriots and Veterans Affairs announced that over 200,000 citizens reenacted the March 1st independence procession at starting at 11 a.m. at Tapgol and Jongmyo parks. There was a large prayer rally at the Han River park to pray to God for the salvation of the nation. The Christian Council of Korea held a ``save-the-nation fast prayer’’ in Yoido, Seoul. More than 100,000 participants prayed for ``restoration of national morality, national development and economic growth, improved human rights in North Korea and recognition of North Korean asylum seekers.’’

    Last Blast of Winter at Beginning of March: A cold wave gripped Korea for a week starting on 3 Mar with Seoul, Suwon and Daegwallyeong recording subzero temperatures. This dampened the protests until it warms up a bit. No protests were held during the cold snap.

    By 9 Mar, the protests had resumed again though less vocal. A NGO group organized a photo exhibition at a park in Daehangno, central Seoul, to encourage anti-war campaigns. The group, calling itself the "Citizens Coalition to Materialize the June 15 South-North Joint Declaration and Peace on the Korean Peninsula," held an exhibition that featured the work of photographers and cartoonists who advocate the anti-war theme around the world.

    Police Clamp Down on Anti-American Candlelight Vigils: Elements of the 1 March Anti-War demonstration was considered a candlelight vigil for the commemoration of the two girls killed in June 2002. In Seoul on 7 Mar, the Jungo Police Department planned to summon organizers of the candlelight demonstrations protesting the verdict on those responsible for the deaths of two schoolgirls last year, for violating law related to assembly and protest. The Jongno Police Department said they will questions eight leaders of the citizen's group that has staged the protest, pointing out the latest demonstrations near the U.S. embassy may have violated guidelines the group was told to abide.



    Anti-American Commemorative Protest (12 Mar 03)

    On 12 Mar, about 40 of the Pan-National Council members tried to force their way into the National Police Agency's office demanding that the suppression of the vigils be stopped. Twenty-one were arrested and the conflict seems to only be starting. A representative of the activist group said that the vigils were still held as memorial services and that the police were overreacting. He said that the vigils would continue in the same way at the same place. Later the police said they had indicted without detention three members of the anti-American group that has been maintaining the candlelight demonstrations downtown for trying to raid a police station on 12 Mar in Migeun-dong, Seoul. Ten others may have charges filed as well.

    On 14 Mar the Seoul police practically banned candlelight vigils in the Gwanghwamun district saying the gathering was becoming an anti-American rally digressing from its original purpose of mourning the deaths of two schoolgirls and turning into a demonstration or rally that must be registered with the Police. Police said they have informed organizers of the candlelight vigil to decide whether to return to being a mourning event or move to other venues to stage such an anti-U.S. rally. The police had regarded the vigils in Gwanghwamun as memorial services, and allowed them even though the group had not secured permits for demonstrating. The police now say the vigils, which have involved blocking nearby roads, shouting anti-U.S. slogans and attempting to break in to the U.S. embassy, have lost their original intention. At a time when relations with Washington are strained, some observers speculate that the new administration's policy to stop the spread of anti-U.S. sentiment has something to do with the police action. But a Seoul police agency official said the decision was independently made, and was a judgment that the vigils had turned illegal and political.



    Anti-American Commemorative Protest (15 Mar 03)

    On 15 Mar a small group showed up in defiance of the ban on the Commemorative Event. The event was peaceful so there was no incidents.

    Anti-War Demonstrations Continue: The world has heated up in its protests against the War with Iraq and the South Korean youth have latched onto this topical issue. Anti-war protests were held in Seoul on 14-15 Mar with the same skits that were performed on the 1 Mar demonstrations. On 15 Mar about 3,000 people gathered for an anti-American and anti-war protest on Saturday at Jongmyo Park in downtown Seoul, according to police estimates. The popular image is a silver painted U.S. soldier wearing the crown symbolizing the statue of liberty shooting Iraqi women prostrated on the ground.



    Anti-War (15 Mar 03)

    On Mar 20, the eve of the War with Iraq, NGO civic groups and student groups held rallies in Gwanghwamun, Seoul to protest the attack by U.S. and coalition forces on Iraq and the Seoul government's decision to send non-combat personnel to assist U.S. forces there. About 1,000 members from some 700 civic activist groups such as the Korean Professors' Union jointly staged a sit-in demonstration as well as nighttime candlelight vigils, holding placards and chanting slogans to denounce the U.S.-led war near Kwanghwamun downtown, Seoul. They demanded the immediate halt of the attack -- as though anyone in the US-England coalition was listening to them. They stated President Roh's support of the U.S. attack was illegal and that if Korea sent troops to an unjustifiable war, Korea would be stigmatized as a criminal nation.


    Professors protest in front of Blue House

    However, President Roh feared an over-reaction by the police to anti-War demonstrations. The NGO activist groups are known as Roh's popular base of support. As a result on 21 Mar, he instructed police not to employ "heavy-handed tactics" in dealing with protests against the U.S.-led war on Iraq. Keen to avoid clashes between police and protestors, Roh issued the order to his political aide Yoo In-tae after receiving a briefing on the candlelit anti-war rally held in downtown Seoul on 20 Mar.

    Korea Peace Team Human Shields: Laughably, the 13 anti-War protestors from Korea that went to Iraq to act as human shields have just earned our "Chicken Little Award for Valor." 10 of the 13 remained in Amman, Jordan out of harm's way while "getting visas" -- and waiting for the bombing to stop. In actuality on March 12, the 10 "went to Baghdad and staged an anti-war candlelight vigil, which included hanging a large banner with an anti-war message." They left Iraq ltwo days before the war began. For such "courage, " these "human shields" will receive our "Chicken Little Award of Valor." Three who made it into Iraq selected sites of their own choosing. Two protestors chose to act as human shields in their hotel room, while one bravely went out to take up duties at a power plant. However, BEFORE the attacks began, he removed himself back to the hotel to a BASEMENT room. The three were doing "humanitarian service" at a local hospital which in their words was "more meaningful" than being a human shield. So much for the dedicated Human Shields of the Korean Peace Team!!!


    Korean Human Shields in Iraq

    According to the Korea Herald on 22 Mar, "Bae Sang-hyun, one of the three now in the Iraqi capital, told an MBC radio program yesterday that he was leaving a power plant in northern Iraq unharmed. He was in the facility Thursday as part of a "human shield" when the United States launched its first strike. Bae considered the complex would be a prime target of the U.S.-led attack. "Although we are having difficulty with getting food, clothing and housing, there's no big problem with our health," Bae was quoted as saying. The trio, including a 29-year-old woman, Yoo Eun-ha, said they are staying in the AlFanar Hotel in Baghdad and will push ahead with the anti-war campaign and rescue work there along with other human rights activists."

    Later Bae Sang-hyun removed himself from the power plant and went to into "humanitarian service" at a local hospital. Bae said he decided that giving humanitarian assistance would be "more meaningful" than being a human shield, so he left the power transformer facility before the air strike began on the 20th. Bae reported that he came out of the substation because, as the war began, there was no meaning as a human shield. But others including two Japanese remained there . Bae reported the local news in an e-mail to the Coalition of Hope for Open Society at Masan, a southeastern city on 20 Mar. "The air strikes started around 5:30 am. I went up to the roof of the electric substation. I can hear bombshells everywhere that break the morning. About 40 U.S. fighters fire missiles. There are anti-craft fires from the Iraqi military. Managers here call me, saying that they will get here soon. The bombings continued for about an hour." (Mar. 20, 1 a.m.) (NOTE: The danger to these Human Shields protecting the substation was fairly certain as the coalition has previously stated they were not targeting the infrastructure. The proof of this promise is that the lights of Baghdad stayed on during the horrific "Shock and Awe" bombings on the government centers of power.)

    On 22 Mar contact was lost with the three activists in Iraq. Calls were made to their hotel in Baghdad where Han Sang-jin, Yoo Eun-ha and Bae Sang-hyun were staying, but government officials couldn't get through. On 24 Mar, four of the 10 Korean peace activists who were in Jordan returned to Korea.

    Anti-War Internet Protests: However, much of the anti-War protests was being played out on the internet. Petitions are being circulated and the Blue House website has been swamped by emails protesting the sending of troops to Iraq in May. The following is from the Choson Ilbo on 22 Mar:

    Support for War Sparks Nationwide Debate

    by Cho Seung-hyun (vaidale@chosun.com)

    The government's decision to support the U.S. war effort in Iraq has stirred up a flurry of disputes among the segments of society. The Korean Professors Union held a press conference in front of Cheong Wa Dae on Friday, censuring the attack and Seoul's decision to dispatch troops to Iraq. The union, with about 800 members present, said that President Roh Moo-hyun's support of the U.S. attack was illegal and that if Korea sent troops to an unjustifiable war, Korea would be stigmatized as a criminal nation.

    Supporting the decision to back the war in Iraq were members of the March 1st National Convention, such as former Prime Minister Lee Young-deok, the president of the Korea-America Friendship Society, Park Keun, and members of the Citizens United for a Better Society. They say the government should cooperate with Washington and send troops to the Persian Gulf to maintain the Korea-U.S. military alliance.

    Much of the dispute is playing out on the Internet, where tempers flared after President Roh's televised address on Thursday. A netizen with the ID of "small practice" wrote on the Web site Jinbonuri that "President Roh violated the constitution by deciding to dispatch our troops to Iraq." He created a petition, to which 150 people quickly added their names.

    The Cheong Wa Dae Web site was swarming with thousands of posts and emails criticizing the president's decision. One netizen said that the president had betrayed his people and in return the people should betray him.

    But other voices supported Roh. A netizen with the ID "people" wrote on the Cheong Wa Dae Web site that "The war is abhorrent, but as an ally of the U.S., we must not forget that 30,000 American soldiers are in Korea to secure our nation." Another netizen at the Jinbonuri site wrote, "People are being oversensitive about a practical diplomatic decision made by the president. Supporting this war is a necessary move."

    A majority of Internet users in the nation were overwhelmingly opposed to the U.S.-led assault on Iraq. In an online survey of 40,035 people conducted by Yahoo! Korea on 20 Mar:

    • over 75 percent or 30,080 respondents said that they believe the attack on Iraq was to secure U.S. interests in controlling Iraqi oil reserves.
    • Many Koreans are highly suspicious of U.S. President George W. Bush's motives for the attack, adding to the anti-U.S. sentiments already present in Korea.
    • The respondents said that U.S. military and oil conglomerates will benefit the most from the war.
    • 44 percent of the respondents said the war could bring about a chain of bloody revenges including counterattacks by terrorists.
    In another poll of 54,236 people conducted on 21 Mar by Daum Communications,
    • 67.2 percent answered the war is closely linked with U.S. ambition to secure its interests in oil reserves in the Gulf region.
    • About 14.7 percent said the military action, which was launched without a U.N. endorsement, was to sustain U.S. hegemony in the international community.
    • In a separate Daum poll of 109,725 Internet users, 76.8 percent branded Bush as the real ``axis of evil,'' who threatens world peace.
    War Starts and More Demonstrations: On Mar 20, the eve of the war, NGO civic groups and student groups held rallies in Gwanghwamun, Seoul to protest the attack by U.S. and coalition forces on Iraq and the Seoul government's decision to send non-combat personnel to assist U.S. forces there. About 1,000 members from some 700 civic activist groups such as the Korean Professors' Union jointly staged a sit-in demonstration as well as nighttime candlelight vigils, holding placards and chanting slogans to denounce the U.S.-led war near Kwanghwamun downtown, Seoul. They demanded the immediate halt of the attack -- as though anyone in the US-England coalition was listening to them. They stated President Roh's support of the U.S. attack was illegal and that if Korea sent troops to an unjustifiable war, Korea would be stigmatized as a criminal nation.


    Professors protest in front of Blue House

    However, President Roh feared an over-reaction by the police to anti-War demonstrations. The NGO activist groups are known as Roh's popular base of support. As a result on 21 Mar, he instructed police not to employ "heavy-handed tactics" in dealing with protests against the U.S.-led war on Iraq. Keen to avoid clashes between police and protestors, Roh issued the order to his political aide Yoo In-tae after receiving a briefing on the candlelit anti-war rally held in downtown Seoul on 20 Mar.

    On 22 Mar the War in Iraq started its air campaign. The Korean TV played repeatedly the 90-minutes of "shock and awe" bombing of Baghdad that demolished Saddam's administrative buildings on the banks of the Euphrates River.


    Baghdad Attack (22 March)

    Anti-War Rallies Expand Across Korea: More anti-war demonstrations throughout Korea commenced on 22 March. The Green Foundation and four other civic groups including the People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy staged a large-scale anti-war rally chanting `stop war' and blowing whistles and bugles, "in protest against the immoral war.'' Vietnamese Buddhist monk and spiritual leader Thich Nhat Hann joined the rally. In a separate move, the Korea Action Network Against War, a coalition group of some 700 civic groups, held a full-scale rally which extended to a nighttime candlelight prayer vigil near Kwanghwamun. On 22 March, the USFK issued warnings that personnel should avoid the demonstrations with instructions not to stop -- and not to interact with demonstrators.

    On 22 March, the Ministry of Defense stated that the May departure may be moved up and it was planning to send 60 Special Forces soldiers along to provide protection for the Engineering battaliion.

    More anti-war demonstrations were scheduled throughout Korea on 22 March. Thousands of NGO group activists held a rally on 22 Mar in in City Hall Plaza to denounce the United States for unilaterally waging war on Iraq without the approval of the United Nations. The People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy (PSPD), Green Korea (Environmental Movement) and several other major NGOs in a "Stop War" demonstration. About 2,000 activists staged an anti-war rally chanting `stop war' and blowing whistles and bugles "in protest against the immoral war.'' Vietnamese Buddhist monk and spiritual leader Thich Nhat Hann joined the rally.

    In a separate rally, the Korea Action Network Against War, a coalition group of some 700 civic groups, held a full-scale rally which that extended into a nighttime candlelight prayer vigil at central Seoul's Jongmyo Park near Kwanghwamun. The 2,000 ralliers came from hundreds of civic groups, some of them anti-war, some anti-American. One, Anti Migun, is dedicated to "finding solutions" for the two girls who were killed by a U.S. armored car last June. The demonstrators held candles and paraded in the park. The participants said that the U.S.'s war in Iraq was unjustifiable and opposed to the United Nations and international sentiment. They called for President Roh Moo-hyun to immediately withdraw his support for the war and his decision to dispatch forces to Iraq. As a precautionary measure, the police posted 8,000 officers from 63 squadrons outside the U.S. Embassy.

    On 22 March, the USFK issued warnings that personnel should avoid the demonstrations with instructions not to stop -- and not to interact with demonstrators.

    On 23 Mar In Korea outside Kunsan Air Base in the afternoon on Sunday, one lone protestor stood wearing a billboard sign proclaiming, "No War." The weather was rather mild so it was surprising that more demonstrators had not assembled there.

    In Seoul, various rallies were held to protest the war in Iraq. Hundreds of civil groups held an afternoon press conference Sunday in front of the National Assembly to protest Seoul's decision to send forces to Iraq. The meeting with reporters was followed by a candlelight rally at 7 p.m. and an all-night sit-down protest. Over at Jongmyo Park in central Seoul, about 1,500 members of the National Labor Union of Public Service Workers rallied. Also, a parents' organization, the Parents' Group that Loves School, said it would begin an anti-war petition for children to sign.


    Anti-War Protest (23 Mar)

    In the photo above, note the mixed messages -- BOTH commemorative AND anti-War. The anti-War rally In Seoul was led by Preacher Han Sang-ryul of Anti-Migun -- the same minister that visited the White House in the middle of winter to protest the SOFA over the death of the two girls. Again he shaved his head -- but this time before a smaller crowd. That is why there are mixed messages of commemoration AND anti-War. (Go to Tongil News for details.) The burning of the sign of Bush replaces the US flag seen in other protests around the world. Kunsan's Rev. Mun Chon-Hyun's (right) who leads the anti-War Movement is torching the Bush vampire image. The USFK issued a warning advisory to all USFK troops to bypass any demonstrations.


    Anti-War Protest (23 Mar)


    On 24 Mar protests remained small. Various civil rights groups held rallies in front of or near the National Assembly in Yeouido, Seoul, voicing their opposition to South Korea`s planned deployment of solders to the Iraq war. Members of the People`s Solidarity for Participatory Democracy held a unique rally in front of the National Assembly yesterday morning. Each of its members, including a couple of entertainers, took 30-minute turns in holding a picket, which read "Congressmen, please don`t make me a war criminal."

    On 25 Mar, the protests were relatively calm. Some supporters of Roh -- including members of his ruling MDP party -- have come out against the sending of Korean troops to aid in Iraq. Various NGO civic groups held small demonstrations to block the passage of the bill authorizing the deployment of Korean troops to Iraq. A small group of about 200 novel writers staged a march in Chong Ro, Seoul in opposition to the ongoing war. North Korea however has worries that the U.S. will attack it after the Iraq War is over.

    Civic groups, students, novelists and movie industry celebrities turned out for fresh anti-war demonstrations in the early morning. Some 20 members of unified civic groups attempted to block House Speaker Park Kwan-yong from entering his office. Later Police took into custody 26 anti-war protesters who attempted to enter the National Assembly to block lawmakers from voting on the government motion for dispatching non-combat troops to Iraq. The demonstrators sneaked into the parliamentary compound in groups after holding an anti-war rally early in the morning.


    Anti-War Protest National Assembly (26 Mar)

    The Korean military have completed preparations for the sending of 600 engineers and 100 medical staff to Iraq awaiting the politicians approval -- which is starting to turn political. The ruling MDP has come out in support of the resolution -- but some of its members are protesting the war.

    On 27 Mar Anti-War protests heated up. About 30 protestors stormed the U.S. embassy and were arrested. Some tried to scale the wall and chain themselves to the railings.


    Anti-War Protest U.S. Embassy (26 Mar)

    The Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (KFCTU) would try to combine the efforts of the 700-odd civic groups that have allied themselves in the national anti-war movement. The Korean Teachers and Educational Workers Union said that its members would teach anti-war themes and distribute anti-war stickers during classroom hours.


    Anti-War Protest Mad War (26 Mar)
    Note the Use of "American" McDonald's Sign

    President Roh tried to quell Peace Movement by acting swiftly to suppress the anti-war movement led by civic groups. Cabinet members urged support for the U.S. effort, saying that "if you want to live on a peaceful street you need a strong city boss." Cheong Wa Dae invited leaders of about 10 civic groups to a meeting on 26 Mar to explain its decision to send troops, but several of the leaders refused to attend.

    Cheong Wa Dae urges unity on troop dispatch to Iraq

    The presidential office of Cheong Wa Dae began yesterday appealing to civic activists and lawmakers not to oppose its plan to send non-combat troops to the U.S.-led war on Iraq.

    The moves came a day after the National Assembly delayed a vote on a motion calling for the dispatch of 600 military engineers and 100 medics in the face of mounting anti-war sentiments.

    "This is a justified war, so we have to assist (the United States) in support of its alliance with the nation," a high-level Cheong Wa Dae official said, speaking on condition of anonymity.

    Ryu In-tae, senior presidential secretary for political affairs, met the representatives of 10 major civic groups to persuade them to cease protesting against the dispatch plan.

    Ryu conveyed to the civic leaders President Roh Moo-hyun's belief that the dispatch plan was a crucial, if indirect, means to resolving North Korea's nuclear issues peacefully.

    Other Cheong Wa Dae officials began contacting lawmakers, mostly reformists, to call for their cooperation in the passage of the bill, as previously agreed.

    On Tuesday, the rival parties decided to delay a timetabled vote after failing to surmount internal discord over the issue. The ruling Millennium Democratic Party (MDP) and the opposition Grand National Party (GNP) earlier said they would pass Roh's proposal to contribute to the post-war rehabilitation of the Middle Eastern region.

    "We should not send our soldiers to a war that is lacking in justification and U.N. endorsement. The party leadership should not set up a party line on voting before it allows a 'free' vote," said Rep. Kim Hee-sun, a first-term female lawmaker with the MDP. The MDP's top leaders, meanwhile, said they would push to see the bill engaged in a floor vote as early as tomorrow. The GNP responded by saying more time is required to consolidate public sentiment regarding the bill.

    "There should be no disruption of national opinion," said Rep. Rhee Q-taek, the GNP floor leader, proposing that President Roh conduct a televised debate with civic activists.

    Last Thursday, Roh announced that the Seoul government would back the U.S.-led strikes on Iraq and promote sending a battalion of army engineers and medical staffers. Roh's decision incited a public backlash, as major civic activists waged anti-war rallies and sit-in protests.

    (khj@koreaherald.co.kr)
    By Kim Hyung-jin Staff reporter

    In a sign of mounting public opposition to the government's plan to send non-combat troops to Iraq, thousands of anti-war activists on 28 Mar held protest rallies around the National Assembly in Yeouido, southern Seoul. Some 150 protesters from civic organizations held a press conference in front of the legislature and started a sit-in to try to keep lawmakers from endorsing the government's motion in a plenary session Friday.


    Anti-War Protest (27 Mar)


    Protests were held in Seoul on 27 March but were not the large demonstrations on the weekend. The primary purpose of these demonstrations was to disrupt the vote on the sending of troops to Iraq. The demonstration was entertained to the usual strains of "F_ _ king U.S.A." and saw the return of the traditional American flag burning. Most of the banners in the photos are from various university groups so the Roh Fan Club is definitely out in force.


    Anti-War Protest (27 Mar)


    In addition, South Korea is unwilling to accept a request by the United States to provide government-level support for post-Iraq war. Washington asked its allies earlier this week for possible assistance in the rebuilding of Iraq and the handling of political prisoners' camp -- adding that security, medicine, and food were specified as areas of needed support.

    The troop bill was up for a vote. On 25 Mar, the rival parties decided to delay action on the bill to send 700 troops to Iraq until Monday. The MDP and the GNP had earlier said they would pass Roh's proposal, but between 50-68 lawmakers are against the bill and are taking joint steps with civic activists who have been holding anti-war rallies and sit-in protests. However, civic groups and labor unions threatened to wage a "rejection campaign" -- a threat of political activism -- at next year's parliamentary elections against lawmakers who cast ballots for the bill. President Roh Moo-hyun urged civic organizations Friday to exercise restraint concerning what he called their "excessive activities" concerning the government's motion to send non-combat troops to Iraq. "Excessive activities" refers to the "rejection campaign" against lawmakers who vote for the controversial motion.


    Anti-War NGO Group at National Assembly (28 Mar)


    Rallies supporting or opposing the dispatch of troops to the U.S.-led war in Iraq have been staged in many places in Seoul, revealing clearly the divisions in national opinion. In front of the National Assembly building in western Seoul, civic activists with starkly contrasting opinions over the dispatch of troops held their respective gatherings at the same time.


    Pro-US Support from Marine Veteran Group at National Assembly (28 Mar)


    According to the Korea Times, "Both Roh and his aides appeared to be caught off guard when anti-war sentiment spread like a bushfire, following the start of U.S. campaign in Iraq." This is strange as Roh told the police to use restraint in "misunderstandings" in handling the protests early on thus encouraging the trend. Roh supposedly "agonized" over his support of the troop bill before coming out in support. Clearly, Roh is pro-US simply for political reasons.

    In reaction to the left-wing activists "rejection campaign" threat, South Korean right-wing and veteran groups warned Saturday they would stage a campaign during next year's parliamentary elections against lawmakers who oppose the government's motion to send non-combat troops to the U.S.-led war in Iraq.

    On 29 Mar an American flag was burned during an anti-war demonstration in Seoul while candlelight protests were held in major cities nationwide to denounce the coalition forces' massacre of Iraqi civilians and the government's plan to dispatch troops. The now traditional flag burning (now a hand-painted replica which is cheaper for the daily burnings). Traffic was brought to a standstill around Kwanghwamun in Seoul when about 3,000 demonstrators marched arm-in-arm toward the U.S. embassy. The march ended in the obligatory confrontation with police and pushing on the shields of the police. Nearly 1,000 riot police surrounded the U.S. embassy to face marching protesters. Then the 1980s running away scene as the demonstrators scattered after the police started making arrests. It was a scene out of the 1980s democracy movement -- only now it looked like the 30-40 year olds were reliving their youthful days. (Go to OhMy News for videos of the demonstrations)

    During the day, there was a children art projects to paint anti-war signs and posters. Very cute.

    A massive candlelight vigil was held in Kwanghwamun at night, but the turnout was relatively small. (See Tong Il News for photos of the demonstrations.)

    In reaction to the left-wing activists "rejection campaign" threat, South Korean right-wing and veteran groups warned Saturday they would stage a campaign during next year's parliamentary elections against lawmakers who oppose the government's motion to send non-combat troops to the U.S.-led war in Iraq.

    The New York Times pointed out the Korean hypocrisy in dealing with the anti-War protests against America. It said the National Human Rights Commission of Korea, a Korea government agency, weighed in, saying, "The war of aggression on Iraq, led by the United States and England, was not approved by the U.N. Security Council, and is an inhumane act that may kill hundreds of thousands of people." What highlighted this as an ideal example of Korean hypocrisy is that in the past, the commission has declined to comment on the human rights situation in Communist-run North Korea, arguing that its mandate is to deal with domestic issues. Enter the Roh administration and suddenly the mandate is different? President Roh was quoted as saying, "The agency was doing its duty when it outlined its stance, although it was different from the government." Let's see if we understand: The NHRC is a government agency that doesn't reflect the stance of the government? Give us a break!!!!

    On 30 March the weather was overcast but spring-like making it very ideal for protests. As the vote is not scheduled until Wednesday, the anti-war demonstrations at this point are simply to intimidate undecided politicians. Union demonstrators held a large rally in Yoido along the Han River and marched through the streets to the National Assembly. Minor confrontation with the police. (See Tongil News for photos.)

    Anti-war protestors out in force. In Seoul, some 20,000 union activists carrying anti-US and anti-war placards rallied near the National Assembly against Roh's pledge to dispatch 700 non-combat troops to the war effort in Iraq. Pro-US conservative demonstrators also out in confrontation mode, but very small in numbers.

    The rival political parties agreed to vote on the motion to send non-combat troops to support the U.S.-led war in Iraq on 2 April -- the third delay on the vote. Korea is having a hard time figuring out if it is America's ally with a "moral debt" owed to the U.S. The vote will be taken after President Roh gives a "state of affairs" address to the Assembly.

    When the troop deployment was surfaced, the Ministry of Defense stated that it was imperative that the country swiftly approve the resolution to demonstrate its resolve in supporting America. Roh's "half-hearted" support with his talk of gaining "leverage" at the upcoming military talks in April instead of actual upfront support, has labeled him accordingly. This fiasco has shown is that Korea does NOT consider its "moral" debt to America important. For all the "glad-handing" that Foreign Minister Yoon is doing with the U.S. and Japan, this is a central issue that America is watching closely so that it can count its "friends" in this all-important Iraq conflict. So far Korea has NOT been counted in the rolls.

    Nosamo, a supporters' group for President Roh Moo-hyun, is being divided over the government-proposed bill to send Korean noncombat troops to Iraq to help the coalition forces. The internet based group provided support for the Roh during his campaign for the Presidency. Most are against the troop resolution.

    The Korean National Red Cross (KNRC) launched a donation campaign Saturday to help Iraqi refugees in the Middle East. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) asked each of its regional offices to raise 108 million Swiss francs (about 97.2 billion won) to help Iraqi civilians who are suffering due to the war.

    On 31 March a group of anti-war lawmakers said they would take turns to stage sit-in strikes at a lawmakers' building at the National Assembly. So far, Rep. Kim Won-wung of the People's Party for Reform has staged a sit-in at his office at the National Assembly for 12 days.

    Demonstrations continue outside National Assembly, but not in great numbers. College students continue their anti-war protest shutting down their classes -- with the support of their professors. Pro-US conservative demonstrators also present but in very small in numbers.

    WTO Demonstrations over the Rice Market Opening: Other demonstrations have been held by farmers over the farm subsidy cuts by the government. The government announced in March a reduction of the rice acreage as the rice consumption in Korea continues to fall. A protest was held against the WTO Fair Trade Act on 15 Feb against opening of the rice market and cutting subsidies to the farmers. Roh made his position clear in the first days of his administration in that he felt that the farmers had brought much of the problems upon themselves -- though the government would attempt to do what it could to alleviate their hardship.


    Anti-War (15 Mar 03)

    The government warehouses are filled to capacity and this has prompted the Korean government to propose sending rice to North Korea over the next three years. This situation happened before years ago when the government had a glut of Tongil Rice which was unpalatable to the South Korean tastes. The solution was the same by sending the rice surplus north -- though at that time it was done through a third country (China). These farm protests have been relatively small so far -- as compared to the large 2002 WTO demonstration in Seoul that included the traditional American flag burning.


    Anti-War (15 Mar 03)

    Potential USFK Troop Reductions: An article in theKorea Herald on 5 Mar stated, that in a Parlimentary Briefing a government official stated the United States may reduce its ground troops deployed in South Korea. Though there was no possibility that the US would pull out all its ground forces, there was a possibility that they would reduce them. It is the FIRST TIME that a South Korea government official has officially raised the possibility of the reduction of the 37,000 U.S. troops in the South -- though the U.S. and ROK have not officially discussed the troop reduction issue. The ROK was concerned that the U.S. has not revealed its intention to reduce the troops. In the future, Seoul and Washington was to begin discussion about issues surrounding the readjustment of U.S. forces in the South, including the relocation of the Yongsan headquarters out of Seoul.

    With the current pro-USFK feeling -- or at least the slackening of anti-Americanism -- the USFK has come out to explain its relocation processes and attempt to foster good relations with the community. We see that for the first time they are offering to have Korean translations on the site. We hope the the U.S. embassy follow suit as well.

    The Korea Herald on 12 March said in an editorial, "USFK commanders assigned to this geopolitically sensitive region can play a multiple role beyond what is called upon by their uniforms and insignia. Gen. LaPorte and his staff are showing possibilities of making a change with their initiatives, especially by increasing their visibility in Korean society. If the large crowds of protesters make U.S. servicemembers feel unwelcome, they should understand the rallies are actually a positive sign of social progress here. The protests reflect Korea's liberalization, which has brought about the rise of local autonomy as well as the rapid growth of civic groups and their influence on almost all areas of the host society." The USFK "Good Neighbor" Program was lauded as a start with the setting up of action hotlines where the community could call in troubles with the USFK bases. However, the Korea Herald continued to tell the USFK they must understand that the protestors throwing stones at them as a "positive sign."

    USFK Presents 'Good Neighbor' Program

    by Yoo Yong-won (kysu@chosun.com)

    The commander of the United States Forces Korea, General Leon J. LaPorte, on Wednesday talked about what a relocation of U.S. forces may entail and introduced a "good neighbor" program designed to improve relations with the Korean public.

    General LaPorte, at a press conference at the Yongsan army base, said that even if the main base is moved out of central Seoul, the United Nations Command and the Korea-U.S. Combined Forces Command will remain in Seoul. General Laporte emphasized that the relocation of the base would be done because it is wanted by the Korean people. About 6,000 servicemen are stationed at the Yongsan base, and about 300 work for the Korea-US Combined Forces and the UN commands.

    Regarding the relocation of the US Army's 2nd Division to south of the Han River, General LaPorte said that various plans are being discussed but nothing has been decided. He said that according to agreements made last year in the U.S.-Korea Security Counter Measure pact, both nations will cooperate in enhancing the role of the USFK and the future of the Korea-US military alliance.

    James N. Soligan, deputy chief of staff, also said the relocation of the 2nd Division would be part of a USFK relocation. Mr. Soligan said the relocations would be done to bolster the deterrence of a North Korean attack and also help balance the security of Northeast Asia.

    General LaPorte also presented a "good neighbor" program to help build ties with the Korean public. He said direct hot lines with Korean-speaking operators would be installed at the Korea-U.S. Combined Forces Command and other U.S. bases for Koreans to make complaints or suggestions.

    In line with that, the website of the USFK will soon be translated into Korean, and locals can use it to post their opinions.

    The USFK also plans to establish sisterhood relationships with neighboring schools, teach English to students at night and invite middle and high school teachers to the base for discussions. It will also invite the Korean police guarding the bases in for tours.

    However, on 7 Mar the Choson Ilbo reported that Defense Secretary Rumsfield once again laid out the possibility that the USFK would be reducing its forces in Korea and that the forces along the DMZ were "not flexible." In addition, Rumsfield also laid out the opening volley of increased share for Korea to be discussed in the upcoming SOFA discussions.

    Rumsfeld Indicates USFK Cut

    WASHINGTON - U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld said Thursday that the United States would "end up making some adjustments" to its forces in Korea. "Whether the forces would come home, be moved farther south on the peninsula or move to some neighboring area are the kinds of things that are being sorted out," he said.

    Mr. Rumsfeld first spoke publicly about the possible shifts on Feb. 13 at a hearing of the Senate Committee on Armed Services. He mentioned the possibility of bringing some of the troops back to America, but gave no specifics.

    This time Mr. Rumsfeld, in a Pentagon town hall meeting with officials and soldiers, said that while the United States had many forces positioned far forward in the South, the Korean public considers the U.S. forces an intrusion into their lives, and the troops are not very flexible or usable. He pointed out that the South's gross domestic product is 25-35 times the North's, and that Seoul has "all the capability in the world of providing the kind of up-front deterrent that is needed." He said that the United States should focus on what it does best: providing air and sea hubs and reinforcements.

    Mr. Rumsfeld said that the changes were being made to accord with the wishes of Korean President Roh Moo-hyun, who has asked how the relationship between the United States and South Korea could be rebalanced and restructured. He said that the top U.S. commander here, General Leon LaPorte, is engaged in a consultative process with the South Korean government.

    (Ju Yong-gung, midway@chosun.com )

    Roh rode into office on the tails of the anti-Americanism, but now that he is seated in power, there is a different musical score from the Blue House. Unfortunately, Rumsfield keeps reminding him of the statements of his personal envoy -- now his Foreign Minister -- on how the structure would be "rebalanced and restructured." According to Choson Ilbo article on 7 Mar, Prime Minister Goh Kun said that "now is not the time to start a relocation of the U.S. military forces stationed on Korea because of the sensitive nature of the North Korea nuclear crisis." In a meeting with U.S. Ambassador Thomas Hubbard, Mr. Goh said talks on relocation plans should be put off until certain conditions were met. The timing of the relocation would be the most important thing to consider, Mr. Goh said. He said the preconditions necessary for a relocation were the solving of the nuclear issue and the maintenance of the deterrence and tripwire functions of the U.S. forces.

    Amazingly, the KOREANS ADMITTED THAT THEY WANT THE AMERICANS POSITIONED AS TRIPWIRES. Though all nows this, the Korean government has shied away from admitting that THEY want the USFK to stay put. The Prime Minister Goh Kun said it was not appropriate to discuss realignment of U.S. troops stationed in Korea at this point in time, and that the issue needs to be dealt with AFTER the escalating standoff over the North Korean nuclear program settles down. He stated that if a shifting of the U.S. troops is carried out, its deterrent capability should not be weakened, and its role as a "tripwire" - to ensure a U.S. military response if North Korea were to attack - must not be impaired.

    (SITE NOTE: We view this 'tripwire" statement of Prime Minister Goh with a touch of bitterness aimed at the Korean government. We wonder where was the Korean government when the anti-Americanism was in full-swing and activists were burning the U.S. flag and demanding "Yankee Go Home" in front of the U.S. embassy. The protests were a stone's throw away from the Blue House down the road where Kim Dae-jung was sitting doing NOTHING. Roh was riding on the coat tails of this anti-Americanism -- and he supported the anti-Americanism. At the time, they were full of themselves believing they could talk their "brothers" into making peace and didn't need the USFK. When the North slapped them in the face and the U.S. has made it clear that it was moving up its timetable of disengagement, they were suddenly trying to make it seem like the US was deserting them. It will not work -- the world has seen Korea at its worst. The truth was that the Korean government deserted the ROK-US alliance first. When they have failed as mediators, the Korean government shifted to its weird brand of sophistry and tried to shift the blame to the U.S. -- not South Korea in encouraging the North to pursue its nuclear goals. The latest government orchestrated pro-US rallies cannot wash that away the negative press. We have no bones to pick with the ROK military, Ministry of National Defense or the older generation who stood with the U.S. in this new phase of ROK-US relations -- but we have no patience with Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun who let the anti-Americanism run wild and encouraged the North into exacerbating the present crisis. Within Korea, the "386 Generation" is running wild with the backing of Roh and his reformist agenda. Korea is learning some hard facts of international life from its actions.)

    A New York Times article stated:

    South Korea, in Surprise, Demands U.S. Forces Stay in Place

    By DON KIRK

    SEOUL, South Korea, March 7 — Officials here said today that Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld had ignored them in suggesting realignment of American forces in Korea and demanded that they stay where they are at least until resolution of the North Korean nuclear issue. South Korea's newly installed defense minister, Cho Young Kil, said Washington "has never officially informed us of the movement of U.S. troops" and "the withdrawal issue was never raised by the U.S. government."

    Indeed, said Mr. Cho, talking to members of South Korea's fractious National Assembly, American and South Korean officials "will not discuss any possibility of movement of U.S. troops before the nuclear issue is resolved."

    The demand for American troops to stay comes as a shock to United States officials, who had assumed they were responding to commonly held Korean thinking by pushing ahead with plans for shifting the American military posture.

    (SITE NOTE: We do NOT believe for one minute that the U.S. was "shocked." The U.S. has been through the drill of Koreans once too often. Only now it is advantageous for the U.S. to leave.)

    The South Korean response indicated the sensitivities here regarding the role of United States troops as the new government of President Roh Moo Hyun settles into power amid a nuclear crisis that shows no sign of ending any time soon.

    Assuming that anti-American demonstrations in recent months verified the desire of many Koreans for American troops either to go home or to assume a much less visible presence, United States military strategists have been drafting elaborate plans for pulling them back or withdrawing many of them entirely.

    Against this background, Mr. Rumsfeld said on Thursday that he envisioned a plan under which American forces would provide mainly air and naval support while South Korean troops guarded against North Korean forces massed above the line between the two Koreas.

    Mr. Rumsfeld, at the Pentagon, suggested that the alternatives were between pulling American troops to positions south of Seoul, reducing the number of United States troops in Korea, or both. Those choices, he said, were "the kinds of things that are being sorted out."

    South Korean officials, however, viewed Mr. Rumsfeld's remarks as an unsettling revelation that was entirely news to them. All they know about, they said, was a plan announced last year for American troops to leave some minor bases in the interests of tactical efficiency.

    "Rumsfeld made some wording that was not discussed fully," said a foreign ministry spokesman, in understated politeness. "We should understand each other. There will be more intense discussions." The South Korean response appeared to represent a swing of the pendulum away from suggestions in recent months that the United States scale back its forces and reconsider basic defense arrangements.

    "Anything that would leave the impression the United States was backing out would send the wrong signal," said Ralph Cossa, president of the Pacific Forum of the Center for Strategic and International Studies. "At this point it doesn't make sense either to do it or talk about it."

    South Koreans have not altered their pleas for a "more mature, equal partnership," as demanded by President Roh, but are turning that demand into another reason for the United States to keep all 37,000 troops in Korea, the majority between here and the North Korean frontier.

    "We agree it's a critical issue," said Song Young Gil, a National Assembly member from Mr. Roh's Millennium Democratic Party. "After the nuclear crisis is solved, at that time we will consult on this problem."

    Mr. Song shared a view, increasingly heard here, that any American proposal to move troops from near the line with North Korea may mean that the United States intends to attack North Korean nuclear facilities against the wishes of the South Korean government. The logic behind this thinking is that the United States would want its troops out of harm's way in case North Korean ground forces retaliated by striking across the demilitarized zone.


    "American troops are something like hostages to attack by North Korea," said Mr. Song. "Maybe this kind of action means some kind of signal for a pre-emptive strike against North Korea."

    For much the same reason, Mr. Song also opposed proposals to withdraw American forces from the large headquarters area that they have occupied in Seoul since the Korean War.

    "When North Koreans attack Seoul, automatically American troops will be involved just in time to react," he said. "So they can prevent North Korean attack."

    In any case, "We ask Secretary Rumsfeld, do not withdraw American troops at this time," said Mr. Song. "If the alliance is equal, Americans should heed the voice of the Korean government."

    The commander of United States Forces in Korea, Gen. Leon LaPorte, talking to Korean journalists on Thursday, sympathized with the desire to move American forces from Seoul, estimating that perhaps 300 troops would stay behind to staff a joint American and South Korean headquarters.


    Maj. Gen. James Soligan of the Air Force, deputy chief of staff, said at the same gathering, "We're looking at a number of options," including possible withdrawal of the 2nd Infantry division. The 16,000 troops of the divison are stationed at bases between here and the North Korean frontier, 30 miles away.

    The growing chill with the Roh administration could be felt when Ambassador Hubbard stated on 7 Mar at a luncheon that while he intends to respond to calls voiced for "fairer relations" between the US and Korea, the demands were rather "abstract and vague." He said that he thought the two countries presently have "a mature and fair relationship based on mutual respect," while acknowledging that many people would be disappointed with that opinion. He went on to state that disagreements between Seoul and Washington on goals and policy were inevitable. However, a mature relationship does not make disagreements disappear, but helps them be managed more systematically.

    On 9 Mar the Christian Science Monitor ran an article that stated the ROK military does NOT want the USFK withdrawn from the DMZ.

    Rethinking U.S. Troops In S. Korea

    Christian Science Monitor
    March 9, 2003

    PADJU, SOUTH KOREA - South Korean Corp. Kim Song-hoon serves near the demilitarized zone dividing his country from North Korea, and lives and trains with U.S. forces. He is certain if the U.S. ever withdrew from the South, North Korea would immediately attack.

    "The North is confident they can defeat our Army without much trouble," Mr. Kim says. "What stops them is the U.S. Army. That's just the fact."

    Now, a Pentagon review of U.S. troops in the South - which comes amid the gravest security crisis the peninsula has faced in many years - represents the most extensive reexamination of forces that have deterred North Korean aggression for 50 years. Remarks by Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld about "adjustments" of the 37,000 U.S. troops - possibly withdrawing or redeploying them in a less dangerous position south of Seoul - has caused some shock and confusion among officials here, and elicited the clearest message to date from the new Roh government that U.S. troops are wanted, at least for now.

    Only two months ago, that government was elected on a wave of popular feeling against what is often felt to be a suffocating presence of U.S. forces.

    From the U.S. side, three main ideas are in play - none of which may actually happen. In addition to possible redeployment of troops from the demilitarized zone, there is consideration of moving the central command outside of Seoul. Also under review is a possible overall drawdown from the peninsula.

    All are separate issues. But in the current standoff climate, they have become confusingly congealed, and the subject of suspicion among many Koreans.


    Ratcheting up tensions

    Mr. Rumsfeld's comments are set against rising tensions on the peninsula. North Korean leader Kim Jong Il has, in short order, restarted a dormant nuclear reactor that can produce weapons-grade plutonium, and embarked on a series of what U.S. officials call "dangerous" provocations, including an anticipated short-range missile test this week.

    Last week, four MiG fighters from the North intercepted an unarmed U.S. spy plane over international waters in the Sea of Japan. A New York Times report now claims the pilot of one jet that came within 50 feet of the U.S. plane made an internationally recognized hand signal for the plane to follow him down. Air Force officials interpret this as an attempt by the North to take the U.S. crew hostage in an aerial replay of the 1968 Pueblo naval incident. "I felt that until the plane intercept, [North Korean leader] Kim's moves were predictable," argues one U.S. military analyst in Seoul. "But this is a far more risky game."

    Talk of adjusting U.S. forces in Korea comes after a year of emotional protest in South Korea against American GIs, culminating in December in the surprise election of leftist Mr. Roh, who promised voters to put relations with the U.S. on a "more equal basis."

    Yet in the interim, the nuclear crisis and a downturn in the Korean economy has brought a more sober reckoning of what options the Roh government can pursue. Many of the younger protesters in Seoul that helped elect Roh have criticized the U.S., "thinking that no matter what they said or did, the Americans would never leave," one analyst points out. "They felt free to rant, thinking U.S. interests in the region meant no withdrawal. But Pentagon thinking may be different."

    Changes in the U.S. force presence in South Korea has been under discussion both here and in Washington for nearly a decade. There are some 17 military posts along the DMZ in a space the size of Rhode Island. Many of the army posts have barracks built in the 1950s, and even some officers complain they cannot bring their families on base.

    In coming years, the U.S. plans to hand over some 50 percent of its current landholdings under a program agreed to by the Korean parliament last year. U.S. troops are increasingly in the way of the civilian population, which led to a tragic accident last June when a U.S.-tank vehicle ran over two schoolgirls, bringing a national outcry that lasted for months.

    Interpreting moves

    In addition to concerns about the U.S. review, the timing of Rumsfeld's comments in particular have spurred some whispering. Some Koreans now worry that the U.S. may redeploy the bulk of its troops south of Seoul, below the Han River, to put them out of harm's way - out of range of the North's artillery fire. Worries are that such a move would preface a possible preemptive strike against Kim's nuclear facilities. Some observers feel that while Kim has long wanted U.S. forces off the peninsula, a U.S. withdrawal might be interpreted by him as the signal for a U.S. attack - backing him into a corner from which he finds it rational to make the first military move.

    U.S. diplomats and military officials deny any decisions have been made, and will wait until meetings between the U.S. and South Korea in April.

    One colonel at the DMZ stated, "we will fight alongside the South Koreans no matter what happens. We haven't let them down for 50 years, and we aren't starting now."

    Kim Ki Ho, a South Korean colonel serving alongside the 2nd U.S. Army division at the DMZ says, "I speak for every South Korean officer I know when saying we don't want the U.S. out of Korea, and we don't want the U.S. deployed south of the Han River."

    However, on 13 Mar, OhMy News, a internet newspaper, stated that the U.S. had contacted Korea about the possibility of a pre-emptive strike against the Yongbyon nuclear site. The U.S. Ambassador flatly denied this calling the report "ridiculous" and the Seoul government issued an official statement denying this report -- and demanding a retraction.

    The remark by Prime Minister Goh over the troops being a "tripwire" stirred some remarks by Washington officials. A Choson Ilbo article on 20 Mar stated:

    U.S. Says No More 'Tripwire'

    by Joo Yong-joong (midway@chosun.com)

    WASHINGTON - A high-level official at the U.S. Defense Department said this week that the tripwire function of the U.S. forces near the Demilitarized Zone was outdated. The official, who requested anonymity, told Korean correspondents that the expression applied to the situation 10-30 years ago, and that Americans wanted such expressions done away with. The official said that if a war broke out here in this age of missiles, North Korea would target American air bases from the beginning.

    The official also said that Washington wanted to relocate the Yongsan base in central Seoul as soon as possible, maybe within months, and that the two big bases north of the Han River should be relocated south of the river within years. Osan and Pyeongtaek were mentioned as possible relocation areas.

    He stressed that the American defense treaty was stronger than ever but that if the Koreans wished, U.S. troops in Korea could leave tomorrow. Washington wants a new blueprint for the next 50 years of U.S.-Korea relations to be made before October, when the alliance turns 50, he said. Washington wants talks on how to make the relationship more balanced, as President Roh Moo-hyun has requested, but wants Seoul to take on added roles and responsibilities, the official said.

    Despite the government stance there is a suggestion that the majority of Korean people favor U.S. troop withdrawal. A Yonhap News article on 24 Mar stated: "Nearly seven out of 10 South Koreans favor a withdrawal of U.S. troops, according to a poll conducted by fn research and consulting, an affiliate of the Financial News daily newspaper. The poll, conducted on 2,154 adults across the country one month into Roh Moo-hyun's presidency, suggested 68.4 percent support the pullout of the 37,000 U.S. soldiers stationed here with the remaining 31.6 percent against such a withdrawal."

    Small groups of Korean-Americans Protest Withdrawal of U.S. Troops: Yonhap News carried a short blurp that said about 50 Korean residents in the U.S. staged a rally in front of the White House on 1 Mar in protest against anti-American sentiment in Korea and North Korea's nuclear development. The protesters called for activists in South Korea to stop anti-U.S. movement and to halt their demand for withdrawal of U.S. troops. They also urged the North to end its nuclear weapons development and China to stop sending fleeing North Koreans back to their hunger-stricken homeland. According to a article in Korea Times The demonstration was organized by a U.S.-based Korean human rights group, called the ``Asia Pacific Human Rights Association,'' led by a pastor, Yoo Cheon-jong.

    On 8 Mar Korean-Americans living in Los Angeles protested against North Korea's nuclear weapons development program and the withdrawal of U.S. troops from the Korean Peninsula. The 2-hour demonstration saw some 600 Koreans call for the settlement of the North Korean nuclear crisis and the cementing of diplomatic relations between South Korea and the United States.

    Continuing Talk of Troop Withdrawal: In Washington Times on 7 Mar, Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld said that he planned to move some American troops away from the demilitarized zone separating North and South Korea. "I suspect that what we'll do is we'll end up making some adjustments there," Mr. Rumsfeld said. He described at least three options: Move troops farther south on the Korean Peninsula, place them elsewhere in Asia or send them home. Mr. Rumsfeld's most explicit statement to date that the United States will reposition some of its 37,000 troops in South Korea could ease heightened tensions between Washington and the North. He made his remarks during a "town hall" meeting with Pentagon employees.

    When Seoul was shocked by his remarks, Rumsfield responded that he was only reacting to Seoul's requests to "restructure and realign" the "alliance." Prime Minister Goh immediately sent out the message that the USFK forces were needed as "tripwires" along the DMZ. President Roh stated that if the U.S. wanted to relocate their forces they were free to do so -- much in the same manner as he did before in Jan before the ROK Chiefs of Staff. He quickly retracted that with statements of the strong alliance again.

    North Korean Situation elevated to a Crisis: After the reports of the Yongbyon reactor was restarted, President Roh instructed his foreign policy team yesterday to devise a response to North Korea's reactivation of a nuclear reactor. The intent was to prepare "countermeasures" -- whatever that might be. Roh continued his position that his government will not tolerate the North's nuclear development but that the issue should be resolved peacefully through dialogue. Roh, in his first policy speech since taking office, warned of a "calamity" from the standoff over North Korea's nuclear program unless a peaceful resolution is found quickly. In response, Pyongyang issued a dispatch threatening that nuclear war could break out on the Korean Peninsula at "any moment," an escalation of the communist North's hostile rhetoric as international pressure grows for it to disarm. North Korea started preparations to test fire its missile platforms and Japan became more anxious. Things got even worse when the North "shadowed" a RC-135S reconnaissance aircraft and came within 50 feet of the aircraft. Immediately, B-52 and B-1 bombers -- that had been held off because of South Korea's aversion to any hint of military escalation -- were dispatched to Guam. (See North Korean Situation for details of March military incidents.)


    Yongbyon Nuclear facility

    The United States and other countries proposed the replacement of the reactors with thermal power plants, fearing that the light-water reactors may be diverted to produce weapons-grade plutonium. The Agreed Framework made between the United States and the North in 1994 has been virtually scrapped with KEDO delaying the procurement of "critical parts" for the reactors.

    On 8 Mar it was reported that President George Bush gave notice yesterday that the US would "resort to military force against North Korea if diplomacy fails to stop it building a substantial nuclear arsenal." Bush told US newspapers that his administration would maintain its efforts to prevent North Korea building a nuclear arsenal, adding: "If they don't work diplomatically, they'll have to work militarily." It was the first time he explicitly raised the question of using force. However, officials emphasized that Washington would ALMOST certainly not respond with force if Pyongyang took the next step towards producing plutonium: moving its spent nuclear fuel rods to the recently reactivated Yongbyon reprocessing plant. "I don't think that is a red line any more," an official involved in policy-making on the Korean peninsula said. Bush stated that he was "optimistic" about finding a diplomatic solution to the nuclear stand-off with North Korea. He said there were a number of regional countries which had a "direct stake in whether or not North Korea has a nuclear weapon".

    Kevin Siers Charlotte Observer, NC (Mar 03)
    Click on image to enlarge

    Foreign Residents Getting Jittery: On 9 Mar, Yonhap News wrote, "Foreign residents in South Korea are become jittery as tension grows on the Korean Peninsula over North Korea's nuclear weapons program. Some foreigners have already left for home for fear of possible war on the peninsula and others have cancelled reservations at deluxe hotels. Some American firms with Korean branches e-mailed their employees in other branches, telling them to avoid business travel to South Korea or Japan for the time being."

    The tension inched up a little by the announcement on 7 Mar from Korean Minister of National Defense Cho that the U.S. hopes to move its troops off of the central Seoul base of Yongsan as soon as possible, and wants to make its bases more unified, but that no confirmations have been made of U.S. troop downsizing plans.

    U.S. Pre-emptive Strike Possibility? Rumors circulated in the media that the U.S.would pull out its troops as a harbinger of a military strike against the North. However, Seoul officially states the "chances are very slim" that the U.S. will launch an attack, but that the U.S. may have secret plans. (NOTE: This official reaction is in response to Colin Powell's talk with Roh about the U.S. not removing the military option from the table and Gen. Meyers, U.S. Joint Chief of Staff, stating there had been "contingency" plans drawn up for such an action. Gen. Myers said in an interview with NBC that if President George W. Bush decided to use military force to resolve special issues, U.S. troops are ready to operate in a flexible and effective manner, adding that North Korea is one of the targets of nuclear attack. He also said that the U.S. maintains and updates all military options _ including preemptive nuclear attacks _ against North Korea.)

    Unification Minister Jeong Se-hyun dismissed a possible preemptive military attack by the United States against North Korea in a SBS radio interview with an SBS radio program on 5 Mar. He stated the rumors of a U.S. attack are baseless and that Washington would not "ignore the will of the South Korean people." (NOTE: The point that the U.S. would consult Seoul prior to a pre-emptive strike.)

    The rift between the United States and North Korea over holding out what American officials call "the military option" has contributed to growing anxiety. The Koreans populace in general show little concern of a threat to their well-being from the North, but a military option does bring into play the threat of the destruction of Seoul because of the AMERICAN actions. In a society sharply and increasingly divided on the future of the United States-Korean alliance, officials have talked a fine line between support for the American position and insistence on the need for dialogue with the North.

    North Korean Crisis Affecting the South's Business Climate: After having not appeared to have had any effect on the economy since the crisis began in October with North Korea's acknowledgment of the existence of a nuclear weapons program, the crisis has begun to hit the stock market in full force. Prices on the Korea Stock Exchange closed today at their lowest level in 16 months.

    The nuclear crisis has played into fears of war in Iraq, which has resulted in a sharp increase in oil prices and two consecutive months in which imports exceeded exports. Officials also fear that the nuclear crisis could affect foreign direct investment, which had been rising steadily since the 1997-1998 economic crisis.

    Anti-Draft Movement Grows: The Ministry of Education and Human Resources Development sent official instructions to colleges and universities nationwide in November 2002 and in February 2003 calling for cooperation in controlling a growing campaign among students against South Korea's compulsory military service system. The move to reject mandatory military duty was spreading on campuses. The growing calls to refuse to serve in the military was described as a "grave threat" to national security.

    On 18 Mar it was announced that the term for draftees would be reduced by two months for all services. The service period for the army, navy and air force will be curtailed to 24, 26 and 28 months, respectively. In addition, the time for alternative service (i.e., working in government positions) will be also reduced by two months. The new scheme will also be applied to riot police, prison guards and compulsory fire fighters. Skilled jobs held by active servicemen will be referred to non-commissioned officers with the aim of preventing a possible drop in war capability because of the shortened term of service.

    NGO groups File Environmental Noise Suit: On 4 Mar in residents near Camp Page, Chuncheon, Gangwon Province filed a suit seeking government compensation for their suffering due to the noise from helicopters in the base. A committee composed of local residents held a press conference at a community center and said it had presented the petition to a local court seeking compensation of 420 million won (US$351,000). The core NGO group would be Green Korea. This is a continuing battle of the NGO groups in the gray area of damages for "noise pollution." A similar suit was recently filed against the ROKAF 19th Tactical Fighter Wing at Chungwong AB.

    NGO groups Urge Calling Off Joint Military Exercises: Several South Korean civic groups urged Seoul and Washington Monday to call off two joint military exercises scheduled to take place from Tuesday through April 2. As part of a protest in Yongsan Garrison, six civic groups demanded the military authorities of the two countries suspend plans to conduct the March 4-April 2 Foal Eagle and March 19-26 RSOI (Reception, Staging, Onward Movement and Integration) exercises. North Korea claimed the two exercises are aimed at calming anti-American sentiment and rationalizing its attempt to wage war against the North. This was exactly the party line the North was espousing that the exercises were a pretext to war -- and should be cancelled. The exercises went forward as scheduled.


    Anti-Exercise Protest by Anti-War group in Seoul (12 Mar 03)

    However, after the RC-135S was "shadowed" on 2 Mar, the tensions were cranked up a lot. The reconnaissance flights were to resume after a brief pause according to a 12 Mar Reuters story. The story stated that RC-135S reconnaissance planes would be watched over by AWACS radar planes and "high-tech U.S. Navy warships" in the information-gathering missions over the Sea of Japan. The "high-tech" ships are Aegis cruisers from the USS Vinson battle group as well as from the Japanese SDF.

    On 13 Mar the U.S. Navy announced plans to send the aircraft carrier USS Carl Vinson to South Korea to participate in a major U.S.-South Korean Foal Eagle exercise. The U.S. Air Force is sending six F-117 Nighthawk stealth fighters from their home base in New Mexico to South Korea to participate in the exercise as well. The North again screamed that the exercise was a pretext for a pre-emptive strike. (NOTE: It should be noted that the last time the F-117A Stealth fighters were in Korea was during the last nuclear standoff with North Korea in 1993. On 23 Mar we observed the F-117A practicing "touch-and-gos" at Kunsan AB and the aircraft are truly impressive in that they can "turn on a dime." A very impressive aircraft.)

    On 22 Mar when the U.S. started its "shock and awe" air campaign against Iraq, the North Korean standoff started to take on a new meaning in the minds of Koreans. The Foal Eagle Exercise was only ONE element of a war plan. The key element that had changed was the fact that (1) the strike was pre-emptive; (2) It had been carried out in the face of world condemnation; (3) It was being carried out WITHOUT the support of major nations; and (4) It was being carried out against the #1 target of the Axis of Evil. North Korea was reminded that it was #2. At this point, the rhetoric from the North was dramatically different and so was the Roh anti-US defiance talks of "equal partnership." The U.S. was quite capable of launching a preemptive strike against North Korea -- with or without the support of the South. At the onset of the Iraq War, Roh proclaimed that the USFK would not be removed until the nuclear crisis had been resolved.




    F-117A at Kunsan (16 Mar 03)


    USS Carl Vinson at Pusan (15 Mar 03)

    Anti-Exercise Protests: Anti-War protests targeted the Foal Eagle and RSOI exercises. On 19 Mar a protest was held outside Yongsan by a small group carrying banners that said, "Stop Foal Eagle RSOI Exercises Targeting North Korea!" (Go to Tongil News for photos.) Similar demonstrations were held throughout Korea. This demonstration was in conjunction with the anti-War protests being held in front of the Blue House protesting the War in Iraq at the same time.

    On the 22 Mar the Tongil News showed an interesting video clip of protestors at Five-color Beach (?) on 21 Mar in the midst of the Foal Eagle Exercises with students attempting to run down to the landing of a fishing village and stretch out their banner with Korean flags waving. They were intercepted by the police and hauled away in police buses. In the background of the video, the troopship and landing craft used to practice a landing assault are shown in the background with the helicopters flying overhead. They never got a chance to disturb anything.

    Peace and Prosperity (Sunshine Policy) Programs Continue: The Kaesong project continues unabated with work underway on both sides. However, power remains as the biggest stumbling block. As to the road crossings through the DMZ, the Ministry of Defense said South Korean troops have resumed roadbed construction and mine clearing operations as part of the project to reconnect cross-border railways and roads. Soldiers in charge of the reconnection of the Gyeongui (Seoul-Sinuiju) line through the western sector of the DMZ finished the groundwork for the 1.8 kilometers of railroad through the DMZ last December and are now scheduled to complete work on the roadbed by the end of May. Meetings between the Koreas continue on building a family reunion center near Mount Geumgang in the North with discussions on the construction schedule and size of the envisaged center for hosting meetings of families separated by the 1950-53 Korean War.

    Kim Dae-jung and Hyundai Merchant Marine Scandal Cloud Politics: The majority GNP has passed a bill authorizing a special counsel to investigate the "cash for summit" scandal. Roh had until March 15 to decide whether to veto the bill (send back the bill for "reconsideration"). However, if he did so he stands a chance of being overruled by the GNP vote. Public opinion is divided over whether or not President Roh Moo-hyun should exercise his right to reject a bill passed by the legislature. Roh's supporters are calling for a veto against the controversial bill, claiming that an investigation would not serve the national interest. On the other hand, his GNP critics are demanding that he sign it into law, warning that his refusal to endorse it would invite a serious political backlash. Roh would prefer a political compromise to limit the scope of the investigation to matters within South Korea only, but the GNP balked. Roh claims the "secret" negotiations between the two Koreas must not be probed as a matter of national security.


    Go to Kunsan AB Protests: January-May 2003.
    Go to Kunsan AB Protests: April-June 2003.
    Go to Kunsan AB Protests: July-September 2003.
    Go to Kunsan AB Protests: July-September 2003.

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