The following is an interview from Argus with the Rev Mun to give you some insight into his causes of anti-war and SOFA revision:

Interview With Mun Jung-hyeon of People's Action for Reform of Unjust ROK-US SOFA Agreement

SOFA, Undermining Korean Law and Order

A short time ago, the Department of National Defense received a document, which was drawn up by the U.S. Armed Forces in Korea (USFK). It was a request to borrow some facilities at the new airport in Inchon for military purposes. But, they are already using a part of Kimpo International airport for this purpose and now they are requesting more facilities for their convenience. These kinds of actions are based on the ROK-US SOFA (Status Of Forces Agreement). So, many people are ashamed of the agreement believing it represents an unjust relationship with USFK.

The SOFA is an agreement that positions the lawful status of the USFK. According to international law, foreign forces generally abide by the law of the country in which they are stationed. An exception can be made only when the foreign forces have to perform a special duty in a country under a mutual agreement between two countries according to international law. However, SOFA as agreed between the ROK and the US shouldn't go further than just making certain accommodations to the U.S. Army; the current agreement practically forfeits the sovereignty of Korea.

Hong Sun-young, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade, has made it clear to a revision to the unfair SOFA agreement must be made step by step. Many civic organizations, however, look at the gradual revision suspiciously with doubtful eyes as the authorities put on airs. The Ministry has already undertaken the gradual revision of SOFA in 1991, but nothing has changed. So, 127 civic organizations stand united in calling for an overall revision of the ROK-US SOFA because the government has persistently let them down. The Argus met Mun Jeong-hyun, a standing delegate of People's Action for Reform of the Unjust ROK-US SOFA Agreement, on his street where he was demonstrating in the direction of the American Embassy.

Reporter: You have participated in a movement for revision of the unjust SOFA. What is the significance of this movement?

Mun: If you look at the agreement, USFK should stay to protector the weak S.K. against the enemy. South Korea, however, now has been increasing its own defense capability and now has the power to defend itself. Nevertheless, there has been no change in the Status of Forces Agreement for the past 50 years. Meanwhile, the number of crimes committed by U.S. soldiers increase by the week. The environmental pollution around the camps has intensified and of course there is no such regulation restricting such actions in SOFA. All we hope is to hold a meeting between Korea and USFK to revise SOFA, an unfair agreement. If our government only shows benevolence this time, we won't even be able to recover our lost sovereignty. And, foreign military forces must withdraw from every country. The USFK is no exception. We know that foreign forces are sacrificing their lives and bearing all costs, except in a few exceptional cases perhaps. We only know of the inequality and injustice committed by foreign forces. Therefore, the USFK should agree to withdraw from this land unless they agree to revise SOFA completely.

R: What are some particular problems caused by the USFK?

M: There have been too many problems for them who are protected by SOFA. First, they haven't paid for using the facilities, the ground forces, nor the taxes on the import of goods from abroad. It violates the international law. Our sovereignty has been infringed on. Secondly, the agreement doesn't contain any provision concerning environmental pollution around the camps. Camp Kunsan is a case in point. The West Sea suffered fatigue due to excessive waste from the camp. Many people also complained of pain as a result of loud explosions from U.S. air-force bombing runs. Finally, they don't have lawful responsibility in Korea even though they commit crimes as serious as murder. Under SOFA, the suspect was sent to their home country. But, most of them are released on account of insufficient evidence. This is the reason to crime has increased among U.S. soldiers. (NOTE: The environmental complaint is valid. Kunsan AB dumps its untreated waste directly into the West Sea.)

R: We know that no one could have a meeting within 100 meters of the Embassy by law. Didn't you have any problems during the meeting of 'People's Action for Reform of Unjust ROK-US Agreement'?

M: Of course. In spite of the fact that the law is a bad law, we had to stage the rally 100m away from the American Embassy. The result, however, was only a containment tactic on the part of the Korean police. The reason for this action was to curry favor with America. At last, the meeting was closed briefly. We thought that more attention against the unreasonable actions of the Korean government was needed actually.

R: Would you tell me about what you think the preferable revisions to SOFA are?

M: There are several provisions in need of revision: ˇă A complete guarantee of the Korean government's jurisdiction concerning criminal investigations and the execution of sentences. ˇă Establishing terms for claims on damage incurred by U.S. soldiers. ˇă Contracting a lease between ROK and the U.S. and collecting fees for using military camps. ˇă Establishing human rights and labor rights of Korean laborers working in the U.S. camps. ˇă Providing preventive measures against smuggling and illegal outflow from the U.S. military post exchange. ˇă A revised law must include other measures abolishing special privileges of the USFK. These are the minimal requirements and demands necessary to reclaim our nation's sovereignty.

R: . Do you have any other plans for revising the unjust agreement?

M: Every country in which the USFK is stationed, has SOFA. So, we held meetings with Japanese and Filipino people committed to overthrowing the unjust SOFA. And, we are pushing for international solidarity against the unfair foreign policy of the U.S. Government. They should agree to the revision of the unjust SOFA ad pay for damages caused by U.S. Forces in foreign lands.

By Jeon Kyu-m

As the U.S. Troops Pack Up

Common sense has won the day in the USFK debate. After 50 years of putting their boys on the line for people who hold them in contempt and hatred, the USFK is beginning to leave. They call it a redeployment, but it is obvious they intend to leave in the near future. So let's not see any further anti-American demos, let's not spit on U.S. soldiers, let's not show the usual Korean character. The "miguk" will be gone as soon as the ROK army is ready. Although they know South Koreans hate them, they are not going to leave until our army is ready. And let's not forget that other foreign troops who came to Korea throughout history were never swayed by Korean "anger." The United States has listened, and we should be grateful. Although it began with childish demonstrations of adolescent rage, South Korea will soon be on its own, as we have wanted. But let's not complain if growing up brings responsibility and cost. If there is war with the North, it will be longer and bloodier, and Seoul may not be habitable. But we will be standing on our own two feet. And we will owe this chance to the Americans, who came when we needed them, and will leave now that we are asking.

Lee Park
Gunsan

In July the tension heated up again with the protests over the Missile Defense that the ROK decided to sign on to. The ROK had just the month before delayed procurement of the Patriot 3 to replace the decrepit Nike-Hercules systems and Hawk batteries. Just the month before, the Roh administration stated that they were delaying procurement and moving up the purchase of AWACS aircraft instead. They used as an excuse that the Korean people might be offended. Then because the Japanese moved ahead with its joining the Missile Defense with the U.S., the ROK decided to do the same with a "modified" MD.

In July the weekly protests became more unpredictable -- as the environmentalists were also claiming that the USFK was dumping contaminated soil illegally -- a proven form of disinformation to stir up trouble. The riot police suddenly started to pay attention to the weaknesses in the Kunsan AB perimeter defense that we have been speaking of for years. On the side towards Haje -- the town just outside the Ammo Dump -- the riot police positioned themselves on the main side gate entry points from that side -- on about three points with dirt/access roads leading up to the fence line.

Our Opinion of the Protestors Blocking the Gate: From the onset, let us say that our opinion doesn't count for a hill of beans anywhere in Kunsan -- and definitely not at Kunsan AB. Our opinion doesn't carry any weight anywhere. Our opinion is based on our observations of the past few years.

We still maintain that the weekly protests that closes the main gate are ridiculous. How 8-10 people -- if that many show up -- can effectively slows down the operations of an air base is absurd!!! What is even more ridiculous is that even if they do NOT show up the base still has to prepare for the worst and shut down their gates. For over four years, between ZERO to TEN people have been closing the base Main Gate.

During these protests at the main gate, all traffic is diverted through the North Gate. The traffic is usually backed up and it is very slow getting on or off the base. The protestors ability to tie up a sizeable amount of the base security forces and riot policeman for hours proves to the protestors that they have succeeded.

But we maintain that the protests are effective only because they are ALLOWED to be effective. We continue to suggest that the Korean Police only allow the protestors to block the main thoroughfare at a distance of 100 yards from the main gate. This would be similar to the distance that they keep protestors away from the U.S. embassy. This would allow the side street -- used by the Kunsan bus and traffic from the airport/North Gate side -- to be used for entry to the base. The Main Gate need not be shut down.

Suddenly the protestors would be INEFFECTIVE. Without the base closure, this weekly protest would disappear very quickly. If I were a wing commander, I'd be asking my legal experts what his powers are under the "three-mile exclusionary rule." Just as certain restrictions apply to the airmen transiting this zone, so do they apply to VISITING civilians.

The point we're trying to make is that if the protestors were contained in an area further down from the main gate, a confrontation on the base's doorsteps could NOT happen. Eight-to-ten dedicated protestors are still no match for a busload of riot police.

But even if the combined group's full membership showed up, they would be at a great disadvantage. If the protestors advanced on the gate, they would be in a violent trap. They are at a distinct disadvantage as they are on a street with low walled houses on both sides and basically trapped with one exit - one entry. To be ridiculous, let's assume a mass rally of 5,000 people showed up at the front gate -- something not seen in all the years here -- and advanced on the main gate. The front ranks on the street would only be approximately 50 men across. They are trapped into a funnel until they reach the parking lot area. It is not a good place to violently protest. The riot police are trained in the Genghis Khan encircle and slaughter techniques and this would be a trap for this technique. Unlike the open streets of Seoul, it is NOT an environment to have a confrontation with the riot police.

If the protestors tried to block the side road to the Main Gate, they would again be falling into the same trap of one entry-one exit. If they tried to block the main road leading to the airport to shut off this side road entry, they would have a lot of influential and powerful companies -- like KAL and Asean airlines, plus the Korean government -- suddenly becoming very vocal negatively about their actions. To try to block the "Y" at the traffic light leading to Kunsan Airport and the Air Base in an open farm area with no place to run or hide, it would be too stupid to consider. Riot police blocking three avenues of escape with buses could contain any activists silly enough to attempt this.

Bottom line is that the small amount of protestors from this group can NOT support blocking the side road AND the main road as well.

We believe, the base has been working from a false assumption for over four years that the combined groups are very large and have community support. The truth is that the NATIONAL cover group has a lot of members, but not that many that live in Kunsan. It is true that some radical leaders are from Kunsan, but their focus is on Seoul or other high visibility sites. Very seldom have they appeared at Kunsan -- though they have mustered some protests not amounting to more than a few hundred -- at the main gate.

As to community support, the size of the weekly group tells the story. If the protestors had such a great support from the community, the protests would be much larger. The truth is that the group is so small that they had to combine their causes to come up with 8-10 who would show up at all. The primary group REGAIN (Civilian Gathering for Regaining of the Territorial Rights in the Kunsan U.S. Military Airbase) is comprised of only 100 people (approximately). This small group has strangled the base of 5,000 USAF and 2,000 ROKAF once a week for four years. Even if the group doesn't show up, the gate is still blocked off. This is a win-win situation for the protestors.

Periodically there have been NON-POLITICAL protests at the main gate -- mainly for economic reasons -- such as the shutting down of American town operations and its bar row. The America town row were over Korean rowdies in the bar areas which were supposed to be for Americans only. The bar owners cried foul. However, these were non-violent protests -- and were simply to show the base their displeasure with what they felt were unfair and arbitrary rulings. These folks depend on base for their livelihood and are not out to harm the relationship.

Other protests in the past have been by people who have lost their jobs at the base or over squabbles of retirement. These again were economic in nature and not political. By and large these protests are vocal, but not violent.

Though we understand the base's fear that frustrating the protestors will escalate a minor protest into a major protest, we need to point out one thing. For over four years, the protest group has only been able to muster 8-10 people for a protest each week -- if they showed up at all. We feel the base has attributed more power to this patch-together group and the community support than they possess.

However, the base may point out that there have been some violent large-scale protests in the past. We counter this argument with the fact that most demonstrations in front of the base have been peaceful and the violent ones have been well-publicized demonstrations led by outside agitators.

Though some protests did turn ugly, we point out that these were very SMALL demonstrations with hard-core activists. One such hard-core activist is the Rev. Mun from Kunsan. He specializes in hitting the shields of the riot policemen with his cane in face-to-face confrontations -- knowing full-well that he is being photographed and that the riot-police are under orders not to react to his taunts. One such protest occurred on 23 March 2001 at the Main Gate. The protest was to support peace on the peninsula and objected to the Nuclear Missile Defense Treaty & Theater Missile Defense initiative. The protestors charged the gate and one individual got a bloodied head. However, the activists in the videos are the same minor actors seen in the videos at Seoul. They were "outside agitators."

IN ADDITION, VIEW THE VIDEO CAREFULLY AND COUNT THE PROTESTORS. THERE ARE ARE SCORES OF RIOT POLICE AND ONLY A HANDFUL OF PROTESTORS!!! The camera would have panned the crowds if there were any. Instead we only get faces of the speakers and a few protestors violently charging the police ranks. The same faces appear in the 2002 & 2003 anti-American protests in Seoul -- including the Rev. Mun Chong-hyun of Kunsan. (See Protest Video 2 March 23, 2001 (Kunsan AB (Migun): Part I and Protest Video 2 March 23, 2001 (Kunsan AB (Migun): Part II ) The point is that these protests were organized by "outside agitators" and advertised well in advance.

Also remember that the violent protests (anti-War) that occurred at the gate in 2001 had nothing to do with the on-going protests (Land useage/SOFA/Environment) except in the most general way. The tiny REGAIN group of Kunsan is linked under the Pan-National Committee which is a NGO cover group.

OUR POINT IS THAT USING THESE PAST VIOLENT PROTESTS TO JUSTIFY THE PRECAUTIONS ON CLOSURE OF THE BASE WEEKLY IS NOT VALID. The violent protests were well-publicized demonstrations that only the hard-core supporters showed up for. They had no broad community support and they were by outside agitators. The local protests have NO broad based community support. In our opinion, the base has suffered for four years for nothing...but we're not affiliated with the base in any shape or manner. OUR OPINION DOESN'T COUNT!!!

Pro-US rally: (See Pro-U.S. demonstrations.) At Kunsan, 350 demonstrators demonstrated in support of the continued presence of the USFK in Korea on Jan 14. Ironically, the Pro-American demonstration at Kunsan consisted of the American-Town Bar Owners Association, Foreign Organization Employee Union and the Korean contractors at Kunsan. It was NOT "stay in Korea to protect my country," but "stay in Korea to protect my paycheck." Though it also protested the North Korean nuclear program that threatened the peace on the peninsula, the primary focus was on jobs. Han Ki-Hong of the Kunsan Employees Union stated, "This is a matter of our own lives. We are dependent of the base for our jobs." (See Wolfpack Warrior.)

Wolf Pack Warrior (Jan 17)
Click on Photo to Enlarge

Militant Anti-American Groups: Some of the more militant Anti-American groups reported in an Aug 2001 Pacific Stars and Stripes article are listed here. The NGO groups in Korea would require a full-time project to keep up with. They are formed and disintegrate quickly. The following are some groups that show up at the main gates of Kunsan periodically and have been around for some time. The groups highlighted in gold are the core groups for the Kunsan Main Gate protests:

The National Federation of Student Councils (Hanchongyeon) : commonly known as Hanchongnyeon, the group protest the U.S. military presence in Korea. The federation is said to have the most potential for violent anti-American protests.

Maehyang-ri's Spring : A group dedicated to the village of Maehyang-ri in Kyonggi-do. Residents, mostly elderly citizens, say they feel their lives are in danger from the bombing and firing exercises executed at Koon-ni range, which is run by the Air Force. Noise pollution is also a concern for Maehyang-ri residents. Member numbers were not available.

Civilian Gathering for Regaining of the Territorial Rights in the Kunsan U.S. Military Airbase (REGAIN) : A group dedicated to amending the SOFA, investigating crimes by U.S. soldiers, and recovering the land used by the Air Force in Kunsan. Approximately 100 people.

People's Action for Reform of Unjust U.S.-South Korea SOFA Agreement : A group dedicated to amending the SOFA. This group plays the role of an umbrella for many other organizations. Working with about 127 other women's, religious, civic and farmers' organizations, People's Action for Reform of Unjust ROK-U.S. Agreement links various problems with the U.S. military with the move to amend the SOFA.

One Korea : A group demanding the removal of the U.S. military from South Korea.

National Campaign for Eradication of Crime by U.S. Troops in Korea : A group committed to seeking justice for victims of crimes by U.S. soldiers. Holds one-hour protests in front of the main post gate of Yongsan Garrison every Friday. The organization has about 80 members. (See USFK Crimes for the group's viewpoint in English.)

Green Korea United : An environmental organization with a separate department for U.S. base environmental problems. Approximately 10,000 members.

Though the organizations above are non-Communist, it is probably true that there are North Korean sympathizers hidden in some of the groups. North Korean "juche" sympathizers have infiltrated student and other opposition groups in the past -- and North Korean agents continue their efforts to recruit members to their cause. In January 2002, Kim Dae Jung publically apologized that "some" Koreans -- meaning the groups above -- don't approve of the U.S. in Korea, but affirmed that the U.S. was needed to ensure stability on the peninsula.

Politics, Corruption and Protests: We include this item to illustrate how corruption and bribery is alive and well in Korea -- and how it can be used to stiffle local protests. In 2001, a formula race track idea surfaced for Kunsan City. Lauded by the local government, it was protested by local civic groups over the proposed route of the course and public expense. However, the protests were steam rollered and ignored. Later the idea proved to be economically unfeasible and there was no interest in the idea either nationally or internationally.

In January 2003, former Governor of North Cholla Province You Jong-keun was found guilty of bribery charges, but You appealed his conviction to higher courts. You was indicted on charges of receiving 400 million won ($330,000) from the Sepoong Group, a Kunsan-based paper making firm, in 1997 in return for helping it build a car racetrack in Kunsan. A lower court sentenced You to five years in prison and fined him 300 million won ($253,000). You, formerly of the Kim Dae-jung's Millennium Democratic Party.

Terrorism threat: There was an increased awareness of possible terrorism as the date of the Iraqi potential attack neared. Riot Police buses were positioned near the gate and police checkpoints leading to the base increased. New curfew regulations have been posted stating that no USFK personnel will be allowed in off-base establishments after curfew.

However, there has really not been any return to the situation following 9-11. The barriers are still in place. They funnel traffic into a one-lane choke point in the road. As of February, there was no return to the mirror checks or trunk checks -- though there are the standard spot checks of vehicles exiting the base.

Go to Kunsan AB Protests (2002) for more information.

Curfews: The anti-American violence in December 2002 caused base lock-downs and tight curfews. These curfews have been lifted, but in some areas they have been expanded. Currently the off-limits regulations that prohibit any serviceman in off-base establishments after curfew has changed an old practice where the GIs would congregate in restaurants and continue drinking.

Tighter controls have been established for "overnight visitors" -- i.e., visiting family members -- staying in the dorms. In the past, there was a very liberal policy of having spouses staying in the dorms for periods up to three months. With the tighter security from the terrorist threats and the uneasy situation with the anti-American elements, the policy has been modified. We have been told that now it is for 30 days within any four month period. Things have gotten a lot tighter as the tensions in the North coupled with the potential Iraq hostilities heated up. USFK regulations require that all dependents on the peninsula have their locations verified in case an emergency evacuation is required.

Do Koreans Believe in a Chemical/Biological Threat?: The answer is NO!!! The Korean populace as a whole does not believe that the North will ever attack the South's civilian populace with Chemical or Biological weapons. It may be unrealistic to assume that a country that has a massive stockpile would NOT intend to use it on the South -- especially since it has no delivery system to use it against Japan. The North's target for its WMD is the SOUTH, but the populace of the South won't believe it.

Ask any family in Kunsan if they have a gas mask and they will look at you as if asking the question, "Are you stupid???" This is the common Korean attitude. The Korean government has made some VERY weak efforts to do an eyewash campaign just following the 9-11 attack, but it soon faded. The conclusion is that the South has consciously decided not to pursue protecting its citizenry from such attacks. The Korean government would rather worry about the destruction of Seoul, but never confront the possibility of a chemical attack. The reason is simply economic...the Korean government doesn't want to spend money on this. The country has the capability of producing such gas masks, but they have been highly regulated as they can be used for protection of tear gas by radical NGO activist groups in street riots. (See North Korea Amassing Chemical Weapons: 2002 for more information. Go to Is the South Korea Civilian Populace Prepared for a Chemical Attack? (2001) for this topic covered in greater detail.)

As a side note, a Korean company, Samgong Industrial, was experiencing windfall profits from the manufacture of NBC gas masks and cannisters for nuclear, biological and chemical attacks. However, the gas masks are not for Korea, but for the Kuwait government in anticipation of the Iraq War. The contract was to supply 200,000 civilian or NBC gas masks and cannisters. In February 2003, Samgong said that its 150 production-line workers have been working 12 hours a day to meet the orders. "The civilian gas masks were sold at US$40 apiece and the canister at US$10, the company said, adding that the civilian masks are equally capable of preventing against poisonous as those for the military use. The product, however, is expected to work for only 30 minutes, whereas those for NBC attacks are usable for two to four hours, Samgong said. Back in 1991 when the Gulf war was in action, the same firm exported a total of 300,000 military gas masks to Saudi Arabia. Samgong's yearly production capacity of the gas masks is about three million and its revenue reached W35 billion last year."

This seems very ironic as the Koreans ship out gas masks to Kuwait while a country with one of the largest supply of chemical and biological weapons sits right across the border.

ANTI-AMERICAN PROTESTS

Shim Mi-Son and Shin Hyo-sun
Go to Voice of the People for more photos

In November when the two soldiers were acquitted by court martial of negligent homicide, the protests exploded with extreme violence at the camps near the DMZ -- especially Camp Casey. Everyone in the U.S. chain up to President Bush apoIogized for the accident, but this did not appease the Koreans. Violent demonstrations continued nationwide. Finally, some students fire-bombed a small U.S. installation in Seoul. Only at this point did Kim Dae-jung come out in opposition to the demonstrations -- but it was half-hearted at best. Up till this time the U.S. media had been focused on the North Korean nuclear issue and had not paid much attention to the Korean anti-Americanism -- rather the media lumped it in with the North Korean issue. Suddenly Americans became aware of the turmoil and American grassroots movements were started to remove the USFK troops from Korea. The Korean business community called for calm fearing a U.S. backlash -- especially after a delegation of Congressmen, led by the head of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, cancelled their visit with Kim Dae-jung in December.

On 19 Dec 2002, Korea elected Roh Moo-hyun as their new President. He was elected through the support of the "internet generation" (20-30 age group) support -- who were the primary age group of the protestors. He openly embraced Kim Dae-jung's Sunshine Policy which set him on a head-on collision with the U.S. even before he took office.

In Dec 2002, knife attacks were perpetrated against U.S. soldiers and the violent demonstrations continued until 24 Dec 02 when the protestors took a break. Suddenly conservative columnists in the U.S. started calling for the removal of the USFK forces and the U.S. Congress were starting to ask questions about the U.S. anti-Americanism. Being a pragmatist, President-elect Roh did a public about face and embraced the U.S. presence, while privately still pursuing his previous agenda.

In Dec 2002, President-elect Roh fearful of the backlash and the confrontation looming ahead with the U.S. attempted to tone down the demonstrations. Police in Seoul announced that demonstrations commemorating the death of the two girls would be allowed, but the "political demonstrations" would not be tolerated. Suddenly the demonstrations no longer had the U.S. flag burning and Yankee Go Home chants -- as though it never existed. Kim Dae-jung openly commented in Jan 2003 that the demonstrations were NOT anti-American, but simply expressions of Korean outrage. However, if one observes the demonstrations closely, the anti-American themes are still present, just subdued. Instead of burning the American flag, they burn signs with American flags painted on them. Anti-Americanism is still alive and well in Korea.

For indepth information on the protests in 2002 go to Kunsan AB Protests (2002).

Click on the video link below from a North Korean site (Kuguk Choson) to gain an insight into how violent the demonstrations were and focused on the U.S. military bases. It provides excellent video footage of attack on Yongsan compound and demonstrations with US flag burnings. Footage includes clips of the Kwangju riots which Koreans blame the U.S. because the U.S. military did not stop Chun Doo-Hwan from violently putting down the riot. VIDEO LINK: No More Tolerable (Protests 2002).

Background of anti-Americanism in 2002: Despite what the wishful thinkers say about the anti-Americanism waning in Korea, we can assure you that it is alive and well. It is just subdued due to government demand.

Anti-Americanism has a basis in historical fact. Be assured that America's hands are NOT squeaky clean when it comes to its conduct in Korea in the past. The book, American Military Government in Korea, summarizes the feeling of all who worked with the Military Government in 1946-1949, "...the country was just too damn poor, too primitive, too temperamental, too stinking, for Americans to like or understand. ...few Americans forced to live for an extended period in a land without safe drinking water or plumbing, can keep both equilibrium and an open mind." This was Korea up until the late 1970s. There was no SOFA until 1966 and in all the years preceding, Korea had been "U.S. territory." The U.S. military basically did as it pleased without any consultations with Korea. Korea had been bought and paid for as almost 100% of its GNP was from U.S. aid prior to 1970. There is a lot of evidence to support the Korean dislike for American soldier's presence in Korea.

The Anti-American Blowback from Bush's Korea Policy (Jan 2003) by Jeffrey Robertson states:

In the inevitable reevaluation of the democracy movement, scholars have studied the role of the U.S. carefully. Revelations of American complicity in the continued repression of democracy have led to a growing cynicism regarding America's place in Korean history. The permission granted by U.S. General Carter Magruder to the Korean Army to dispatch troops in the Masan Riots (1960) during the first stage of the quest for democracy and the more controversial decision to release troops from the Combined Forces Command to suppress the Kwangju uprising (1980) have highlighted American interference. Other commentators cite the historical role of the U.S. in Korean affairs, including American disregard for the U.S.-Korea Treaty of 1882, intended to protect Korea from imperialist designs, and the Taft-Katsura agreement of 1905, which exchanged Japan's agreement to the American annexation of Hawaii for America's agreement to Japan's annexation of Korea.

Thus, a new understanding of American involvement in Korea has emerged. Whereas America was previously viewed as a strong supporter of democracy guided by Wilsonian values, it is now popularly considered hypocritical, calculating, and self-driven. This same reinterpretation of American values and revelation of U.S. hypocrisy has legitimized and widened anti-Americanism throughout the third world, mirroring complaints across the globe. Current anti-Americanism in South Korea openly reflects public responses to perceived threats regarding economics, culture, and national identity.

Americans may quibble about the factuality of some of the incidents, but try to understand that it matters not a twit what we Americans think. It only matters what the Koreans believe...and it is an accepted "fact" from the smallest Korean elementary school student to scholarly collegiate intellectuals that the Americans has stepped all over Korea during its time in the country. This is why we say that anti-Americanism is alive and well in Korea. It will not disappear simply because the Koreas temporarily stop saying the "nigger words" (America Go Home). It still sits there festering as an open wound.

In addition, recent anti-Americanism is increased by the popular view that the U.S. is blocking the reunification of Korea with its stance against the Sunshine Policy's appeasement preconditions. The Koreans have a deep emotional need for the Sunshine Policy to succeed and the country to be reunified. George Bush was openly blamed for killing the Sunshine Policy by his adamant demand of accountability by the North. To the Koreans, this was the same as condemning the hopes for the reunification to the depths of hell. Then Bush added North Korea to his "Axis of Evil" list causing Koreans to rant that Bush caused all the tensions on the peninsula in the first place. By January 2002, animosity towards the U.S. was boiling just below the surface.

Then U.S. arrogantly announced its determination in following a path of unilateralism in its foreign policy. To George Bush it was a simple matter of "you are either with us or against us" but to the rest of the world it was saying "you FOLLOW me or you are my enemy." The Koreans -- and many other countries in the world -- considered this an affront. However, after the Sept 11th incident, any anti-American sentiment from a government would have been tantamount to saying "I support terrorism." Then in February the U.S. announced it reserved the right to use preemptive strikes against its enemies -- the inference being that the North had just got a bullseye painted on it. The Koreans were NOT happy that a war costing thousands of their lives could be started by someone they viewed as a "cowboy." But the Koreans kept their opinions to themselves and seethed.

Then on February 21 the the ridiculous "Ohno" incident occurred where the Koreans blamed the Americans for taking away a Korean's gold medal when it was an AUSTRALIAN judge who made the call. Their anti-Americanism flared and their foul language against the U.S. ("Fucking USA" remains a popular song till today) left many Americans scratching their heads wondering if Koreans were fools.

But the truth that escaped the press was that the young Koreans had just been manipulated by the NGO groups. Remember that at that time Kim Dae-jung's Sunshine Policy was in the toilet and all the Koreans blamed George Bush for this. The Koreans blamed America for dashing their hopes for reunification. The Ohno incident was simply convenient so that Koreans could vent their outrage at America. (See Depth of Anti-American Sentiment for photos and information on the Ohno incident.) The Ohno affair was a way for the Koreans to release all the unspecified tension that was building up against the U.S. by the Bush policies.

Then came the World Cup 2002 in June and all of Korea tried to put on its best face to the world -- even though it was forced to co-host it with a country the populace HATES, Japan. All anti-Americanism was subdued for the sake of giving a good impression of Korea -- though the American team was booed at all their games by the Koreans. (See World Cup 2002 in Kunsan for article on games. See Depth of Anti-American Sentiment for anti-American banners at games.)

After the World Cup, Kim Dae-jung's Sunshine Policy looked to be doomed after a naval engagement occurred in June. A South Korean ship was sunk and there appeared to be little chance that any negotiations would take place. The South did not press the issue for fear of scuttling the negotiations forever. Suddenly in August 2002, things flip-flopped. Kim Jong-Il shuttled off to meet with Russian President Vladimir Putin. Then came an announcement that Kim and Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi would hold a summit in Pyongyang in September. (See Sunshine Policy Saved for more details.)

At the 11th hour the North and South agreed to sit down and again hold negotiations. There were all kinds of speculation as to why Kim Jong-Il chose this time to again open negotiations. Some said it was to make an alliance with Japan to get a "Japan Card" to enhance its negotiating position with the U.S. Others said it was to draw away the gun barrel that George Bush had pointed at North Korea's head. Others said that Kim Jong-Il's country was on the verge of imploding if he didn't get some outside economic help fast. For whatever reason, he extended an invitation for multi-national summit negotiations -- something Kim Jong-Il never did before. The hopes of South Korea were buoyed again as the Sunshine Policy had been saved at the 11th hour of the Kim Dae-jung Presidency.

Slowly the anti-American hysteria from earlier in the year exploded again. The cause celebre was the deaths of the two girls near the DMZ. It was a perfect incident tailor-made for the NGO groups as it had all the perfect symbology required to incite amongst Koreans of all age groups. The NGO groups played it perfectly as the USFK. fumbled along. Whether intentional or not, Kim Dae-jung's silence tied up the USFK with demonstrations at their gates, while he had a free hand to pursue the Sunshine Policy. The train/road crossing at the DMZ became symbolic to the Korean people of a reunification just around the corner.

Then the bomb shell hit. In October 2002 the U.S. stated that the North had revealed that it had secretly pursued a nuclear program in violation of its 1994 nuclear accord to receive oil and food in exchange for stopping its nuclear development. The South attempted to put a positive spin on it as a sign of North Korea's opening up for a dialogue. The U.S. viewed the revelation as in effect negating the 1994 nuclear accord. We can only imagine the anger that Kim Dae-jung and the Korean people must have felt that the U.S. had sabotaged their Sunshine Policy AGAIN.

The anti-American aspects of the demonstrations increased. Because the Seoul government did NOTHING to stop the rampant anti-Americanism raging across the country, the only conclusion is that the Kim Dae-jung government actively ENCOURAGED the anti-Americanism. With the U.S. occupied with its war with Iraq that heated up in August 2002 AND the anti-American demonstrations in Korea, the Seoul government was able to continue to pursue its Sunshine Policy dialogue with the North. A wedge was being driven between the U.S. and Korea.

As the world started "urging" North Korea to give up its nuclear program, the North started to "sweeten the pot" for the South by agreeing to many areas. In October an agreement was reached for a "permanent" reunion location near Mt. Pakdu in North Korea for the highly emotional issue of the reunification of families. The clearing of the mines in the DMZ by both Koreas continued as business-as-usual. Special economic zones have been offered and despite the closing of doors over the nuclear issue, the South continues to work with the North in many areas.

The Korean people were heartened by the "gains" in the Sunshine Policy -- and angered by the U.S. insistence to isolate North Korea by shutting off its oil were becoming even more anti-American. Cries of outrage were heard that the U.S. was creating the tensions on the peninsula. The Korean courts made a mockery of justice by freeing protestors who did harm to Americans. The government controlled media flushed their unbiased status down the toilets as they practiced the most depraved forms of yellow journalism to incite the populace to hatred. The NGO groups spread disinformation and hate materials to incite people to violence. Government officials, educators, shop keepers, businessmen, and people from all walks of like shouted "Yankee Go Home." However, what saddened us the most was when Korean spiritual leaders, whom we have trusted, turned to teaching hate to children.

The current anti-Americanism is rooted in the Korean sense of national pride. Young Koreans no longer feel that the Americans are needed to protect Korea. Understandably, they consider it an the "insult" that a foreign power has to be stationed on its soil to protect it -- and to the NGO groups, the USFK is an "occupation army." Their view is understandable if one just stands in their shoes. In addition, the young Koreans want to have a HORIZONTAL relationship as military equals to the U.S. -- instead of a VERTICAL relationship where the U.S. takes the lead in the defense of Korea. Though we may think it ridicuous, the young Korean activists feel like they are "freedom fighters" freeing Korea from an evil foreign influence (U.S.). Whether or not the young Koreans are judging Korea's military capabilities accurately is debatable. We personally feel that South Korea could hold back an initial North Korean invasion, but we do NOT think it could win a sustained war without U.S. assistance.

But all this talk of America going home is a moot point. THE KOREAN GOVERNMENT NEVER INTENDED FOR THE USFK TO GO HOME. The removal of the USFK could have been simply accomplished by the ROK National Assembly voting to simply say, "America Go Home!!!" During George W. Bush Senior's visit to Seoul in January 6, 1992, he made a pledge that the United States would keep its military forces on the Korean peninsula "as long as there is a need and we are welcome." Instead, the protestors stormed the camps, burned the American flags in the streets and protested in front of the U.S. Embassy. However, there was NEVER any protests in front of the Blue House. Though politicians from all parties denounced the USFK, there was NEVER any requests to the government to have the USFK go home. The SILENCE of Kim Dae-jung condemns the government as an accomplice in the spread of anti-Americanism in Korea in a game to have their cake and eat it too.

Kim Dae-jung (Feb 2003)
Click on photo to enlarge

We support the Korean view that it deserves the respect due to it as a sovereign nation. We support the Korean view that THEY have the right to control their own destiny without outside interference. We do NOT support their continued use of the U.S. troops as "hostages" to be used as bargaining chips in ALL negotiations with the U.S. on American interests in Korea. Even as we speak the ROK is attempting to solidify the "alliance" and pretend the anti-American demonstrations from last year did not happen. We think it is time for both nations to part ways.

We had seen this anti-American demonstrations before. We have resided in the Cholla area for over a decade and seen these types of demonstrations go on and on. But we have always known that the Korean people are not against Americans...their problem has always been with the American government. A Korean anarchist on Base 21 said, "I see quite a lot of people here saying they feel proud to be Korean." But in all the discussions with the participants of the protests, many of them promised, "We are not against the American people. We're against American policy". But suddenly there was a shift into making the demonstrations into something else. We feel it has blurred the line between the people and their government. It changed from anti-American government into anti-Americanism.

Before 2002, what we saw we considered as a prejudice against Americans -- something that was irritating at times, but understandable and tolerable. However, it has now grown into xenophobia, racism and bigotry in its vilest forms. It cannot be overlooked. The news of the Korean anti-Americanism is now spreading at the grassroots level throughout America and filtering into the halls of Congress. In haste, the Seoul government is attempting to sweep this all under the carpet and pretend the anti-American events of 2002 never happened.

Because of the current tensions in the region with North Korea, the USFK will attempt to play the same political game. For the USFK to pull out right now is too complex to even think about. How do you pull out of a country that isn't even a signatory to the Armistice? Both Koreas are technically at war and have NEVER signed an armistice. The USFK is currently using the catchwords "solidarity" and "alliance" to pretend the events of 2002 were from Korean over-emotionalism.

However, the fact remains. The 37,000 troops are now being used as hostages until the current situation with North Korea is defused. The anti-Americanism is still alive and well in Korea, but just waiting for a more convenient time to explode.

JANUARY 2003

Protests, Candles and the New Year

It didn’t feel like New Year’s Eve as I got on the subway. I was just among the regular haggard commuters from work. On Christmas Eve, there are all the signs in the world to pre-announce its arrival the next day--trees, carols, candies, lights, etc. But, today on New Year’s Eve, no one seems to care or aware of it.

I got out of the train, and again, moving quiet smoothly with the regular commuter crowd, I made it to the street level at City Hall Station. But, as I looked around to see where exactly I was from the City Hall, I saw two girls in low teens, who were just stepping out from the stairway of the subway station. They were bundled up pretty nicely, from top to bottom, and the only places I could see some skin were around their eyes, which seemed to sparkle with curiosity. Each had an unlit candle, which pierced through the bottom side of a paper cup. The candle with a cup had a shape of a small flimsy torch, but the cup did serve its mundane purpose of protecting the flame from the vicious winter wind. There were two other girls, more mature, maybe in college, walking toward the same subway entrance, and each holding the same type of candles, but which had been reduced to a stump with a charred paper cup. Yet, with the flames still blazing in relative darkness, they a! ttracted casual looks from passersby. As if meant to be, the paths of these girls merged, and the two college girls with blazing flames walked toward the girls with unlit candles and just stood there face-to-face for a moment. Then, without a word, they dipped their candles to relay the flames to these young teenagers. It was a solemn ceremony, in the order of an Olympic torch relay, but sadly enough, the significance of this magnificent event seemed to have been witnessed only by me alone although there were many nonchalant onlookers friskily walking by.

I really did not know where the action was on this glorious New Year’s Eve; so I decided to follow the light, or rather the teenagers with now lit candles. After a block or so, I could see more people bustling about, and I could hear the traditional Korean bass drums thumping from distance although it seemed have been somewhat muffled by the bone-freezing wind. Amidst scattered groups of people. I saw a couple of old ladies, who for some reasons reminded me of inner city bag ladies, yelling, “Two for a thousand Wons.” With a boxful of cheap paper cups and wax candles strewn about around her, one lady was hastily punching a hole into the bottom side of a paper cup with a screw driver and inserting a candle into the hole. She was selling them like hot cakes, and I stood there for a while just staring at her, for it took some time to fight off the urge to get into the racket by buying a bunch of paper cups and candles from the convenient store a half block away for ! a far less price and reselling them to the mass of people with a whopping profit. As I walked more closely to the light, or rather still following the girls from the subway, I could see various flags in the size of bed sheets. On each flag, the name of a school, union or NGO was written in bold letters with fanciful colors. They were proudly flapping about as if to announce to the world that they are not afraid of the winter wind. In stark contrast to the proud flag, people under it were huddling around its pole, like a pack of penguins, to stave off the cold wind.

After reaching the fringe of the mass of people gathered here, I could see the police buses surrounding the mass. Except for the medieval-looking steel wire screens on their windows, they were exactly like the regular city buses. The buses were lined up in circle, bumper to bumper. A couple of fully protected riot-control police officers, who looked like baseball umpires, nonchalantly walked about on the top of each bus. The buses not only surrounded the mass but also blocked off the mass from proceeding further toward the American Embassy. Now, the drums were beating wildly, and the thumping sounds seemed to reverberate within the crowd. A short stocky man with disheveled hair went up on a makeshift podium, which was no more than a couple of stacked-up milk crates, and began to shout on a bullhorn supposedly anti-American slogans. Ones that I could make out were “Amend the SOFA,” “Bush, apologize,” and “Revive the two girls!” After each slogan, the people ! under the flags shouted back the same slogan three times in a manner to fake an echo. Each slogan seemed to have two beats to it, and at the beat, people stretched out their arms over their heads as if they were trying to lift invisible dumbbells over their heads. From time to time, a pile of supposedly anti-American pamphlets were thrown up in the air, and when they fell down, they almost looked like giant snowflakes hastily making their ways to the ground where they stayed for as long as I could make out.

For some reasons, there was a small gap between the two buses to the far left, through which people were moving to the other side toward the American Embassy. I of course followed the crowd to the other side, which at first looked benign enough, but as more people came in through the gap, I realized the area I was in was not the other side. It was a limo between the two sides, a small enclave surrounded by six encircling buses in front and back, a building on one side, and a dark alleyway to the other. Oddly enough though, in the area in front, a police jeep was sandwiched between the two buses, through which some people were trying to climb over to the clearing. As more and more people came into the enclave, now brimming with hundreds of people, I found myself trapped in the middle region with my back pinned against one of the buses. It looked as though we were a herd of cattle, confounded in a holding lot, to be butchered later. Suddenly, out of nowhere from the ! wobbling crowd, a bald middle-age man with an attire of a Buddhist monk, stepped up to the plate; that is, he jumped up on the hood of the police jeep and boldly tried to walk through to the other side toward the American Embassy. But, to no avail, he was blocked off by three riot-control policemen, and there was a tussle between four of them. However, it did not look as though the bald monk was trying very hard to get through, nor were the police officers. It almost looked like a carefully choreographed dance similar to ones I have been accustomed to seeing on pro wrestling. This sort of dance went on for a little bit while the crowd wildly cheered on. At some point though, one of the police officer pushed the monk too hard, and the monk did a reverse dive into the crowd--sort of like what a punk rock star would do from the stage into the frenzy crowd. Of course, there was the crowd to back hiim up. The hands were in the air, and those hands moved back and forth like ! many legs of a centipede to safely carry the monk to the back end of the crowd. At that moment, along with the general backward wave of the people, I managed to squeeze myself across the crowd into the alley.

There was some breathing room in the alley, the width of which could fit about ten people in a single file. It was unusually dark though since the bars' doors and windows lining up the alley were all shut tight, and the fancy neon signs, which would have allured the passersby with a slight buzz, had been all turned off. Not able to go back to the enclave, I decided to move on to the end of the alley, hoping to reach the other side, toward the light. But, then again, what I found at the end of the line was another set of crowd of people. There, about four layers of people were earnestly pushing against a shield of several layers of riot-control police officers. The police officers were shouting something rhythmically. I could not make out what they were saying but almost sounded like an army marching song. Against this rhythmical shouting, the crowd was heavily groaning something with every push--a groan if translated would amount to something like, “Push hard!” ! At one point, there was a wave of forward movement, climaxed by crescendo of groans, which was then followed by a retreat. I observed this for several times, but it soon became boring; so, I decided to leave the scene. Through a maze of back alleys, I managed to somehow get out of there all together although now I think of it, I would not be able to do the same even in a daylight.

To the southeast of the American Embassy, toward the Bell Towel, housing a humongous copper-alloy bell, which would toll to signal the coming of the New Year, I was confronted with yet another set of crowd, which was qualitatively different from the ones I have seen before. Somehow, the people here seemed more cheerful or jollier. Here, I could almost feel the festivity of the moment, the impending turn of the year. Instead of paper-cup candles sold by bag ladies, stick firecrackers, which shoot out colorful fireworks were being sold. Indeed, many people were holding them high in the air, and the sky was filled with the rainbow of sparkling colors. I saw people eating corn-dogs and other Korean street delicacies, couples hugging tightly to seal off any warmth created between them from the wind, and teenagers bobbing their heads up and down along with the punk rock band playing live at one end of the Bell Towel.

Up ahead, I saw a gigantic wide screen on the top of a building. It showed the rambunctious crowd, holding paper-cup candles under various colors of flags. As the camera zoomed away, the screen showed the bird’s eye view of the crowd. I am not quite sure how many people were there, but maybe there were about 50,000 people. It was a beautiful sight though--about 50,000 candlelights wobbling about in the screen. I did not hear any reverberating drums nor loud slogans then. I just saw the light, and that image lingered on as I tried to listen to the tolling of the bell from the Bell Towel.

Protest at Gwanghwamun in Seoul: (31 Dec 02)

Anti-War Message at Gwanghwamun in Seoul: (31 Dec 02)

Roh Moo-hyun (Dec 2002)

On January 2, 2003, the Seoul Metropolitan Police Agency announced that protestors attempting to attack the U.S. Embassy would be arrested, though assemblies that are judged to be "pure commemoration ceremonies" such as prayer meetings will continue to be authorized. However, the police also stated that any demonstrations that turned "political" -- as an anti-American demonstration -- would be unauthorized and blocked. The Police stated that this was due to violence and altercations at recent candlelight demonstrations, which turned into anti-America protests. It stated that it will restrict future commemoration ceremonies for the two middle school students. Police said that at a ceremony held in Gwanghwamun, near the US Embassy, on December 31, 2002, flammable objects were thrown and some participants inflicted damage on three police vehicles. The police also said participants were seen hold banners with political messages. Current law forbids political demonstrations to be held within 100 meters of foreign embassies. Future illegal protests will be contained and participants will be taken into custody. Strong words, but as the courts on the Ministry of Justice have released protestors who broke into or firebombed U.S. camps, it will take much more than words to convince the world.

The activists condemned the police action. Nine activists in the park were temporarily detained by the police after a protest in a park near the U.S. Embassy. Sit-in protests had been held there after religious leaders took turns staging hunger strikes for nearly a month over the accident last June. Police acted at the request of City Hall, which is said to have voiced concerns that the protests were harming the city's appearance. Police said that while they had refrained from breaking up the protests of the Christian and Buddhist leaders as they were part of a religious event, they cannot allow further illegal protests. Additional confrontations are expected, as some activists are determined to continue the rallies despite the use of police force.

However, the protests died down dramatically prompting some to say, "Are the Protest Dying?" According to a 4 Jan Yonhap Newsarticle, "Only about 300 or more people turned out for the regular Saturday evening protests in Gwanghwa-mun on January 4, which is a significant decease in the number of protesters. Yonhap also reports that there were two separate protests because of what appears to be differences of opinion on what the protests should focus on. While 300 or more people were holding a candlelight vigil behind the Kyobo Book Store in Gwanghwa-mun, a group of about thirty people were conducting an anti-war and anti-nuke protest in front of the Sejong Cultural Center. One protester in the smaller group complained that the larger group spoke only with one voice and did not allow for differences of opinion. The smaller group of protesters scuffled with police when police asked them to move their protest to an area in front of the Donghwa Duty Free Center, which is farther away from the US embassy. Approximately 5,300 police were available to deal with the 300-plus protesters."

Winter Storms Slow Protests: On the weekend of January 4-5, the activists didn't get a chance to stage any protests as a sudden snow storm sent temperatures plummeting into below-zero weather. Snow covered the sidewalks throughout the nation. Roads were clogged as snow turned to ice. Transportation was creeping along. Thankfully this snow storm provided a welcome break from the constant anti-American protests. The snow snap continued into the week of January 6 with heavy snows falling throughout Korea.

North Jeolla province recorded an average of 20 centimeters of snow, the biggest winter storm since 1997. A road section between Namwon and Gurye that includes Mount Jiri was closed. Traffic on more than 20 local roads was limited to vehicles that have winter equipment. Nine major roads in South Jeolla province were restricted. All flights have been grounded at the Gusan airport in North Jeolla province since Friday, and at the Mokpo airport in South Jeolla province since Saturday. Flights resumed Sunday afternoon at the Gwangju International Airport.

Jeju island had heavy snow and its first below-zero centigrade temperature this winter. More than 3,000 tourists were stranded as passenger ships stayed in port and flights were canceled or delayed at the Jeju International airport. Entry into the Mount Halla area, which had 120 centimeters of snow, was prohibited.

At a fish farm in Daesan village, Seosan, South Chungcheong province, 5.7 million mullets died from the cold yesterday. The owner of the farm estimated the loss at 2.4 billion won ($2 million). ...

Cold weather continues today. The low temperature in Seoul be minus-6 centigrade, and in Busan minus-3. Weather forecasters said the cold would start to moderate tomorrow afternoon.

On Jan 8-9, pro-American/anti-North Korea demonstrations were held near Osan AB by 900 demonstrators on the 8th and 400 demonstrators on the 9th. The organizers of the demonstrations feared the wrong impression was being sent out by the anti-American message of the candlelight vigils in Seoul.

Anti-War Protests Begin: The weather cleared sufficiently that on Jan 10, a peaceful anti-war demonstration was held at Yongsan Main Gate led by our favorite Kunsan activist priest, Rev. Mun Chon-Hyun. (See Split in NGO Group Strategies and Shift to Pacifism:.)

Anti-War Protest at Yongsan Garrison, Seoul: (10 Jan 03)

The Reverend Mun Chon-Hyun spearheads these protests not only in Kunsan and the Cholla area, but throughout the nation. Reverend Mun is basically a human-rights activist who cares deeply in his anti-war cause. Reverend Mun is an expert promoter who has learned how to effectively manipulate the TV news. At times, he will appear to provoke the riot police by poking their shields, but the riot police know better than to attack an old man. He lays down in front of the riot police and confronts them face-to-face. As part of his protests, he was shown wrapped in a Korean flag as his head was shaved. He has painted his face black. He has a sense of theatrics that cannot be slighted. His visual messages are powerful. Undoubtedly, he is a leader who is fearless and committed to his causes. Though some remark about his unauthorized visits to North Korea in the past that resulted in his imprisonment may link him to the North, none can fault that he believes in his mission.

Rev. Mun at Seoul (Dec 02)
(Click on image to enlarge)
(From Tongil.news)

Growing Anti-Korean Sentiment in America Gets Seoul's Attention: The growing Anti-American sentiment is starting to worry many in the Bush administration and others in the defense industry. These defense industry folks had vested interests in Americans remaining in Korea. However, up until December the majority of the people in America didn't even know there was unrest in Korea. Now they are being awakened to the fact that the Koreans are chanting "Yankee Go Home." These are not radical students -- but housewives, priests, ministers, monks, rock stars, sports heroes, children and old folks. The common people are shouting these words!!! Though the demonstrations in Korea have subsided in January, the events in America as a backlash continue to unfold.

An interesting turn of events on December 31 was the sudden left turn by the protest movement to take on a "Peace Movement" stance (Rev Mun's group) versus the protests dealing with the SOFA. The anti-Americanism may become muted and weaken Roh's positions on the USFK in Korea. The anti-Americanism in Korea will have a definite impact on the future relations between the two countries. At the start of 2003, Roh has attempted to silence the "America Go Home" protests and stop the flag-burning as the NGO groups now see the backlash that is coming from their actions. Instead, they are pressing on with their anti-War stance and muting the "nigger" words (America Go Home). The following is from the New York Times on January 2, 2003 and is one of the many articles that now are starting to appear in response to the anti-American demonstrations and fear of Roh's future confrontational policies.

South Korea, Once a Solid Ally, Now Poses Problems for the U.S.

By STEVEN R. WEISMAN

WASHINGTON, Jan. 1 — For half a century the United States has had no more stalwart ally in Asia than South Korea, where 37,000 American troops are stationed to protect against an invasion from the North, representing the unity of purpose between the two countries.

But now South Korea has become one of the Bush administration's biggest foreign policy problems. Years of resentments over a variety of issues are boiling over in Seoul in the form of demonstrations against the United States and pronouncements by the departing and arriving presidents challenging American policies on dealing with North Korea's nuclear ambitions.

For the fifth time in four months, Secretary of State Colin L. Powell is dispatching his top Korea specialist to Seoul for urgent consultations on forging a unified policy to handle North Korea's moves to restart its nuclear weapons program.

The envoy, James A. Kelly, the assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs, is expected to pave the way for a visit to Washington later this year by the newly elected president of South Korea, Roh Moo Hyun, who says he intends to follow the policy of President Kim Dae Jung of diplomatic and economic engagement with North Korea.

Mr. Kelly said recently that Mr. Roh's past statements did not portend a rupture with the United States. The United States would wait until after he and his team take office and then "look at them face to face and find out what it is that we agree on and what it is that we disagree with."

Many experts on Korea expect the differences to be significant. Unlike South Korea, the United States favors a policy of no bargaining and no new economic incentives until the North abandons its nuclear program.

At the same time, and at the behest of its anxious friends in the region, the United States has repeatedly pledged to seek a diplomatic solution to the problem.

"In some ways, the problem in South Korea has become harder to handle than that of North Korea," said a Korea specialist with ties to many members of President Bush's foreign policy team. "Our first priority is to get Roh and Kim to stop saying that the United States approach will not work. If we don't do that, the divide will get worse."

North Korea is clearly determined to do what it can to sharpen the divide between the South and the United States by suggesting that Koreans from both states have a common cause against Washington. In its New Year message, the North Korean government said, "It can be said that there exists on the Korean peninsula only confrontation between the Koreans in the North and the South and the United States."

Some Bush administration officials insist that talk of divisions between South Korea and the United States is "way off base," as one official said this week.

This official added that the administration's policy is one of increasing diplomatic pressure but not squeezing the North further economically or militarily, and that this was also in keeping with the views of Japan, China and Russia.

The administration's internal strains over Korean policy, apparent since the first months of Mr. Bush's term of office, have subsided over the current situation, officials say, in part because there is a unanimity of views that the United States cannot give in to what officials say is "blackmail" by the North Korean leader, Kim Jong Il.

But the strains have taken a toll on the relationship between Washington and Seoul, diplomats and administration officials say. Early in 2001, for example, Mr. Powell announced that the United States would continue the Clinton administration policy of building on a 1994 "framework agreement" with North Korea.

Under that arrangement, the North froze work at its plutonium-producing nuclear plant at Yongbyon in return for certain economic benefits, including fuel oil shipments. But as they came into office, many members of the new administration were privately disdainful of the 1994 accord. The White House and Mr. Powell then announced that instead of continuing the policy, the administration would review it. The shift was interpreted in Seoul as a rebuff to Kim Dae Jung and to Mr. Powell.

Later in 2001, the administration shifted again, this time saying that it would continue the policy of engagement. Mr. Kim was cheered, but the wounds were not all healed.

Last year, American intelligence revealed that although North Korea had kept its Yongbyon plant frozen, it was undertaking a separate clandestine nuclear program using highly enriched uranium. A new difference of emphasis emerged with the discovery.

Although South Korea labeled North Korea's plans unacceptable, President Kim opposed cutting off all economic contacts. The United States nonetheless persuaded Mr. Kim, and also the Japanese, to immediately halt the oil shipments to North Korea that had been agreed upon under the 1994 framework.

South Korea went along, but privately South Korean officials warned that such an act might provoke North Korea into restarting its Yongbyon plant. Their warnings proved accurate.

What seems clear is that the ad