1998:

Protests Unabated: On the local level, the protests at the main gate continued unabated every Friday. However, it was treated more as a nuisance factor than an actual threat. Then the demonstrations started to become more violent in tone. The protest group was joined by other groups to build up the numbers.

The following is an excerpt of the North Korean Rodong Sinmun News "demonizing" the U.S. presence over the protests in May 1998. The North Koreans were ecstatic over these protests.

Rodong Sinmun on anger against occupation army

Pyongyang, March 6 (KCNA) -- Rodong Sinmun today comments on the anti-U.S. struggle going on in Kunsan, South Korea. The struggle was ignited by the U.S. demanding a threefold or fourfold increase of the U.S. Kunsan Air Base rent by civil aviation and a 50 percent increase of the cost of equipment repair. Over 20 organizations including the Kunsan Federation for Democracy and National Reunification inaugurated a citizens' gathering for the withdrawal of the rent hike, issued a statement and dispatched a delegation to the U.S. base to protest against the demand. They marched into the air base and staged a protest, the first of its kind in the U.S. base. They have staged a demonstration in front of the gate of the U.S. Base on Friday every week. Joining them, the mayor and many other people in the city have urged the U.S. Forces side and the South Korean puppet authorities to withdraw the unwarrantable demand and to completely revise the agreement on the use of the U.S. Air base in Kunsan. The commentary says: The anti-U.S. struggle of the Kunsan people, which has come when the U.S. crimes are increasing numerically, is an expression of strong protest against the U.S. aggressors, who have illegally occupied south korea and are engaged in plunder, an eruption of the South Korean people's pent-up anti-u.s. Sentiments and manifestation of their firm will and patriotic resolution to retake the dignity and sovereignty of the nation. The United States is neither a "friend" nor "protector" of the South Korean people, nor any "war deterrent", but the ringleader of aggression and plunder.

The weekly protests became more and more vocal. Finally on September 25, 1998 at 1:30 pm, 40 protestors from the Kunsan Citizens Association (KCA) began an anti-American demonstration outside Kunsan Air Base. While USAF Security Forces entered the visitor's center area to accept a letter from the protestors, two protestors of the KCA brandished crowbars and broke the lock of the locked main gate. The rest of the demonstrators stormed the gate and forcefully entered the base. Riot police blocked the intruders and a struggle ensued for 45 minutes. During this time the KCA protestors defaced the shack at the main gate and the street in front of the gate shack with red paint. Finally at 3:20 pm the disturbance broke up after the protestors agreed to disperse after their letter had been received. The letter was accepted at 3:40 pm and no further incident occurred.

In November 1998, a High Security Anti-Terrorist Roadblocker Automatic Barrier Gate Systems was installed at the main gate by Korea Image Systems Co, Ltd. Perhaps it was a reaction to the incident above or maybe it had been on order all the time. However, soon there after, everything was back to locking the gate and a wire across the road to block traffic. The barriers were installed to prevent cars running the main gate. So much for high tech systems.

Kunsan Signs Off on Saengmun Project: The Wing Commander signed off on the new plans for integrating Kunsan Air Base into the Tidal Reclamation Plan. If you refer to the Map of the Kunjang Tidal Reclamation Project , you will see that soon Kunsan Air Base will be landlocked. Currently the base has an over-water landing pattern, but soon the tidal flats adjoining the base will be reclaimed. The view of the Yellow Sea that people remember so well will become a thing of the past. Just as Kunsan AB was an island reclaimed from the mud flats by the Japanese Fuji Company in 1932, the Saengmun Project will create the largest dike in the world by 2014 and reclaim all the lands behind it. At some unspecified time in the future, Kunsan Air Base will be incorporated into a new international airport that is still in the design phases. (For more information on Kunsan City go to Kunsan City (1995-Present) .)

Top Left: Main Gate; Top Middle: Welcome Sign Main Gate; Top Right: Kunsan Gym;
Bottom Left: Recreation Center: Bottom Right: Yellow Sea Bowling Lanes (Click on Photo to Enlarge)

CERI Exercise: The following are the notes of MSgt Larry Settle on his website Notes about Larry . In January 1998, Larry wrote, "Getting Ready to Rumble: As I write this, Kunsan Air Base is in the middle of our big annual inspection called a CERI, or Combined Employment Readiness Inspection. I have no idea what's combined, or what employment has to do with it, but we sure have been working on the readiness aspect of the CERI for the last several months."

10-year vet of the "Kun" TSgt Ueltchy (1998) (From Notes about Larry )

35th F-16C on C-Pad (1998) (From Notes about Larry )

"I was lucky (or unlucky) enough to get drawn for weekend duty this past weekend. It was an honor to get picked, as I was the one who had to get our jets ready to "fight" on Monday. Of course, we had several jets down for repair. On a normal flying day, if a jet isn't ready to fly, that's no problem as we almost certainly have a spare aircraft. That's largely because the pilots only want to fly about half of our jets at any one time. During a CERI, we try to fly ALL of our jets, so all of them have to be ready. The end result was 14 hours on Saturday, and another 15 on Sunday. We got all the jets ready -- in the nick of time."

Larry in go-to-war suit (1998)
(From Notes about Larry )

"The CERI to date has been much easier than any of the practice exercises (CEREs) we've had to prepare for it. The inspectors are thorough, but seem content to give us simulated attacks for an hour or two at a time, as opposed to six or seven during the CERE. The inspectors also have much more realistic explosive devices (used to simulate mortar or Scud attacks) than the local guys have. You really WANT to dive into a ditch when you hear these things go off."

MSgt Kevin Nicholas, USAF (Ret) of Lebanon, Ohio wrote in the guestbook in Aug 2004, "Ah, yes...."The Kun". You've never been packed until you've been "Wolfpacked". I was there from July 1998-July 1999. One tour was enough for me. The trips into A-town, having to take a Kimchee cab back to base and the walk back to the dorms. I actually watched one of my troops try to jump over a "benjo" ditch walking out to the 35th FS during one of the many CERE's. His helmet fell into the ditch and the stench from the water was awful! Poor guy had to wear it until getting to the "block house" before he could wash it off."

Top Left: Det 1 338th Training Squadron (1998); Top Right: TRC 100 Satellite Tracking (Little Coyote);
Bottom Left & Right: TRC 170 Satellite Tracking Winter (Click on Photo to Enlarge)

Kwangju Ammo Bowl '98: The Korea-wide Munitions Load competition was held at Kwangju AB -- about 100km south of Kunsan.

Kunsan Bomb-Buildup Kwangju Ammo Bowl 98 (Air Force Photo)

Kunsan Bomb-Buildup Kwangju Ammo Bowl 98 (Air Force Photo)

According to the Baugher Site, aircraft "86-0262/0268 General Dynamics F-16C Block 30D Fighting Falcon 0266 (8th FW, 80th FS) in collision with 88-0403 Aug 11, 1999 near Kunsan AB, Korea. Survived and was repaired."

Typhoon Olga: Typhoon Olga pummeled Korea in August. Kunsan is normally unaffected by these typhoons which normally head over Cheju towards Pusan and then veer off towards Japan. This time it didn't. In the off-base areas, numerous highrise apartment building glass windows were shattered either by the high winds or flying debris. Despite the severity of the storm, there were only three deaths Korea-wide.

Kunsan weathers Typhoon Olga Kunsan Air Base, Republic of Korea (AFPN) -- Typhoon Olga swept through here Aug. 3, shutting down normal operations, causing damage to buildings and trees, but no injuries. The largest amount of damage came from the winds, which sometimes gusted 55 mph. Several dormitories lost part or all of their roofs during the storm. In addition, a number of trees were uprooted, as were a few construction signs. Debris from the roofs fell into the streets of Kunsan Air Base, Republic of Korea, causing a few of them to be blocked off while civil engineering crews undertook the task of keeping the roads open. Despite the high winds and damage, the Wolf Pack's air operations were brought back on line almost as soon as the weather cleared. "The airfield is clear of any debris," said Lt. Col. Pat Ryan, 8th Civil Engineer Squadron deputy commander. "The wing is operational." Even while the storm was raging, CE crews were out repairing damage and preventing more from occurring. Security forces joined them and other emergency units that helped keep people off the street and out of the storm's path. "I've got to give a big thanks to all the troops who worked through the night," said Col. Virgil Unger, 8th Fighter Wing vice commander. "They kept the base alive all through the storm. If it weren't for their hard work, we wouldn't be back up to speed already. Thanks to everyone's teamwork last night, the Wolf Pack is alive and well." Luckily, the base was not caught by surprise by the typhoon. Capt. David Andrus, chief of wing weather, said the weather shop began briefing the wing commander as early as Aug. 2 about the storm. "At its closest point, the typhoon passed 15 miles west of the base, and the wind reached 48 knots, or 55 miles per hour," said Senior Airman Bob Martinez, 8th Operation Support Squadron weather flight. "In a 24-hour period, there was 1.88 inches of rainfall at Kunsan, and for the entire time period during the storm, there was 2.49 inches of rain total." Repairs and clean up are expected to continue throughout the rest of the week, but the worst is over. "Our crews have done a great job getting the power back up and making sure people have places to live, eat and work," said Unger. Civil engineer crews are evaluating Kunsan to determine the total amount of damage and what repairs still need to be made.

Personal Comment MSgt Kevin Nicholas, USAF (Ret) of Lebanon, Ohio wrote in 2004, Ah, yes...."The Kun". You've never been packed until you've been "Wolfpacked". I was there from July 1998-July 1999. One tour was enough for me. The trips into A-town, having to take a Kimchee cab back to base and the walk back to the dorms. I actually watched one of my troops try to jump over a "benjo" ditch walking out to the 35th FS during one of the many CERE's. His helmet fell into the ditch and the stench from the water was awful! Poor guy had to wear it until getting to the "block house" before he could wash it off.

Base Finance Manager turns into an "Auggie Doggie": Dan Rea was a SSgt assigned to Base Finance. He spent May 1999-May 2000 at Kunsan and came away with some interesting perspectives on the operations of the base and life in Korea. He soon found himself occupying his free-time with hiking, trips and becoming involved in the community teaching Conversational English to teachers. He was one of the few who made great use of his time in taking Taekwondo classes, taking trips to various places in Korea and even made a trip to China. He immersed himself in his job and assigned as a section chief. He even found time to get involved with the Kae Chong Orphanage. But also along the way, he also became an "Auggie Doggie" -- Security Police augmentee.

On 08 May 1999 he wrote, "Let me tell ya, first couple dayz here and I'm already exhausted! Yesterday I walked around the entire base getting "navigateable", then at nite, we (being the newbees) were taken out on our Green Bean, which consists of getting plastered at the onbase club followed by a trip to A-town (American Town, just outside the base here) for more drinkin and the infamous "Ammo Bowl" which is a huge bowl of alcohol with Soju mixed in and is passed around to everyone there. Today, we had a picnic in the back of our dorms. Played 5 on 5 full court basketball and volleyball, along with eating some "interesting" hamburgers and hotdogs. Seems pretty kewl so far, and theres more to come!"

Kunsan Yellow Sea Bowling Lanes (2000) Mr. Jo, Mr. Yang, Pat, Jason, Dan, Brian

Behind Base Finance Oriental House (2000) Becky, Barbara, Ms. Cho, Dan (2000)

Base Finance Building (2000)
Mr. Kang, Pat, Dan

In June 1999, he wrote, "Next week Patrick (a friend from work), James (a guy who just got here) and I are going out for Airbase Defense Training (or Security Augmentee or plane watchers or rivet counters, whatever you want to call it). Some how got "volunteered" for fun duty. But, Patrick is a former Security Police troop so he said he has some hook-ups to keep us outta the dirty jobs!"

On 16 October 1999 he wrote, "The same month, we had our first Base Exercise. I was on night duty in charge of a Fire Team (a security team that drives around the base in a Humvee searching for "Coyotes" [the bad guys] and keeping an eye on our troops in the Defensive Fighting Positions). We all got Cammied up and donned the helmets and gas masks; "played war" for 4 days straight. Man were we rough. At one point, the rest of my team had been on other duties, when a call came in telling me to go to the Transportation Squadron to check on some gun fire heard. I hadn't done anything like that before, so it was a fun challenge. I got some other guys from another Fire Team to scout with me and we went inside and saw that a sniper had some troops pinned behind some vehicles. We called to the Command Post and had them send an Armored vehicle to the scene so we could get a better shot at the "coyote". Man, I'll tell U what, it was 5 in the morning and I was dead tired, but that's something that gets the blood rushing and energy going. Long story short, we got the guy, but lost 2 of ours and I slept all weekend long afterwards!"

On 21 November 1999 he wrote, "There were 14 of us volunteered to be on the OpFor Team (Opposing Forces or the Bad Guys). What a blast! We went all around base terrorizing the look out posts and infiltrating the different squadrons on base. We dressed up in camo and dark clothes and snuck around during the night trying to find the weak points around and to see who was sleeping! It wasn't easy work though; our hours were basically all day and all night with scenarios running every hour or so. We'd plan on the attack, set out to find the locations, either destroy the Good Guys (Defenders) or get killed or captured. Afterward, we'd head back to camp, clean weapons, reload ammo, check out the next target and MAYBE get some sleep. We had some cots and GI sleeping bags. This went on for 3 days before we were able to take a break, get a shower and a few hours of real sleep. Then back to the games for the last 3 days."

He went on, "Some of the scenarios were like this: head along the outside ridge of the base and go through some of the Korean villages to get a closer look at the fence lines and check on the posts to see if they were watching for us. If we didn't get shot at, it was a good sign that they had no idea! We’d get right up along the fence and fire up the post and more than likely take them out before they knew what happened. We’d cut through the fence and sneak on base to the next targets. Of course by this time, the Fire Teams would be out scouting for us and the base sirens would go off."

He added, "Sometimes they'd drive us to a certain location and (insert) us (as if we had gotten on base to that point) and attack some unsuspecting building. We’d take out Comm and the Hospital on a couple raids, but they caught on after a while. Hehe One of the inserts we took over the hospitals bunkers (and me and one of the other guys got our picture taken for the base news paper!). Of course, they made us give up so we could see how they handled enemy prisoners. That’s another funny story, but I'll send the picture and it'll say it all! Hehe"

Christmas Party Kae Chong Orphanage (1999)
(CourtesyDan Rea)
Click on Photo to Enlarge

In March 2000, he started feeling "short" with three months to go. He wrote, "Things in Korea have been pretty constant the last few months; many of my friends have left and a lot of new faces are showing up all the time. We've been hit with a lot of War Games lately preparing us for a big exercise later this year. We also had an inspection team come thru to check out our base, as we are currently in the final runnings for "Best Base in the Air Force". We are waiting for the team to evaluate the last base (in Italy) before we find out the results. I actually had to give a speech to one of the Colonels on how we operate in the Finance office and what we do for the base. I was really nervous, but the speech went great. (I'm glad I had just taken that speech class a couple months ago!!) hehehe"

He wrote on 28 April 2000, "Finally, this past week, we had our final War Games before our big inspection. Everything seemed to go well and we passed this one, so the inspection should go alright. I worked in the Enemy Prisoners of War camp where we take any prisoners we get and place them in holding cells. We'll get some interrogators out there, but for the most part, they just sit tight until the War is over. I'll have some pictures of "War-Man Dan" on the INet soon. Didn't get to kill anyone this time, but it was still fun chasin' 'em down! Hehehe"

In May 2000, Dan headed out to RAF Mildenhall, England. In his farewell entry, he included an humorous anonymous letter of a "short-timer" that sums up the feelings of all who have put in their time at the Kun.

Dear friends and family,

From the deepest, darkest depths of South Korea, that rainy, murky, sweltering, rice paddy covered, mosquito infested pearl of the Far East known as Kunsan Air Base, comes the joyous, near hysterical announcement that soon, very soon, your loved one/friend will once again be in your midst to take his place in society as a respectable human being.

I have survived the worst the Far East has to offer, thousands of unknown bugs and spiders, vicious mosquitoes, rats the size of cats, aggressive flies, poisonous snakes without names or serums, the Korean Krud, and the claustrophobia of a gas mask. I have been dehydrated, demoralized, interrogated, intoxicated, unappreciated, and uncivilized. If I appear to exhibit certain oriental mannerisms its because I’m suffering from too much rice, OB beer, SoJu, white dogs, green slime, AMMO bowls, kimchee, dried squid and yakimahndo; but most of all, loneliness and depression. Don’t worry, these will end in time given a generous dosage of patience, understanding, and tender loving care.

In preparing to welcome me back to civilization, you must make a few allowances for the crude environment I’ve been subjected to for the past 12 months. Try to be a good listener as I unfold my horror stories, which may be numerous, varied, and generally true. I have been around the world and back, having witnessed some of the most bizarre things imaginable. I have seen many a sad sight, heard many a sad tale, but mine, inevitably, will be the saddest of all. Some of my behavioral patterns have undergone radical alterations, but you may find me completely unaware that my habits are out of the ordinary. Once again please remember, "Patience is the key to successful rehabilitation."

Show no alarm if I prefer to squat, rather than to sit in a chair. I will tend to remove my shoes before entering a house. Remain calm when I insist on sleeping on the floor with my clothes on. I may stare in fascination at any building over three stories high. Be lenient when I try to buy everything at half the market price, and accuse the salesperson of being a thief. Don’t be surprised if I answer any and all questions with "I HATE THIS !@#$$%^&* PLACE!!!". Pretend not to notice if I pour gravy on my mixed vegetables, or add hot sauce to just about everything else. Don’t be amazed when I stare in wonder at fresh bread and milk. Please don’t get mad if I carry toilet paper everywhere I go, this is a commodity in Korea that can be used as currency in case of emergency. Pay no attention when I carry my backpack everywhere, even to the neighbors, as this has been faithfully by my side for 12 months, and has become a part of me. Also, take it with a smile when I go everywhere with a flashlight, I’m expecting the lights to go out at any minute.

You will find my manner of speaking is radically different than it used to be, and sometimes may be totally incomprehensible. I may speak a mixture of English, Spanish, Korean, Filipino, Indonesian, Russian, and bits of other languages as well. I may lapse into English occasionally, but that will only happen if I am talking to a close friend or relative, and then only after it has been established and confirmed that I’m talking to a real American. When I meet someone for the first time, I will likely bow at the waist and say something like, "AN YOUNG HA SAY OH." During the course of everyday conversations I will probably use strange words like YOBO, FIGMO, DMZ, GREEN BEAN, YELLOW BEAN, BROWN BEAN, PALI-PALI, YOBO SAYO, A-TOWN, THE VILL, AHJIMA, AHDASHEE, and many other things that make no sense to you but are very near to my heart. I may tend to talk to most people with exaggerated hand gestures and in a simplified, almost childlike language. I may also suffix my words with strange endings such as, "cashee", "changee", and "finishee". Try to endure these variations with courage and patience and soon I will be able to communicate with the general public with relative ease.

There is one thing I must warn you about: the excessive, colorful adjectives, adverbs, and expletives that have been an integral part of my vocabulary. With gentle admonishment and reminders my profanity will eventually wane to a level of acceptance among mixed groups and scrupulous neighbors.

To minimize the dangers of cultural shock, and keep me from hurting others and myself the following actions are strongly recommended. DO NOT, repeat DO NOT, at any time ask me if I have managed to save money while in Korea. Because of culture shock, I may become semi-catatonic and begin to mumble something about club bill, slot machines, class VI, loans to ex-friends, gifts for departing friends, kimchee cabs and buses, Popeye’s chicken, mink blankets, starter jackets, leather coats, Wolfpack Wheels tickets, and too many parties. Do not make flattering remarks about the great food provided for the troops overseas, or say anything about Korea, as this could trigger an awesome display of violence. NEVER, NEVER, say the words "RECALL" or "EXERCISE" above a whisper, and if an ambulance or fire truck happens to be within range and it's siren is going, DO NOT make an attempt to stop me because I'm probably running around looking for a ditch to dive into. When crossing the street take care of me, as I have become completely oblivious to car horns, buses, motorcycles, bicycles, push carts, and other various forms of transportation that are common to Korea.

In order to make me more comfortable in what seems like an alien environment the following actions are suggested. For the first ten days serve nothing but roast beef, either rare or too well done, with plenty of fat (this is known as steamship round and tastes like the ship was long overdue). Don't serve milk fresher than two weeks old or bread that bounces. Never allow more than one piece of silverware per meal, and be sure it is bent, tarnished, or filthy (a plastic spoon is best). Pour generous amounts of chlorine into the drinking water, this is the taste that I have become accustomed to. Plug the drain in the shower so the water rises to my knees. Be sure to turn the hot water off intermittently, and at your discretion, add a few bursts of scalding hot water followed by immediate loss of water pressure. When washing clothes, add one or two cups of dirt to the water to maintain that yellowish look that I have gotten so used to. Have the TV and radio adjusted so that only one station can be received, and try to ensure plenty of static. Make sure someone slams a door every half-hour while I am trying to sleep. Every evening about 7pm, open all the windows and doors to let in as many mosquitoes as possible, as I am accustomed to sleeping with them. Never allow the temperature in the house to fall below 95 degrees in the summer or above 40 in the winter. If I insist on putting the refrigerator in the bedroom do not discourage me, this is where I'm used to seeing it and eventually realize that it belongs in that empty space in the kitchen. Ignore me if I eye the pooch hungrily and mumble something to the effect of "GOTTA GET ME SOME KAY-GOKI!" Please don't question me when I decide to ride my beat up bicycle to work instead of driving the new car. I have developed a fondness for bicycles, so have all the neighborhood kids buzz me periodically, being sure they issue no warning and are traveling at least 30 mph. If at all possible, make some craters and trenches in the lawn and surrounding area. I'm in the habit of negotiating them in a drunken state at night and cannot maneuver in a straight line or on level terrain. Be sure to start at least two rumors a day about someone I know or work with, at least one of these rumors should be particularly vicious and of a personal nature.

In other words, I may have the jitters, jumps or twitches, but I will not be lonely, depressed, or unhappy. I may have changed, but inside I am still the same person who left. Because of an entire year away from home, you can be sure nothing is as important to me as being back. Be patient with me and try to help me as much as you can, but be careful not to try too hard. Fear not, it has been proven time and time again that "Koreanitis" is not permanent – it can be cured in time with a little patience and lots of tender loving care.

In conclusion, put clean sheets on the (twin) bed, fill the fridge, set an extra place at the table, send no more mail to PSC 2 Box 2003, APO AP 96264 because…

I'M COMING HOME!!!!!

OpFor with Night Vision Goggles:
Foal Eagle 99 (Spring 99) (Air Force Photo)

Electronic Counter-Measures Backshop: When talking of maintenance, we sometimes forget about the "Back Shop" people. MSgt John Jones wrote, "One big happy family. This is the Avionic flight. It is composed of the Integrated Avionics Intermediate Shop also known as (I think I got it right) also known as AIS and of course Electronic Warfare Systems EWS." The AIS is part of the 8th Maintenance Squadron . The following photos are from his webpage, Korean Picture Page .

AIS-EWS Shop (1999) (Click on photo to enlarge)	MSgt Jones in Chem Suit in shop (1999) (Click on photo to enlarge)
"Troop" with his ECM Pod (1999) (Click on photo to enlarge)	MSgt Jones (1999) (Click on photo to enlarge)

The following pics are courtesy of MSgt John Jones of the Electronic Warfare Shop ("Pod Shop") from his John's Korean Picture Page . The pictures depict some of the more mundane aspects of the base to make life a little more comfortable.

Burger King scene (1999) (Click on photo to enlarge)	Burger King scene (1999) (Click on photo to enlarge)
Small Commissary (1999) (Click on photo to enlarge)	Small Commissary (1999) (Click on photo to enlarge)
Roach Coach scene (1999) (Click on photo to enlarge)	Roach Coach scene (1999) (Click on photo to enlarge)
O'Malley Dining Hall (Thanksgiving 99) (Click on photo to enlarge)	Son Light Inn (1999) (Click on photo to enlarge)

Winter of 1999: The pictures of the Water Tower and Wolf Pack Park in the Snow below are from the home page of The Texas Rogue Homepage . The snow in 1999 was the heaviest seen in ten years. Normally Kunsan will receive maybe three inches of snow max per year which melts away within a day or two. The snows of 1999 made the off-base roads treacherous as the snow melted and refroze at night making driving over some back roads a hair-raising experience. Luckily on-base they had the snowplows out immediately and kept the roads clear.

Water Tower (18 Dec 99)

View from Wolf Pack Park (18 Dec 99)

Panoramic view with OMalley Dining Inn on the left and Dormitories on the right (18 Dec 99) (Courtesy Texas Rogue)

F-16C Postflight at Kunsan

SSgt Rhett Engstrum with Aim9 Combat Sling (Oct 99) (Air Force Photo)

Female ROKAF Academy cadets visit Kunsan (2 Dec 1999)

Land Mine Field near Kunsan AB (Aug 99)
(From My Year in Korea )

President Bill Clinton Signs Defense Authorization Bill (1999)
A man busy with worries of Monica Lewinski, impeachment
and "nation-building" throughout the world
still finds time to authorize a modest budget increase for defense
-- after years of gutting the military.

Main Gate Protestors Viewpoint: The demonstrations continued at the gate every Friday. Actually, we should say there were protests when the weather was good, but if it was cold, snowy, wet -- or any of the other bad weather that Kunsan is noted for -- no demonstrators showed up. These protestors are a group of about 100 land-owners near the base who wish to have their land useage back, but are prevented by the Korean three-mile exclusionary zone. The land is restricted to farm useage and cannot be developed commercially. If they got their land useage back, these land owners would all be instant millionaires. To bolster their numbers, they joined with other groups supporting various causes. In 1999, the Korean demonstrators (followers of Minister Moon Jyung Hyun) published a page on the web entitled, "Not Prepared." It is filled with a lot of half-truths and some real lapses in logic. We've added our own notes in blue. However, you read it and make up your own mind. It read:

Our Request for Regaining of Territorial Rights in the Kunsan U.S. Military Airbase

THE US ARMED FORCES SHOULD REVISE THE SOFA ON FULL SCALE INSTANTLY!!!

-THE CIVILIAN GATHERING FOR REGAINING OF THE TERRITORIAL RIGHTS IN THE KUNSAN U.S. MILITARY AIR BASE (REGAIN)-

The U.S armed forces should revise the SOFA on full scale instantly. The civilian organization whose aim is taking back the territorial rights on the Kunsan U.S. militarity base requests the following to the U.S. The U.S armed forces' 54-year long stationing in Korea has resulted in forcing the Korean people to give up their human rights and lose sovereignty. First, the R.O.K. armed forces is under the command of the U.S. Secondly, the Korean victims have no legal rights to cope with the crimes committed by the American soldiers. Third, massive environmental destruction on our land has been undergoing on the basis of the disgraceful SOFA.

SOFA is an administrative agreement reached between Korea and U.S. armed forces in 1948 which thereafter has been revised several times. And yet there are article which limit the rights of Korea. It is an unfair treaty. Accordingly in November 1995, the two countries planned to begin the negotiations for revision and to finalize it by Jan., 1996. However, the negotiation has not been settled until now long after the due date because of the high-handed manners of the USAF and the passive attitude of Korean government to reach an agreement. (NOTE: This is a tack-on from the other groups who joined the Land Owner group. This is nonsense as the USAF at Kunsan has nothing to do with the SOFA negotiations -- that is the USFK in Seoul. However, the truth is that there was NOT a SOFA until 1963. As to the supposed SOFA instrument initiated in 1948 -- if it exists -- under the U.S. Military Government (Occupation Forces), it is worthless flotsam. The first substantive revision took place in 1987 AFTER the Koreans had become one of the four dragons of Asia -- and could be pressured to pay their fair share for THEIR defense. Despite the Korean hogwash in the press, the truth is that the U.S. pays about $15 BILLION for Korea's defense...the same as the Koreans spend on their own defense. The Koreans aren't passive...they just don't want to increase their share. The Korean press tries to mask the facts by using deceptive pie-charts and percentages...but never comparing real dollar amounts.)

THE CIVILIAN GATHERING FOR REGAINING OF THE TERRITORIAL RIGHTS IN THE KUNSAN U.S. MILITARY AIR BASE (REGAIN) whose aim is taking back the territorial rights on Kunsan U.S. army base (standing representative: Fr. Moon Jyung Hyun) requests the above mentioned and will have meetings in front of Kunsan U.S. army base every Friday in connection with laborers, farmers and civilians. May 7, 1999 is the first anniversary of the meeting. In recent peaceful Friday meeting some members of the organization have got injured as the police the people with force. ("Peaceful" is a relative word to the protestors. Like the time, they "peacefully" cut the main gate locks with bolt cutters in 1996.)

Revoke the specification on the excessive rights for the U.S armed forces to use facilities and areas in Korea. And turn it back to Korea at once. Since the private owned land surrounding the U.S. army base are provided to the U.S. forces according to the agreement., the landlord cannot exercise their rights on their land and cannot even build new buildings on it. Furthermore, they have to give their private owned land to the U.S. forces upon their request. (NOTE: Still haven't figured out this one. We agree that the camptowns around some Army bases like "Little Chicago" in Tongduchon outside Camp Casey abutt the camp -- as does most Army camps. However, Kunsan and Osan do have a three-mile exclusionary zone. One can argue that the three-mile exclusionary zone is a dinosaur of the past when there was nuclear arms at Kunsan and Osan for the PACAF SIOP nuclear alerts. These alerts were done away with in 1992 -- but it appears that someone is keeping the door open for the nukes to come back...or something. Regardless, the bottom line is that the ball is in the Korean government court to take action -- NOT the U.S. government.

In addition, the activists do NOT mention how many ROK military installations are located within this three-mile exclusionary zone. If anyone is really interested, I ask them to take a REAL close look. Two hilltops that I know of within a 1/2 mile of base are occupied by ROK units -- plus there is a ROK ammunition supply storage area. Other larger army units occupy sites to the east and south of Kunsan AB at the edge of the three mile zone. I wonder why they are not protesting there? Perhaps it is because the ROK military is not as tolerant as the USAF -- who is afraid of the bad press.)

In addition, the activists do NOT mention how many ROK military installations are located within this three-mile exclusionary zone. If anyone is really interested, I ask them to take a REAL close look. Two hilltops occupied by ROK Army units are within a 1/2 mile of base -- plus there is a ROK ammunition supply storage area. Other larger army units occupy sites to the east and south of Kunsan AB at the edge of the three mile zone. I wonder why they are not protesting there? Perhaps it is because the ROK military is not as tolerant as the USAF -- who is afraid of the bad press.

The bottomline is that the Americans have NOTHING to do with this requirement at this time. This is a KOREAN MILITARY requirement for a three-mile exclusionary zone around THEIR bases. Even bases such as Yongsan have exclusionary zones around it. If the Koreans want to change it, they could simply legislate it. It would be interesting if the political action groups could offer PROOF that the U.S. was specifically requesting the three-mile exclusionary zone.

Pay rent for the U.S. army base. Among the many countries where U.S. military forces are stationing, the R.O.K. is the only country which provides the facilities and areas free and without time limit. The declared value of the land (260 million square miles) provided free is 10 billion dollars. They should set up the period of lease and pay rent for the base in Korea. (NOTE: Have never been able to figure this out as well. Why are they protesting to the USAF? The 8th FW has to sign off on the "Host-Tenant" agreement as a TENANT. The 38th Fighter Group is the HOST and owns the base. They allow the TENANT 8th Fighter Wing to continue operations there. Yes, the truth is that the ROKAF benefits immensely from the "free" base infrastructure and its upkeep that the USAF provides, but that doesn't change the fact that they are the HOST. The Korean government owns the base. The protest should be aimed at the ROKAF who owns the base.)

Root out the crimes by the American soldiers stationed in Korea. The R.O.K. has little jurisdiction over the crimes by the U.S. servicemen. It is almost impossible for the victims to demand reasonable damages because of the one-sided agreement. The R.O.K.'s rights to arrest and investigate, to have jurisdiction over and to execute the U.S servicemen committed crimes should be completely guaranted along with the rights to claim for damages. (NOTE: This is a muck-up-the-waters non-issue to build up the case of altering the SOFA. The largest crime for Americans soldiers in Korea is that they don't pay their traffic tickets before they depart. However, many Koreans want to have a SOFA agreement similar to Japan's. However, they don't want to pay the same price tag the Japanese pay. Korea is too cheap. Though its share has slowly increased in recent years, it still far below the proportionate share of other developed countries -- with the exception of the NATO free-ride nations. Though major crimes (rape, murder, arson) are very rare, it is a serious issue as there are large differences between both nation's criminal systems. The Korean system is based on the rights of society, while America's system is based on the rights of the individual. Currently the SOFA gives jurisdiction to the ROK for USFK personnel accused of major crimes (rape, murder, arson), but the USFK retains control for minor crimes (assault). But the biggest thing these protestors want is NOT the right to sue the U.S. for perceived damages in the Korean court system. That they can already do. Their problem is that they can't collect monetary claims under the provisions of the SOFA.)

Solve the problem of the environmental pollution and of noise. The SOFA stipulates that the U.S. armed forces does not have the responsibility to restore the U.S. base facilities and areas to the original state when they return it. The agreement gives the ground the USAF to escape from the responsibilities for the environmental destruction. Korean government's powerful rights to investigate and to restrict activities of polluting the environment on and around and U.S. army bases should be acquired. (NOTE: This is a tack-on issue from the Environmental groups which joined the Land Owners Group. This is a major issue, BUT NOT AT KUNSAN. The environmental groups got this idea from America's SuperFund (at bases throughout America) -- and West Germany's cleanup programs (in East Germany). Under the Land Partnership Program, the USFK has started turning back unused land without cleanup. The Koreans seek to get this provision in SOFA, but if it did the U.S. can expect some sort of multi-billion dollar Super Fund to be set up. The USFK negotiators would have to have a grapefruit for a brain to step into this quicksand.)

We hope that you agree with our requests and to support us. And we cordially ask you to take pains to deliver our messages to the organizations guarding the human rights and peace around the world and to the U.S. government or to the state department of the U.S.

The following is an open letter by Kim Young-Ock of the Solidarity for Peace and Human Rights (South Korea) on the Political Situation of Korea

The Present Political Situation of Korea, October 1999

By Kim, Young-Ock
The Solidarity for Peace and Human Rights (South Korea)

Since President Dae-jung Kim was elected in December, 1997, there has been much anticipation from the people of Korea. President Kim himself in the past was a victim of human rights oppression, so everyone expected that democracy in Korea would be better off under his government. But this expectation has been proven to be naive. To describe the situation simply, under President Kim's government the state of human rights in Korea is declining. The worst part of this is that the livelihood of people such as labourers and farmers, is threatened. This is because President Kim accepted the structural reform project of the I.M.F.

1. Since the IMF project in Korea, the situation of workers has severely deteriorated. Under the pretext of increasing economic power and efficiency, the number of full-time employees is decreasing, part-time work is increasing, and the number of unemployed is skyrocketing. In addition, the progressive Korean Council of Trade Unions (KCTU) and the Korean Federation of Trade Unions (KFTU) who are the two leading labor organizations in Korea, took part in the tripartite committee (composed of representatives of government, business and labor). The labor representatives accepted layoffs, which resulted in a great number of labourers being sacked. In addition to that, the laborers' right to strike in protest to layoffs was strongly curtailed. The ideology that saving the nation's economy was more important than the livelihood of laborers was promoted by the government and the mass media. The government declared all strikes against layoffs as illegal. Since last year, the strikes by large-scale places of business such as Hyundai Motors, Mando Machine Company and the Seoul-Subway Corporation, brought severe repression from the government. As a result, a huge number of labourers are unemployed, and the union leaders are in hiding from the police or have been sent to prison. At the present time in Korea, 1,200 labourers of Halla Heavy Industry (which constructs large vessels) have been on a strike for over 50 days. They are continuing the strike despite the continued threat of police intervention.

2. The people's disappointment with President Kim's performance does not end here. Kim promised as a election pledge that he would abolish the National Security Law. In Korea, the National Security Law is used to jail prisoners of conscience or those who hold progressive views. We feel this law is for the government's security, not for the nation's security. This law has infringed upon freedom of conscience, thought and expression which is guaranteed by constitutional law. In Korea, for example, no one dares say "I am a socialist", because such a person would be arrested immediately under the National Security Law. This law has been used as a tool to suppress the progressive movements in Korea. It has been the most powerful law in suppressing the movement for reunification, the labor movement and the movement to build a progressive party as well as other progressive movements. President Kim was oppressed by this law. Therefore, the people expected that he would keep this promise first. But the ruling party of which President Kim is the leader decided to change only some parts of the law, but not to abolish the law. In this situation, 30 Catholic priests of the Catholic Priests' Association for Justice (CPAJ), including Kyu-hyeon Mun and Jeong-hyeon Mun began a 25-day fast at Myung-dong Cathedral in Seoul. They declared that the National Security Law must be abolished during this year's regular session of the National Assembly (to be held from September to December). This high profile fast resulted in the organization of the National Security Law Abolition Council composed of 261 NGO's in Korea. Also, the priests of the Chunju Catholic Diocese decided to join the struggle to abolish the National Security Law. Every Catholic church in the diocese became involved, putting up placards and even holding a prayer meeting supervised by the Bishop himself. Subsequently, Protestant pastors participated in the fast and struggle, which is going on as we speak. Thus, everywhere in Korea struggles to abolish the National Security Law are breaking out. Despite all this, the government has not made any real response to this situation. Just recently, the Nogeun-ri slaughter of many innocent people was disclosed to the world by the AP (Associated Press). This killing was done by soldiers of the American Army who participated in the Korean War (1950 to 1953). The 400 Nogeun-ri inhabitants were slaughtered under the principle of the American Military Authorities which was to "Regard the refugees on the border as enemy force". The victims there included mostly children, women and elderly people. Survivors demanded that both the government of Korea and the US disclose the true facts of the case, but they were ignored. Finally, however, the truth was brought to the world by the AP. The Korean people have had another pain in their heart since 1953 when the war ended, which is the issue of US Armed forces in Korea. The US Armed Forces in Korea are committing crimes in the average of 5 cases per day which results in about 1500 cases a year, most which are felonies including rape, buglary and homicide. In spite of this, the Korean victims cannot put the American soldiers on trial or demand damages for the wrongs done against them. This is because of the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) which is an agreement regarding the status of US Armed Forces in the Republic of Korea. The US Armed Forces are stationed outside of America in countries including Germany, Japan and Philippines, and the US makes agreements with each of those governments regarding the status of the US armed foces in those countries. However, the SOFA is a most unequal and unfair agreement. According to the SOFA, even in matters of murder, Koreans cannot have jurisdiction regarding the case. The criminal must be handed over the American military authorities, and the Korean court cannot make the American Soldier stand trial. Therefore, American soldiers don't have an awareness of the gravity of crimes, so the number of criminal acts continually increase every year. Also the US forces are using 477 milion square meters of Korean territory for free (with no rental fee). In the SOFA, there is no definite period of time stipulated for American forces' use of Korean territory. Thus if the government of Korea asks the US Forces to leave, and the US refuses the leave, there is no law governing this issue. The SOFA is clearly a very unfair agreement.

On October 6th, 1999, people gathered together to call for amendment of the unfair SOFA agreement. A total of 127 organizations who work for peace gathered and created an organization called the "Peoples' Action for Amendment of the Unequal SOFA". The Peoples' Action group criticized SOFA, declaring that "the SOFA, which was begun under special conditions during the Korean War, is still being maintained and is now threatening the human rights and peace of the nation." The Peoples' Action group is planning to hold a signature campaign and will gather in protest to the SOFA in front of the US Embassy once a month. Also, they will appeal to amend the SOFA, sending an official document to the US Administration, to the parliament of each nation and to N.G.Os. Thus the Republic of Korea is ceaselessly at war, struggling for equality, freedom, human rights and peace. The progressive forces in Korea hope to contribute to the human rights and peace of the world as well as of Korea. And they work passionately to attain this even at the risk of imprisonment.

The Solidarity for Peace & Human Rights (SPHR), for whom I work, is one of those organizations. This solidarity is located in Chunju City, Chollabuk-Do, in the southwestern part of Korea. This organization participates in issues of human rights and peace in our area and it also informs our local community about important issues of the country and the world. We have been publishing a weekly human rights newspaper, "Peace and Human Rights", for 5 years. My organization has two representatives. Father Kyu-hyun Mun, who participated in the fast and struggle for abolition of the National Security Law, is one of the representatives. The Solidarity is not a Catholic organization, and we pay attention to the following issues: the release of prisoners of conscience, abolition of the National Security Law, protection of local people from the US Armed forces, protection of the human rights of prisoners, and the rights of laborers to a decent livelihood.

There is a US base in Kunsan about 1 hour from my town. In front of the base, the local people gather every Friday. The main purpose of the gathering is to call for amendment of the SOFA. The weekly gathering began in December 1997, and has continued until October 1999 without fail. It is led by an organization called "Citizens' Group to Recover our Territory from the Kunsan U.S. Army Base." The representative of this organization is Father Jeong-hyeon Mun. During one of these demonstrations, Fr. Mun and two women activists were handcuffed and held for an hour by the U.S. military authorities. In spite of being in his 60s, Fr. Mun is and has been fighting passionately for human rights and peace since the time of the military government in the 1970s. We are working together, and will be together in this fight for human rights and peace. Thank you.

Rev. Mun in face-to-face confrontation with Police (Apr 2002)
(Click on image to enlarge)
(From Tongil.news)

Korea Should Start Paying Their Own Way: There is a growing U.S. trend in thinking that Korea should start footing more and more of the bill for its defense. The people are getting tired of Korea on one hand claiming poor-mouth ("we have no money") but at the same time supporting protectionist Chaebols.

People are now starting to feel that President Jimmy Carter back in 1979 had the right idea...but for a different reason. In 1979, Jimmy Carter's heartburn was with the human rights violations of the Park Chung-Hee regime. He was forced to back away because of regional developments and later retracted his stance.

However, now the impetus deals with "cost-sharing" and Korea's ability to foot the bill. Ever since Korea emerged as one of the four dragons of Asia, journalists and scholars have been asking this question in various articles and editorials. The following article from USA Todayis just one of many that have surfaced recently.

SOUTH KOREA Should Be Kicked Off the U.S. Defense Dole.

Author/s: Doug Bandow
Issue: March, 1999

Should Be Kicked Off the U.S. Defense Dole

"Seoul and Washington should negotiate a phased withdrawal of American forces and termination of the Mutual Defense Treaty, replacing them with a cooperative military and political relationship among equals."

The world may have become a friendlier place for democracy, but the Republic of Korea (ROK) is finding the transition to be tempestuous. South Korea's economy has crashed, as Seoul pays the price for decades of crony capitalism. Political turbulence has arrived with the election of outsider Kim Dae Jung as president.

Yet, this stormy passage also represents something else--the ROK's maturation from adolescent to adult. A decade ago, Seoul was ruled by a military dictatorship. Mass street protests forced elections in 1987. Kim, the grand old man of Korean politics (running in his fourth campaign), won by a razor-thin margin in a vote badly splintered by region. Politics almost certainly will remain highly fractious in coming years, but the country no longer seems unstable.

Economic progress has been even greater. Years of double-digit growth have moved South Korea into the lower ranks of industrialized states. Although the ROK's per capita gross domestic product (GDP) trails those of Hong Kong, Japan, and Taiwan, Seoul has jumped ahead of most of its neighbors. South Korea's recent economic travails actually highlight its success in having become a major participant in the international system. The ROK simply has paid the price of extensive government subsidies to the major chaebols (industrial conglomerates).

Despite its economic and political growth, Seoul remains underdeveloped internationally. Militarily, South Korea essentially is where it was in 1953--dependent on Washington. The U.S maintains a Mutual Defense Treaty that is mutual in name only, stations 37,000 soldiers on the peninsula, and backs up its commitment with forces throughout the Pacific and at home. All told, Americans spend as much to defend the ROK--about $15,000,000,000 annually--as the South Koreans do.

The genesis of the Korean commitment was the messy conclusion of World War II and the ensuing Cold War. Artificially divided between U.S. and Soviet occupation, the Korean peninsula erupted into an internationalized civil war in 1950. Three years of combat left the borders largely unchanged, but the truce never was turned into a peace treaty and the two Koreas remain formally at war. U.S. forces have acted as the ROK's ultimate guarantor ever since.

There were two keys to Seoul's success. The first was to move in a broadly market-oriented direction. South Korean-economic policy never was laissez-faire, but the ROK generally relied on private entrepreneurship and export-driven growth. This contrasted sharply with Pyongyang's autarchic economic policies, which have led to near economic collapse.

Almost as critical was the South's decision not to respond to the North's military buildup. The ROK Ministry of National Defense acknowledges that Seoul did not begin its "force improvement program" until "12 years later than North Korea." Instead, South Korea "concentrated on its economic and social development" despite the dire military threat from the North.

This strategy worked. The ROK has about 24 times the GDP of North Korea. South Korea has twice the North's population, the ability to borrow heavily in international markets, and extensive high-tech industries. The Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) welshed on its international debts, has been suffering through several years of negative growth, and can not feed its own population. Indeed, a vast amount of people in the North are starving.

Equally significant, Seoul has stolen away North Korea's allies. Russia is paying off its debts to the South with military equipment, while China has far more trade with and investment from the South than the North. Pyongyang even is losing the allegiance of the Korean community in Japan, which long has provided the North with much of its hard currency. The matchup between the two Koreas could be compared to a battleship vs. a Chinese junk.

Yet, South Korea continues to be an American defense dependent. Seoul possesses a potent military, and the DPRK's military deficiencies are legion. CIA Director George Tenet told the U.S. Senate that "The [North Korean] military has had to endure shortages of food and fuel, increased susceptibility to illness, declining morale, often sporadic training, and a lack of new equipment." The North, however, possesses a significant numerical edge. Simple weight of numbers could lead to the destruction of Seoul even if North Korea ultimately (and quickly) lost the war.

Such problems don't bother officials in either Seoul or Washington as long as the U.S. protects the South. This continuing defense dependence seems to be leading, in turn, to economic dependence. South Korea was a major recipient of aid into the 1970s; not until 1969 did the South cover more than half the cost of its own defense budget. Washington still was providing significant amounts of security-oriented aid as late as 1986. On top of this was the direct American military subsidy in the form of the defense commitment and troop deployments. The ROK spent years investing the cash that it saved in the South Korean economy.

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has organized a $57,000,000,000 bailout package; another $1,000,000,000 comes from the U.S. in credit guarantees for the purchase of American agricultural products; and there is a $500,000,000 increase in Export-Import Bank credit insurance. Exactly why America should spend so much more to help a nation it has aided so much for so many years is unclear. Nevertheless, South Korea is committed to hanging onto its subsidies, hiring the usual passel of D.C. lobbyists and publicity agents.

Of course, Seoul needs to reform its economy. Still, there is no reason to believe that IMF lending is necessary for reform. For 50 years, the IMF has generated permanent dependency, rather than economic growth. The full range of necessary changes are more likely to be implemented by nations like South Korea if they are generated locally, in response to economic crisis, than if imposed from without, even if accompanied by a de facto bribe. Moreover, fundamental reform would occur more quickly and completely if the inefficient and often corrupt managements of failing enterprises were removed, not subsidized. As former Federal Reserve Governor Lawrence Lindsey points out, "We gain nothing by giving the present owners and the political system that supported them a fresh lease on life."

Given the dubious economic rationale for supporting the IMF bailout, the Clinton Administration resorted to national security arguments for treating South Korea as a financial as well as military dependent. Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin maintained that "there are still enormous security concerns for the United States" in Korea. In December, 1997, he defended the bailout: "We have a vital national economic and security interest in helping Korea to restore market stability as soon as possible." Defense Secretary William Cohen made much the same argument: "If we don't lead on economic issues, we won't be able to lead on other issues," like security. In short, it is not enough to create a security umbrella, relieving Seoul of the financial burden of defending itself. The U.S. must provide economic aid to South Korea to sustain that security umbrella. Thus, Washington's commitment turns out to be a double loss.

Unchanging policy

American policy towards the ROK today looks an awful lot like U.S. policy in 1953. It is as if nothing had changed on the peninsula--as if the South still were recovering from the war; Chinese troops still were stationed in the North; Pyongyang still challenged South Korea economically; the ROK still suffered under unpopular military dictatorships; and Seoul still lagged behind the DPRK in the battle for diplomatic support. It is as if nothing had changed internationally--as if the Cold War still raged, would-be communist hegemons still were probing the U.S. for weakness, and the future of Japan and all Asia still was clouded.

Both Korea and the world have changed, though. It is true that Pyongyang's difficult straits create a risk of either war or violent implosion. Nevertheless, South Korea should defend against whatever threat exists. There is, in fact, nothing to stop the ROK from building a military sufficient to deter the North. For more than 20 years, South Korean officials, starting with Pres. Park Chung Hee, have promised that military parity is just a few years away. Yet, this never has come about because it never had to. The South continues to concentrate on economic and social development since America retains its defense shield.

When privately confronted with the possibility of having to defend themselves, South Korean officials usually respond, "We'd have to spend more," not "We'd be helpless." Obviously, today might not seem to be an opportune moment for such an increase, but South Korea never will believe there is an opportune moment.

In 1979, an irritated Pres. Jimmy Carter asked Park why South Korea, with a much larger economy than the North, did not match the latter's military spending. Park had no answer. The South continues to believe Washington has an obligation to pick up the security tab. Even as its officials warn that the North could implode, South Korea is contemplating significant reductions in military spending and arms purchases, as well as lowering host nation support for U.S. troops.

The disparity between the two Koreas has begun to embarrass even some ROK analysts. Privately, many acknowledge that the American presence no longer is needed to deter the North. Rather, they say privately, the U.S. should stay to defend South Korea from Japan!

It is true that, as often has been said, Korea is stuck in a bad neighborhood, surrounded by major powers that have abused it, but that can be said of many countries. (Poland, Romania, and even Mexico might make the same argument.) However, neighborhoods can change. Today, Japanese aggression is about as likely as an invasion from Mars. Moreover, the South (and especially a united Korea) could make the costs of any attempted invasion far too high for even a remilitarized Japan to consider. There is something pitiful about Seoul's attempt to redirect its Cold War alliance with the U.S. against another close American ally.

Not only has the Korean balance changed, so has the international context. The U.S. intervened in the Korean War in 1950 not because of any belief in the intrinsic importance of the peninsula--the Pentagon and even Gen. Douglas MacArthur dismissed the ROK as unimportant--but because of Korea's place within the larger Cold War struggle. No similar threat of world conquest exists today. A war between North and South Korea would be just that--a war between North and South Korea. The obvious humanitarian tragedy would generate few security concerns for the U.S. Presumably, it is for this reason that a majority of Americans oppose the U.S. commitment to defend South Korea; less than one-third support the current defense guarantee.

Some analysts contend that America's presence in Korea offers an important base to promoting regional stability. The State Department's Richard Holbrooke went so far as to say that the loss of Korea "would be the end of our position in the entire Pacific." Nevertheless, the ROK has just modest strategic value for the U.S. Washington could maintain whatever air and naval forces it desired in the region without bases in Korea, as well as a cooperative relationship with South Korea even in the absence of a defense guarantee and units based on Korean soil.

Anyway, it is hard to imagine an Asian conflict whereby the U.S. would intervene with ground forces, making the lone division stationed in the ROK superfluous. China is--today at least--the most obvious potential military adversary of America in East Asia, and many U.S. officials maintain that American forces should remain in a reunified Korea to help contain Beijing. Even if Washington ended up going to war with China over, say, Taiwan, the Navy and Air Force would do the heavy fighting. A sizable American ground presence in South Korea would turn it into a military target, something likely to make Seoul hesitant to support Washington in such a contingency, just as Japan lacked enthusiasm for U.S. saber rattling over Taiwan in early 1996.

Moreover, the "stability" argument fails to distinguish between U.S. influence in East Asia and a defense commitment to the ROK. America would remain the largest trading partner with the region; retain significant cultural, historical, and political ties; and could cooperate militarily with allied states. The U.S. even could intervene militarily if it believed American vital interests were threatened--say by a potential hegemon that could not be contained by allied powers. To do so, Washington need not maintain an alliance and force structure created in a different era to achieve different ends. Nor need it intervene promiscuously in response to every instance of instability in a world in which some instability is inevitable.

Indeed, the U.S. ultimately will be more secure if its allies take the lead in dealing with potential conflicts that have minimal relevance to America. Letting manpower-rich South Korea take over its own defense would reduce the likelihood of America finding itself at war. When it comes to the Paracel or Spratly islands, Japan, Korea, and the Philippines should cooperate among themselves in responding to China; there is no reason for the U.S. to entangle itself in a quarrel so lacking in interest to America.

Of course, North Korea remains a scary actor--dangerous and unpredictable. Provocations continue, but Pyongyang so far has maintained its recent, more reasonable course. The North has lived up to the essentials of the 1995 nuclear agreement; apologized for the submarine incident in 1996; quickly released two villagers who strayed across the Demilitarized Zone in late 1997; joined four-power talks with China, South Korea, and the U.S.; inaugurated the first phone and fax lines with the South; and pursued various discussions despite several high-level defections in 1997. Indeed, the North has taken a number of steps unthinkable a few years ago, such as allowing a group of women to visit relatives in Japan, international humanitarian groups to operate in the North Korean countryside, and South Korean technicians to construct the nuclear plants under the Framework accord. Inter-Korean trade rose 4.6%, to $250,000,000, in 1997.

Peace overtures

Modest though these actions may be, they reflect a sea change in North Korea's once unremitting hostility. The U.S. should continue to offer modest carrots--fulfill the Framework agreement, drop restrictions on trade and investment, and move to full diplomatic recognition--to demonstrate that Pyongyang gains from responsible behavior. (Washington only slightly relaxed economic sanctions after negotiating the Framework in October, 1994, and the two countries have spent four years in unsuccessful negotiations over opening liason offices.) Obviously, the U.S. should take nothing for granted when dealing with North Korea, but Washington risks little in looking for opportunities to improve relations.

The U.S. also should offer limited humanitarian aid. The goal should not be to prop up the North Korean regime, but refusing to help--though tempting, given the DPRK's awful human rights record--risks losing the larger game of maintaining peace until the communist regime in Pyongyang disappears. Measured amounts of aid demonstrate to the North that cooperation with the West gains more than demands for additional concessions.

In conjunction with Japan and South Korea, Washington should dangle the possibility of investment, trade, and more aid if Pyongyang undertakes serious discussions with Seoul. The Basic Agreements signed by the two Koreas in 1991 offer an obvious starting point to reduce the volatility of the still tense peninsula. The U.S. should indicate that economic ties with American enterprises would grow naturally once North Korea lost its pariah status. At the same time, Japan likely would offer an aid package upon normalization of relations with the DPRK, just as it did with South Korea in 1965. The new Kim Dae Jung government likely would pay dearly, if more indirectly, to reduce tensions.

Washington should use the prospect of an American troop withdrawal, something long demanded by Pyongyang (which pressed to include the U.S. troop presence on the agenda of the four-power talks), to challenge the North to respond in kind--by having DPRK forces stand down from the border, for instance, and demobilizing some units of its extensive, if underequipped, army. The message should be clear that responding to U.S. disengagement by reducing North Korea's threat to the South would yield a commensurate reduction in forces facing the North. If the DPRK refused to reciprocate, Seoul would respond with whatever military buildup it deemed necessary.

The four-power talks offer an opportunity to end what remains a formal state of war. It is critical, though, that the U.S. not offer a long-term guarantee of the peninsula's security, with or without China. Rather, these two powers, along with Russia and Japan, should pledge mutual noninterference in Korean affairs, particularly if their respective "client" inaugurated hostilities.

Most important, the U.S. should turn responsibility for South-North relations over to Seoul. Such a policy shift would offer a way out of today's unsatisfactory situation. North Korea long has attempted to ignore the ROK in favor of Washington, while the South has attempted to subordinate U.S. policy to Seoul's objectives. The result has been significant whining on the part of the South and complaints by Seoul's American friends. Indeed, with Washington offering a seemingly permanent and cost-free defense guarantee, the ROK, according to former U.S. ambassador Richard Sneider, has tended "to ignore or discount the costs we have to calculate in deciding how to react to North Korean provocations." The solution is for America to announce plans to disentangle itself from inter-Korean affairs while promoting good bilateral relations with both countries (though U.S. ties with South Korea are destined to remain stronger than those with the North, for economic, historical, and political reasons).

Placing responsibility for Korea's future, especially reunification, on the Korean people would encourage South Korea to become a more serious player, both domestically and internationally. First, Seoul would face pressure to complete its process of democratization. Second, the South would have to take a more responsible role internationally. Without the U.S. security umbrella, the ROK would have an incentive to work through historical hatreds and cooperate with like-minded states, of which Japan is the prime example.

To alter U.S. policy, especially so dramatically, admittedly would unsettle policymakers here and abroad, but the world is changing. The U.S. commitment to Seoul was established during the Cold War, when an aggressive North Korea, backed by China and the Soviet Union, had the capability and desire to destroy the South. Today, both sides of the equation have changed. The adversary's threat is significantly less, and the ally's ability to respond is dramatically greater.

Such a step back would not be a retreat to "isolationism," the usual term of opprobrium thrown at anyone who advocates the slightest shift in America's current foreign policy. The U.S. would retain interests in East Asia, warranting a continuing active cultural, economic, and political role. Militarily, the U.S. would retain a mid-Pacific presence with the capability of intervening in East Asia to aid an allied power, if necessary.

Seoul and Washington should negotiate a phased withdrawal of American forces and termination of the Mutual Defense Treaty, replacing them with a cooperative military and political relationship among equals. Then, South Korea's transformation from child to adult would be complete.

Mr. Bandow, a senior fellow at the Cato Institute, Washington, D.C., is a former Special Assistant to Pres. Ronald Reagan and author of Tripwire: Korea and U.S. Foreign Policy in a Changed World.

COPYRIGHT 1999 Society for the Advancement of Education
COPYRIGHT 2000 Gale Group

ROK Upgrade Programs: The ROK and Great Britain concluded an MOU on data and scientist exchange between the two countries' Ministry of National Defense. The ROK Minister of National Defense had an extremely busy time bustling everywhere to meet with his US, Australian, Chinese, Russian and Japanese counterpart.

ROK Naval Battle: The ROK and North Korean navies were engaged in a battle in the Yellow Sea. The South claimed that the North made incursions into its territory, while the North claimed it was in its territorial waters. The problem is that the UN after the war left the problem of boundaries unsettled -- rather relying on truce lines which are temporary. Both nations claim their boundaries are either farther north or south. This time it ended up in a face-off. The only problem with this was that when you have poised with fingers on the trigger, somebody's going to fire. The South claims they were attacked first and then the shooting match began. Numerically the South came out the winner this time, but the root cause of this incident has not been resolved -- the unsettled boundary.

ROK-Japan Naval Cooperation: The first 'Reconnaissance & salvage exercise for peace' between the naval force of Korea and Japan. This is significant with so many differences between the nation. Most young people will say flatly that they "hate" the Japanese. This is the propaganda that their government has force fed them. However, a realistic view is that Koreans need the Japanese much more than the Japanese need Korea. Cooperation and respect would go a long way in diffusing some of the emotional and almost ridiculous arguments the Koreans foster with the Japanese.

North Korean Visit by Kim Dae-Jung: President Kim Dae-Jung visited Pyongyang for South-North Summit Meeting (June 13-15). A major visit in the world as the South Korean President went to North Korea. He was met at the airport by Kim Jong-Il and amid the chants of "Kim Jong-Il" was whisked away in the motorcade. There was little substance to this visit, but a great of symbolic importance to both sides. The North Korean leader promised a return visit to Seoul to cement the "sunshine policies" of Kim Dae-Jung. Unfortunately, a new US President (George W. Bush) was elected and all the side deals of Bill Clinton went immediately into the trash can. The trip never took place and instead the North Korean leader took a train to visit the Russian leader, Putin.

Conditions in North Korea Worsens: The conditions in North Korea worsens as judged from reports from the Chinese border with North Korea. One UN relief worker described the famine as "one of the biggest human tragedies in our lifetime." The following are excerpts from Investigative Research International of a Times Newspaper article:

February 4 1999

James Pringle sees the bitter harvest of Stalinist failure in North Korea
Death rules land the world forgot

Cold, weak and starving North Koreans fleeing a Stalinist land, where oxcarts trawl city streets for bodies and women starving have stopped marrying and having babies, facing a nightmare could snuff out their last hopes of gaining sanctuary in China. 'Evidence of a society that has descended into medieval barbarism'

Since January 1, Chinese authorities in two border provinces have been involved in a crackdown and are searching homes. They are calls for fining Chinese citizens 5,000 yuan (£375), drastic reform the equivalent of a year's income, if they of give shelter even for one night in the agricultural present -20C (-3.5F) temperature to North economy Koreans fleeing a civil society that has broken down and now resembles medieval Europe.

Residents along the Chinese side of the frozen Tumen river dividing China from the bankrupt Democratic People's Republic of Korea say Chinese police patrols have warned them: "You must not care if the escapers starve to death. Don't help them, and don't let them into your homes."

In a situation that is, as one refugee put it, "always worse this year than last year", these exiles - perhaps 100,000 in number - have none of the protection provided by international law.

The Chinese policy sends dozens of weeping refugees back across the river, including bartered North Korean brides smuggled over the border for Chinese husbands and sold for £125, and stunted orphan children. An atmosphere of fear and anxiety has gripped the entire 1,000-mile frontier between the two neighbouring Communist states.

Tears started in the eyes of a 47-year-old North Korean woman as she told me in a Chinese home where she had been given shelter: "I'm heartsick. I face certain death if I am returned. They will strangle me or put me in jail or a labour camp where I will die of hunger and cold."

North Korean refugees, including orphan children, showed me scars where they had been battered or tortured after being sent back during earlier escapes. Refugees say 70 per cent of prison inmates die of starvation.

The refugees said that bellicose North Korea, which last month threatened to wipe out America "for good", had issued an order to the population: "Tighten your belts until 2004. Prepare for war to liberate the South."

Even North Korean border guards are hungry, refugees said, though this did not stop them pursuing a shoot-to-kill policy ordered last year by North Korea's 56-year-old dictator, Kim Jong Il, who has gradually consolidated power since the death of his father, the "Great Leader", Kim Il Sung, in 1994.

Residents of Tumen and other Chinese towns and villages report nightly shooting along the river that forms the border in this region of deforested mountains.

From a hillside just above the river, I looked down through binoculars into the town of You Sen, which has a population of 5,000. In mid-morning, not a wisp of smoke came from the chimneys of its austere private homes or the six factories, which stood desolate like tombstones.

There was only a handful of people shuffling in the street, no motor vehicles, and only a single bicycle. On the outskirts, women were bent double as they dragged sleds laden with kindling.

Most people, eating only a gruel made from stalks and leaves, and potatoes if they are lucky, are now too weak to go into the mountains to gather wood. There were footprints in the snow on top of the ice on the river, proof of nocturnal crossings. Graves lined the far bank in places, as North Korean troops patrolled a ridge.

Elsewhere, I watched soldiers break the ice and draw water from the river about 50 yards from where I stood on the Chinese bank, within hailing distance.

Opposite Musan, a coal-mining town which had a population of 130,000, refugees hiding in Chinese homes told me that 40,000 miners were out of work, and that even the mining machinery had been sold in China.

In the devalued currency, the won, salaries were less than a pound a month, possibly the lowest in the world, but North Koreans do not even have that now. Half the flats were empty, their owners having died or fled.

From talks with dozens of refugees, I do not believe that there have been "huge natural disasters" like the floods and tidal waves which Pyongyang claims have occurred over the past four years, but only routine local flooding.

This disaster is man-made, created by Stalinist policies that do not permit reform for fear of toppling North Korea's totalitarian leaders in one of the world's last Marxist states.

Refugees say that 90 per cent of industry has shut down, except munitions factories needed for the "liberation" of the South and for the sale of missiles and armaments overseas. However, the Chinese authorities, whose fines for border violations have increased tenfold in the past year, have understandable concerns. China hardly needs more mouths that are in need of feeding and if Beijing were to open the border, untold numbers would cross.

China has economic problems of its own which are throwing millions out of work in moribund state industries and the Government fears instability. Beijing would not want to see the collapse of its North Korean buffer, a cataclysm that could bring South Korean, and possibly American, troops to its border.

Here, then, is the picture of life and death. In every North Korean city, people huddle together in the waiting rooms of railway stations. There is no heating but the crush of people provides some warmth. Mothers abandon their children in the hope that they will be fed, but several die every day.

Trains are very infrequent, and they do not run to any timetable. They have no heating, no working toilets and excrement is piled up. Most of the windows are broken. "People are not allowed to travel without a permit, but the system has broken down and they get on the trains to go somewhere to attempt to find food," said Chae Sum Chun, a refugee.

Mr Chae told me that, in the electric battery factory where he used to work, out of a workforce of 4,000 there had been 300 funerals in a single month last June. Marriage as an institution has virtually collapsed and so has the family. "Girls do not want to marry any more because they do not want to give birth," said Zhen Mi Ok, a married woman. "What is the point? There is no food for the babies." Most births that do occur are at home - hospitals have no food or medicines. Few mother have their own milk. Babies, for the most part, are fed the same gruel of powdered stalks and leaves, unless they are among the fortunate few receiving World Food Programme assistance.

Mothers abandon their homes because they cannot feed themselves, even less their husbands and children.

Most international aid food goes to the army and cadres of the North Korean Workers' (Communist) Party, and members of the Kim Jong Il clan - like Albania under Enver Hoxha, North Korea is a clan-based autocracy. Aid agencies say the growth of 61 per cent of North Korean children has been stunted. Kang Ming Hua, a 16-year-old girl, is the same size as a ten-year-old ethnic Korean girl on the Chinese side.

"I was always so hungry," she said as she ate an apple to a tiny core and told me about the dead children she had seen "over there". I talked to children who had buried other youngsters.

Refugees claim the North Koreans have created a huge Potemkin village for the 100 or so diplomats and foreign relief workers in Pyongyang. Refugees told me how, when foreigners are coming on inspection tours, all children are ordered to stay indoors, so that they will not be seen begging and stealing.

Cultural life is dead. There is no singing and no laughter, no films or theatre. "Yet while they are with their children, mothers can still smile," one woman said.

Personal security has collapsed and woman do not go on the streets after dark. "You can't talk about law and order," said one refugee woman here. "People are stealing night and day. Robber bands of soldiers and ruffians attack communities."

On the Chinese side, many people are still willing to help, despite the heavy fines. They include ethnic Chinese and not just the ethnic Koreans who inhabit this part of the province of Jilin. "I am already old, so what am I afraid of?" asked Pak Tae Jun, an ethnic Chinese-Korean. "I won't let people starve. We know in the rest of the world they give help for humanitarian reasons. We are doing the same."

Educated refugees say that there is no chance of overthrowing the Kim Jong Il regime. "It is impossible to revolt or organise anything secretly because there are spies everywhere," one man said.

Huge slogans in bright white characters on the hillside of North Korea here say "We will do things our way" and "Dear Leader Kim Jong Il will bring back the era of Kim Il Sung and become a youthful hero."

But what Mr Kim has wrought is a new heart of darkness in Asia, a vast field of the dead and the dying from which the world has so far largely averted its eyes.

Copyright 1999 Times Newspapers Ltd.

Despite the famine, which a U.S. congressional report says has killed up to 2 million people since 1995 (the DPRK admitted in May 1999 to a figure closer to 220,000 between 1995 and 1998), and having been dependent on international aid since the same year, the DPRK appears to have enough food to export. Okryukwan, the North's most famous restaurant and known for its naengmyon-cold buckwheat noodles-opened its first branch in Seoul in May 1999. With the ingredients imported from North Korea, Okryukwan has become Seoul's latest hip, up-market eatery. A Kunsan franchise of this restaurant opened up near the new City Hall in 2000.

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