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HOW IT WAS!KUNSAN AIRBASE8TH FIGHTER WING HISTORY (1952-1955) |
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Table of Contents8th Pursuit Gp History (1931-1945) 8th Fighter Bomber Wing History (1946-1952) 8th Fighter Bomber Wing History (1952-1955) 8th Fighter Bomber Wing History (1955-1974) ROKAF: 111st Fighter Squadron (1953-Present) 8th Tactical Fighter Wing (1974-1975) Kunsan AB: Tenant Units (1974-1994) 8th Tactical Fighter Wing (1976-1989) 8th Tactical Fighter Wing (1990-1995) 8th Tactical Fighter Wing (1996-1999) 8th Fighter Wing (2000) 8th Fighter Wing (2001): Part I 8th Fighter Wing (2001): Part II 8th Fighter Wing (2002): Part I 8th Fighter Wing (2002): Part II 8th Fighter Wing (2002): Part III 8th Fighter Wing (2002): Part IV 8th Fighter Wing (2003): Part I
8th Fighter Wing (2003): Part II
8th Fighter Wing (2003): Part III
8th Fighter Wing (2003): Part IV
Table of Contents (1931-Present)
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HOW IT WAS: KUNSAN AIRBASE (1974-Present) | 8th Fighter Wing Acknowledgement: Thanks to HQ PACAF History Office for its source materials. Another excellent site used to trace the history of the 8th Fighter Wing is 8FW Lineage. Also special thanks to John Glassford Sr for his exceptional tales of the "Hobo Squadron" (5AF/8FBW) during the initial days of the war. Thanks to the Maj. Gen. Levi R. Chase website for its April 1953 article from SAGA magazine, "Hot Sky Over Pyonyang". Many thanks to Ken Creasy for his photos and narratives of life at Suwon and the article on the 1955 MiG kills. Also thanks to Jim James for his narratives and photos of the 36th FBS at Suwon, as well as his Stars & Stripes article on a T-33 training mission. Also thanks Don Hill for his story of "Night Flight" at Suwon. Special thanks to Jim Escalle for permission to use materials from his site in tribute to his uncle Jimmy L. Escalle site. Thanks to the 80th Headhunters site by Jay Riedel and Jeff Collins for its Korean war photos. "BLACK PANTHERS" 35th TFS | "FLYING FIENDS" 36th TFS | "HEADHUNTERS" 80th TFS | Click on links below for Squadron Histories.35th Fighter Bomber Squadron80th Fighter Bomber Squadron36th Fighter Bomber Squadron
8th Fighter Bomber Wing ("Hoboes") at K-13 (Suwon Air Base) Wing Commander: - Col Raymond K. Gallagher, 20 Feb 1952;
Wing Commander: - Col James J. Stone, Jr., 24 Jan 1953;
Wing Commander: - Col William E. Elder, 29 May 1953; (See Maj Gen William Elder.)
Wing Commander: - Col Ernest H. Beverly, 11 Sep 1953; (See B/Gen Ernest Beverly.)
Wing Commander: - Col John B. Murphy, 11 Jul 1954;
Wing Commander: - Col William W. Momyer, 4 Aug 1954; (See Gen William Momyer, Commander TAC.)
Move to Suwon (August 1951): In an article by A1C Vasquez details the 8th Fighter Bomber Wing's presence at Kimpo Air Base (K14). He wrote, "Following the occupation of this part of Korea by UN troops, the 8th Fighter-Bomber Wing flew combat sorties in support of UN troops for about three months. With the great Chinese human wave attacks the UN forces again were forced to relinquish the field to the enemy and the 8th FBW had to move out. In the early part of January 1951 the Chinese were again holding the base and Seoul. After a few months of fierce fighting between Chinese troops and the U.S. 8th Army and other UN elements, again the UN troops came into Seoul. Around April of '51 the 8th FBW, for the second time, flew combat missions out of this field. The 8th FBW stayed around until August of 1951 when they moved to another K-site and the 4th Fighter-Interceptor Wing took its place here."
In Air Power, The Decisive Force in Korea by James T. Stewart (p112) it states about the period from 26 June 1951 - 27 July 1953, "there were no significant changes in the main line of resistance. Ground action by both sides consisted of probing patrols and limited-objective attacks. On several occasions intelligence indicated that the Communists were preparing for a break-through, but they were never able to launch another major attack. The UNC forces never attempted such an effort. But the stagnant ground situation did not diminish the fighter-bomber effort. On the contrary fighter-bomber strength continued to be built up and the highest sustained sortie rate of the war was flown in the closing months."
  Top: 8th FBW F-80s Sep 51; Middle: 8th FBW F80s Aug 52; Bottom: 8th FBW F-80s Sep 52 (USAF Photos)
Reason for Moving to Suwon According to official histories, the 8th Fighter-Bomber Wing moved from Kimpo, Korea, to Suwon, Korea because the runway at Kimpo was too short for safe operations in fully loaded F-80 fighters -- even with JATO assist in the summer months. The 4th Fighter Wing at Suwon flew the F-86 Sabre which could fly safely off the shorter runway, so the wings traded bases.
The short runway story is verified by John Glassford Sr.'s tale of June-August 1951. He said, "...when we were sent back to Kimpo the second time with F80's, they only had one usable strip at the time. This strip was almost like a cliff and there was a small village at the base of this hill. They loaded the F80's with twin napalm tanks, two 1000# bombs and some other armament under the wings. We were using WWII Jato assist (that failed occasionally) and the first day one of the planes couldn't get off and dropped all the armament at the end of the runway and went cart wheeling thru the village. Needless to say, all the villagers had moved by the next day."
 Ted Platz does Preflight on his F-80
Only minor maintenance was performed at Suwon under the REMCO (Rear Echelon Maintenance Consolidated Operations) concept. Under this concept established in August 1951, depot personnel were stationed in Japan to provide heavy maintenance and periodic inspections on the combat aircraft. The manning at these depots was supplemented by personnel drawn from the combat units in Korea -- normally Field Maintenance Squadron personnel. The U.S. Air Force in Korea (p400) states, "Recognizing that its aircraft resources would continue to be so limited as to demand maximum utilization, and noting the beneficial aspects of more stable rear-echelon maintenance, the Fifth Air Force on 18 August 1951 ordered the establishment of rear echelon maintenance organizations for Shooting Star and Thunderjet aircraft at Tsuiki and Itazuke. ... At Tsuiki, the 51st Maintenance and Supply Group, augmented by a detachment of personnel from the 8th Wing, accomplished major inspections and repairs on F-80's. ... Only minor maintenance and temporary repairs were performed at Suwon and Taegu."
8th FW Historian Pattern to NOT Recognizing Suwon (K-13) on INTERNET There seems to be a pattern that the 8th FW does not wish to PUBLICLY link Suwon to the 8th FW history. The only reason we raise this minor item is that we feel it is a slight to all the veterans who served gallantly with the 8th FBW at Suwon. More importantly, history and lore provide the members of the group with a sense of mission and history. This little item should NOT be overlooked.
We have no idea why there is this "oversight", but for the past five years (1998-2003) it has remained the same. As the wing historians rotate yearly, this "oversight" seems to be a conscious decision as they all must review the documents.
In 1998, the 8th FW Fact Sheet (NO LONGER AVAILABLE ON INTERNET) made no mention of Suwon (K-13) in its text.
In March 2000, the 8th FW History stated "... On Dec. 1, 1950, as U.S. forces pressed the attack on North Korean forces, the wing moved to Pyongyang, North Korea. Then only days later on Dec. 9, the wing moved to Seoul, South Korea, and then on to Itazuke Air Base, Japan. Throughout the Korean Conflict, the wing primarily conducted air-to-ground operations, providing close air support for United Nations ground forces, and striking enemy resources such as supply centers and transportation assets. For its efforts during the war, the 8th Fighter Bomber Wing was awarded two Republic of Korea Presidential Unit Citations and 10 campaign streamers." In this source, there is NO mention of Suwon at all -- though the unit flew from there for over three years. It was simply left out.
However, in all fairness "Suwon" was mentioned in the 8th Fighter Wing Chronology revised in 2000. But it should also be pointed out that the Chronology is in the Appendix and NOT in the main text of the document.
The 8th Fighter Wing Chronology stated, "23 August 1951 The 8th Fighter-Bomber Wing moved from Kimpo, Korea, to Suwon, Korea. The move took place because the runway at Kimpo proved too short for safe operations in fully loaded F-80 fighters. The 4th Fighter Wing at Suwon flew the F-86 Sabre, which could fly safely off the shorter runway, and did not need the longer airstrip at Suwon, so the wings traded bases. The 8th would remain at Suwon for the next three years, flying combat missions until the Korean War ended and then staying on for a year as part of the defensive force left in South Korea after the armistice ended hostilities."
This failure to publicly mention Suwon in its historical texts on the internet has continued to the latest history of Jul 2003. The following is from the 8 FW Heritage Pamphlet as of 1 Jul 03-Electronic.doc. Note that there still is NO mention of Suwon:
The wing had various squadrons attached to it during the first months of the war in addition to the 35th, 36th, and 80th Fighter Squadrons. This first aerial victory of the Korean War went to 1Lt William G. Hudson, of the 68th Fighter All-Weather Squadron (attached to the 8th Fighter-Bomber Wing), in an F-82. Later the same day, 35th Fighter-Bomber Squadron F-80s scored the Air Force's first confirmed kills from jet aircraft. In August, the wing briefly reverted to the F-51 Mustang, returning to the F-80 in December 1950. (SITE NOTE: These were at Itazuke, Japan.) Throughout the war, the wing principally conducted air-to-ground operations, providing close air support to United Nations ground forces and attacking targets such as supply centers and transportation assets. One of the wing's flyers, Major Charles J. Loring Jr., was posthumously awarded the Medal of Honor after he intentionally dove his crippled F-80 into an enemy anti-aircraft site on Sniper Ridge in November 1952.
The wing finished the war flying the F-86 Sabre and became responsible for air defense over South Korea until relocated to Itazuke Air Base, Japan in October 1954. (SITE NOTE: This was at Suwon (K-13), Korea.) Its wartime participation in Korea earned the wing two Republic of Korea Presidential Unit Citations and ten campaign streamers, while the 8th Fighter-Bomber Group separately earned a Distinguished Unit Citation. During the war in Korea, the 8th shot down 18 enemy aircraft, most in the earliest days of the war before the wing's mission changed to air-to-ground operations.
(SITE NOTE: On page 8 of the document, there is a photo that does mention "Suwon", "8th Fighter-Bomber Wing Commander's F-80 Shooting Star. K-13 (Suwon) Air Base, circa early 1953. Courtesy of Jim Escalle.")
Over the past five years (1998-2003), we have noted that the historical documents of the 8th Fighter Wing on the internet has NEVER have mentioned Suwon in their TEXT. Though the July 2003 Historical Pamphlet (electronic document) has a picture which states "Suwon (K-13)" in the caption, there is no mention in the TEXT. There are documents everywhere on the web showing the 8th FW at Suwon, including the AFHRA: 8th FW showing the wing was at Suwon AB, South Korea (23 Aug 1951 - 20 Oct 1954) so this is not a secret. We do not understand the reason behind this "oversight."
SUWON AB (K-13): Originally Suwon was an airfield constructed by the Japanese Army Air Forces during the late 1930s. The American forces put the finishing touches on it during Jun 1950. On 20 September 1950, 'B' Battery, 92d Armored Field Artillery, the "Red Devils", fired the first rounds they expended during the Korea War at Suwon. After completion the airfield was established on 25 Sep 1950 and beneficial occupancy began on 8 Oct 1950 with the 6131st Air Base Group commanded by Lt Col Louis C. Adams.
In September 1951, the 931st Engineer Aviation Group (SCARWAF) extended the runway at Suwon and constructed taxiways and parking aprons there. Construction was hampered by rain and extremely bad weather at Suwon airstrip, where the subsoil was a spongy mass (or mess) although air traffic was heavy during that period.
 Aerial view of K-13 (Don Woske)
 8th FBW Welcome Sign (Fick Henderson)
 8th FBW side of K-13 (Jim Escalle)
 8th FBW Officers Club and Dining Hall (Gene Gould)
 8th FBW Headquarters (Jeanie Mayo Thornton)
 Fick Henderson by Combat Operations Building (Fick Henderson)
 8th FBW Flightline -- 36th FBS to left; 35th FBS to right (Paul Gushwa)
 Control Tower (Jeanie Mayo Thornton)
 Crash Crew (Fick Henderson)
In August 1951, Suwon became the home of the 8th Fighter Bomber Wing, as well as home of the 51st Fighter Interceptor Wing. Before the end of the Communist spring offensive in 1951, the 4th FIW placed two Sabre Squadrons here, followed by the 51st FIW in May 1951. Because the F-80C experienced problems operating from K-14 the 4th FIW switched places with 8th FBW between 20-25 August 1951.
In addition, there were the F-94s of the 319th Fighter Interceptor Squadron located here. In December 1951 F-94 aircraft began operations. However because they were so new, specifically the highly classified airborne interception radar, they were restricted to local air-defense squadrons. In addition, the 4th Fighter Interceptor Squadron F-94s deployed here from Naha, Okinawa.
Also, during the war, it played a significant role in serving as a forward fueling point for U.S. and Allied fighters. The single fatal accident during aeromedical evacuation operations occurred here during the war on 22 Dec 1952.
In 1953, the 8th FBW transitioned to F-86s and for a short time were involved in the Fighter Interceptor role, but soon returned to Fighter Bomber missions. According to the Jim Escalle site detailing the life of Jimmy Escalle of the 36th FBS: "It was a large base with one very long asphalt runway (over 9,000 ft.). The taxiways were all made of pierced steel planking (PSP) and the aircraft were parked in sandbag revetments on the ramp, which was also PSP. The base was shared by the 8th Fighter-Bomber Wing on the east side and the 51st Fighter-Interceptor Wing on the west side. Each wing was self-contained, but the Base Operations building along with the tower were on the 8th FBW side of the base. The two wings controlled their respective combat groups and other individual squadrons that were attached to them. Also assigned to the base was the 319th Fighter-Interceptor Squadron. They flew radar-equipped F-94B night fighters."
He went on, "The pilots lived in corrugated-steel Quonset huts with plywood floors, and had two oil-burning stoves inside to keep them warm during the cold winters. They slept on standard cots, and were issued an air mattress and a couple of blankets. Sheets and other "extras" could be bought at the BX or sent from home. Furniture was made from whatever materials a person could scrounge up. There was a central shower area, and latrines could be found in several locations. Water taps were behind each hut for washing and laundry purposes, and each flight hired a Korean houseboy to do their light laundry and other chores. Choy was the houseboy for Mike Flight."


 36th FBS Quonset huts and Houseboys (Fick Henderson)
He continued, "Between each Quonset hut was a small slit trench with a wall of sandbags around it. This was for those nights when a Russian-built Po-2 biplane dubbed "Bedcheck Charlie" decided to make a surprise visit to K-13. It would sneak in under the radar at very low speed and the guy in the back seat would drop hand grenades or other small incendiary devices onto the base. Usually, it didn't do any serious damage, but it did annoy the pilots when they were awakened suddenly in the middle of the night. They quickly ran outside, some carrying their government-issued fifth of Canadian Club, and jumped into the slit trench between the Quonsets. At the same time, Army anti-aircraft units that surrounded the base would open up with their artillery, firing tracers into the night sky. According to what I've been told, it was quite a show."
 Army Anti-aircraft guns
He added, "It was a long walk from the Quonset area to the squadron headquarters and Operations building. They were located just off the main road, which was parallel to the flight line. The Operations building was the place where the pilots spent most of their time, and between missions they would play cards, compete at ping-pong, or just relax and read."
ROKAF assumed control of the base on 18 March 1955. Like K-2, the USAF continued to use the airfield periodically until at least 1991 after an agreement had been made to allow USAF aircraft to operate from there during contingencies. The South African Air Forces arrived on 2 December but stayed only for two weeks before moving to Chinae, K-10. Currently Suwon Air Base is a Republic of Korea Air Base, on which is stationed the 1st Battalion, 43d Air Defense Artillery, a unit of the 6th Cavalry Brigade (Patriot PAC 3) and used as a contingency base for the 51st TFW. Previously the 51st TFW A-10s were stationed there but were subsequently moved to Osan AB.
 F-80 of Col Raymond Gallagher, 8th FBW Commander (52-Jan 53)
MORALE BUILDING: Despite the war going on, the folks at Suwon tried their best to have celebrations for special holidays to boost the morale of its men -- Thanksgiving turkey dinners or Christmas parties. Joseph Scott, a Career Guidance Specialist served with the 8th M&S Headquarters from Dec 50 - Jun 52 remembers, "While with the 8th M&S Group was quartered with the 8th Supply Squadron - in 1951 we held a Christmas Party and I published a program which I still have - it was done with memograph but can still make out most of it - one of the things I did was list everyone and the city and state they were from but I have only Last names and first and middle initials." These small mementos mean a lot as the years go by.
However, the lower performance F-80s and F-84s caused some unit morale problems as the F-86 units looked down their noses at the "straight wings" -- referring to the straight wing design of these aircraft. But the F-80 pilots felt they were being slighted. Basically, the F-80 pilots felt that they were doing the dangerous interdiction work but receiving no credit, while the F-86 pilots would bask in the spotlight after shooting down a MiG. As a result, fighter-bomber units took greater pride in unit accomplishments versus the individual pilot accomplishments. Squadrons had special baseball caps and beer steins made. Each squadron custom-designed and ordered its own cap from Japanese manufacturers. The squadron logos in Korea were emblazoned on caps, signs, beer mugs, jackets, and flight suits. But most importantly, unit history and lore were carefully recorded and used by unit commanders. The history provided the members of the group with a sense of mission and history.
According to Officers in Flight Suits, The Story of American Air Force Fighter Pilots in the Korean War (p 102), "A village bombed was not the same as a MiG destroyed --no visible status symbols were awarded and rarely was the press interested in hearing bomber stories. Aces such as James Jabara and Joseph McConnell had their pictures plastered in such national magazines as Life, Look, an Time... Fighter-bombers, on the other hand, only received attention in service-oriented journals, such as the Air Force Times and Air Force Magazine: napalming a village or suspected troop concentration was hardly as romantic as shooting down a sleek MiG. No titles, parties, or awards were given for bombing five villages. In fact, a fighter-bomber only received a party after his death or his hundredth mission -- whichever came first."
To buildup unit morale, Group commander Levi Chase had his plane painted in the garish colors of his three squadrons. In addition, direct competition with fighter-interceptor units aided to keep the units in high spirits. In Officers in Flight Suits, The Story of American Air Force Fighter Pilots in the Korean War (p113), Raymond "Dewey" Sturgeon recalled how "one F-80 pilot trailed the ace Francis Gabreski during a victory pass over the Suwon air base -- a tradition that Francis Gabreski indulged in after many of his kills. Although he flew a vastly inferior plane than Gareski's F-86, the F-80 managed to stay right on his tail during the entire performance -- and made Gabreski the laughingstock of the 8th Wing."
"On another occasion, the 8th Wing competed with the 51st to see who could get a flight of fighters to K-14 faster in the event of an alert. Pilots of the 8th sat in their F-80s all day until the alert finally came and they launched. The 51st Wing, by comparison, was so confident that its faster F-86s would win that they waited for the alert in their hammocks. In the end, the F-80s carried the day -- an event that did wonders for unit pride."
It continued (pp125-126) to relate how "booze became the primary recreational activity. Whereas beer was bought locally, liquor was imported to bases from the rear-echelon base at Tsuiki to Kimpo. Pilots ferrying planes back to Tsuiki for maintenance would also bring back as many fifths of liquor as their flight suits would carry. The 80th Squadron went so far as to cut doors in a spare set of wingtip fuel tanks to carry booze from its rear base at Itazuke to its forward base at Suwon. According to Pilot Dean Price, "Our F-80s didn't have enough fuel to make it from K-13 (Suwon) to Itazuke without tip fuel, so we'd land at Pusan to refuel. On the trip back we'd load the tips with rice beer, usually Asahi, and land again at Pusan for fuel for the trip home. You could get about four cases of beer in each trip. After about three trips we'd have enough for a squadron party." Dean Price flew with the 80th FBS. They would also stick them in baggage wing tanks. The o clubs would pay for liquor and other supplies by collecting dues from users and also by charging small dues for drinks. At most bases, all drinks were twenty-five cents." These were the "wild ass days" when pilots were given a long leash as long as the impressive numbers of bridges downed continued. The officers could do as they pleased during off-hours. When the war ended, so did the relaxed attitudes of the Air Force. In an environment where pilots were shot down every day, drinking provided an important escape from the danger and boredom of war.
 F-80 Battle Damage (USAF Photo)
But the bottom line for the Fighter-Bomber pilot was survival. Many pilots felt with absolute certainty that would never return after being assigned to fighter-bombers. Rather than chasing status symbols like MiG kills, the F-80 pilots simply concentrated on surviving their tour honorably. In Officers in Flight Suits, The Story of American Air Force Fighter Pilots in the Korean War (p98) it states that though casual and individualistic, "their self-worth was very much connected with the accomplishments of their unit: number of bridges destroyed, troops killed, railroad tracks cut, and so on. One could see a red star on one's aircraft or call oneself an ace for napalming a concentration of railroad laborers. All a fighter-bomber could hope for was to survive his tour and return to the U.S. with a Distinguished Flying Cross -- the standard reward for flying one hundred missions."
"Hobo" nickname on rear of a 8th FBW photo (Courtesy of Jim James)
"HOBO": As was mentioned previously, the derivation of the unofficial nickname "Hobo" is from when the unit -- in supporting the UN forces with their F-51s -- operated out of makeshift airfields as the 8th Fighter-Bomber Wing's tactical unit moving about without a home attached to the temporary 6131st Fighter Bomber Wing. The official name of the unit was "5th Air Force 8th Fighter-Bomber Wing 'Hobo Squadron'." John Glassford Sr. remembers that the name came from when a "Hobo Squadron" of the 8th FBW (35th FBS & 36th FBS) moved around setting up temporary airfields for their F-51 Mustangs in the early days of the war. He stated, "I was part of what was called the Hobo Squadron of the 5th Air Force 8th Fighter Bomber Wing when I was first assigned to Korea from Yokota AB in Japan." This group is referred to in the Air University site as the "Tactical Group" of the 8th FBW during the early days of the war. 
In October of 1952, 2Lt Warren Guibor of the 80th FBS flew the 50,000th sortie of the Korean War in an F-80C named "The Spirit of Hobo." (Click on the photo to enlarge) (From 80th Headhunters Homepage) |
However it appears that the origins of the name had been forgotten by 1953 when Jim James reported for duty with the 36th FBS. In his website, the 8th Fighter Bomber (Hoboes) he states, "The 8th Fighter Bomber Wing was called the Hoboes. On at least two occasions the wing had to evacuate a forward airfield so quickly that most or all of the ground equipment was abandoned. The wing moved up or back according to the location of the front. " Jim later wrote, "It has been so long since 1953 that I don't recall anything about the Hobo nickname except that it was used. It certainly would have been unofficial." The history of the name had been forgotten in the collective memory of the unit and all that remained was the image of the "hobo."
 Hobo Comm Shop of 8th Maintenance Squadron (1952)
Kiyomi Noriye, MSgt USAF (ret) of Nevada was assigned to the 8th FBG in 1955. He wrote, "When I first went to Korea, I was in the 36 F.B.S. of the 8th F.B. Group. At that time we (the group) were known as the Flying Hobos with a logo or patch of a hobo laying atop an 8 ball." Kiyomi then moved with the 36th FBS to Itazuke. He wrote, "First when I got to Itazuki. the hobo name was loosely used name for the 8th fighter group." (SITE NOTE: This makes sense as the "Tactical Group" of the 8th FBW at the start of the Korean War was called the "Hobo Squadron.")
After the 8th left Japan, the "Hobo" nickname seems to have disappeared from memory. Kalani O'Sullivan, then a SSgt with the 8th TFW in Ubon, Thailand from 1971-1972, stated, "I never heard the name "hobo" ever mentioned with respect to the wing. In fact, the "hobo" image just wouldn't have matched the "killer" image that the wing had of itself at the time." By that time, the legacy of the "Hobo Squadron" was completely forgotten as the Wolfpack was born.
AIR INTERDICTION: THE NAME OF THE GAME
The group was flying F-80Cs "Shooting Star" aircraft and charged primarily with bombing and interdiction missions over both North Korea and South Korea, as well as close support of ground troops. The F-80C was instrumental in quickly gaining and maintaining air superiority over the Korean battlefield, rapidly clearing the skies of any North Korean aircraft that dared to venture into the air. However, the introduction of the MiG-15 into Korean combat proved to be a nasty surprise. It was soon apparent that the F-80C was no match for the swept-wing MiG-15, being almost 100 mph slower than its Russian-built opponent. Thereafter, F-80s were employed primarily in the ground attack role, leaving air-to-air combat against the MiGs for the more capable F-86 Sabre.
According to Officers in Flight Suits, The Story of American Air Force Fighter Pilots in the Korean War, The Story of American Air Force Fighter Pilots in the Korean War, by John Darrell Sherwood, 1996, (pp 98-99), "The life of a fighter-bomber pilot was hazardous and often short. Typically, fighter-bomber pilots flew lower-performance planes and exposed themselves daily to more hostile ground fire than the typical fighter-interceptor. Overall, only 147 Air Force planes were lost in air-to-air combat; by comparison, over 816 planes were shot down by ground fire. As Raymond Sturgeon, a pilot with the 35th squadron of the 8th Group, put it, "I had friends in 86s who never saw a MiG their entire tour, but we got fired on every mission with high-powered guns that shot golf balls at you." Sturgeon's squadron lost "a pilot or two" every week, and losses like these were not unusual. Perrin Gower, another pilot in Sturgeon's squadron, claimed that five of the ten pilots he shared his hut with were killed, and Howard Heiner, a pilot in the 12th Squadron of the 18th Wing, remembers one week when seven pilots in his squadron were shot down."
The book continues, "Far and away the greatest danger to the fighter-bomber were anti-aircraft (AA) weapons. The Communist AA effort was concentrated to cover the areas sound of the Chongchon River that the MiGs did not patrol. Bridges were especially well defended, but even along standard stretches of track, the Communist forces deployed anti-aircraft emplacements every four miles. ... However the weapons that pilots feared most were not these big guns, but small caliber 37-millimeter automatic weapons operated by regular Chinese and North Korean troops." The book explains (p100), "Small caliber anti-aircraft weapons presented such a dangerous threat for the fighter bomber because they were indiscriminate and easily hidden in so-called flak traps. Regional militia and repair troops would guard important interdiction routes by creating large barriers of small arms fire. These troops also strung wire cables between hills to thwart low-level attack, and created elaborate ambushes using tanks as bait to lure U.N. aircraft into carefully configured "kill zones of automatic weapons."
It continued (p101), "Superior flying could not warn you of hidden flak, nor could it necessarily save you in a typical bomb run. All a pilot could do was minimize his exposure to fire by employing a steep angle of attack in a bomb run; bowever, exposure was still unavoidable. Such daily, involuntary risk taking made fighter-bombers much more fatalistic than their fighter-interceptor brethren...lived a life of uncertainty, praying every day that their luck would hold out."
"In addition to ground fire, slower planes and dangerous payloads made the life of the fighter-bomber pilot more hazardous than that of the fighter-interceptor. The first generation of combat jet aircraft had more than a few bugs in them, and fighter-bomber detachments received the oldest and least mechanically sound aircraft in the inventory. The F-80, for example, required an elaborate water injection system just to take off from many of the rather short runways in Japan and Korea. Water intjection worked like a primitive after-burner: water was injected into the combustible mixutre of the engine, giving it three or four hundred more pounds of thrust. The F-80's wing tanks also had a propensity not to feed well."
However, the job of the fighter-bomber was often messy and brutal. Everything became "up-close and personal." Views of "mass killings" were routine. However, most pilots took pride in directly aiding U.S. troops on the ground by flying close-air support missions. Napalming enemy columns advancing on friendly ground forces or strafing enemy troops in the trenches were justifiable, but how about civilians working on railroads or in villages. Each pilot handled this dilemma differently. Most simply said that anyone above the 38th Parallel was "the enemy." A village filled with civilians became "a troop concentration." Other pilots justified their attacks by labeling civilians as "disguised troops" or as "supporters" of enemy activity. In Officers in Flight Suits, The Story of American Air Force Fighter Pilots in the Korean War (p103), "Jerry Minton, a pilot with the 80th Squadron (the "Headhunters"), insisted several times that a little town along the Chinnampo estuary he napalmed was a "troop concentration point" even though he had "no idea where the intelligence came from." "I know that sounds horrible to someone who hadn't had that experience, and you probably get visions of My Lai and everything, " recalled Minton, "but believe me there was heavy flak there and it was a concentration point."
This was the nature of the beast...this was their mission. Many also felt their missions were fruitless...to blow up a bridge that the Reds would repair in two hours...and they would be back again tomorrow to do the same job over.
But these pilots remained highly motivated to fight and fly for career reasons. For the most part these men were reserve pilots whose only hope of securing a permanent commission in the Air Force was to successfully complete a combat tour. In Officers in Flight Suits, The Story of American Air Force Fighter Pilots in the Korean War (p106), "William Elder, the commander of the 8th Fighter-Bomber Wing in Korea, also understood that combat flying in Korea would be pivotal to hs career: "I am convinced that my checkout in jet aircraft in Korea was the turning point in my career, at almost the midpoint of that career (15.5 years). For without it I would not have been considered nor assigned the 8th Fighter-Bomber Wing or the air divisions which followed." ... Although service in fighter-interceptors was preferable, "it was known that if you came out of fighter-bombers alive, you had served your purpose." These people believed in the U.N. mission and understood implicitly that their Air Force careers depended on their completing their hundred missions and having a DFC in their pocket to prove it.
 Col William Elder (Fick Henderson) Col Elder became 8th FBW Commander on May 1953
In The U.S. Air Force in Korea (p439) it talks about the importance of the North Korean rail-transportation system's importance to the Communists and how it provided attractive targets to "bomb the enemy's railway track and roadbeds. In experimental attacks, late in July (1951), the 8th and 49th Fighter-Bomber Groups got good results in skip-, dive-, and glide-bombing attacks against the enemy's railroad tracks. Glide-bombing attacks with 100-pound bombs aparently gave the best results and accuracy against railway tracks. In making its rail attacks, moreover, the 8th Group was easily able to avoid areas defended by flak, and it lost no planes on its rail-cutting missions."
By early August 1951, the Fifth Air Force conceived an air interdiction plan against North Korea's railroads in "Operation Strangle." The U.S. Air Force in Korea (p439) states "The Fifth Air Force reasoned that replacement railway rails were too heavy to be transported by coolies with "A-frames" or even, as a usual thing, by trucks. In short, the Reds would require rail equipment to repair rail equipment. In short, the Reds would require rail equipment to repair equipment to patch breaks in their railway tracks, the Fifth Air Force planners decided that a few key rail bridges should be destroyed and kept out of use." When the implementation of this strategy was found to be impossible to do and downplayed "Operation Strangle" as having to "interfere with and disrupt the enemy's lines of communications".
But there were spin-offs from this campaign as F-80s involved in these raids swept southward after making rail cuts looking for strafing. Such armed rennaissance was often fruitful. The U.S. Air Force in Korea (p445) states "On 30 September (1951) a notable last-light flight of two 80th Fighter-Bomber Squadron F-80s destroyed an estimated 40 trucks out of a large convoy caught moving southward."
However, the Reds concentrated their automatic weapons along the rail lines to counter the attacks. In October 1951, the group gaggles gave way to flights taking off at five-minute-spaced squadron takeoffs. The 8th experimented with carrying bombs on the unused rocket racks, but the additional weight decreased speed and range markedly. It discarded the idea. By December 1951, Fifth Air Force analysis stated that only 7 percent of bombs dropped by Thunderjets were cutting the enemy's railway tracks.
 F-80 Armament and munitions (USAF Photo)
The 8th Group history Nov-Dec 51 states "With deadly monotony and a somewhat creeping paralysis of enthusiasm, returned again and again to hit a piece of terrain that became as familiar as Main Street, USA." The 8th Group's rail target was critically important, 25-mile long stretch of winding, twisting railway between Kunu-ri and Sunchon." The U.S. Air Force in Korea (p447) states "Despite the almost undivided efforts of this peerless fighter-bomber group, Communist repair troops filled bomb craters as fast as the Shooting Star pilots could make them. From the outset of the "Strangle" attacks the Reds had managed to repair rail cuts very quickly. No doubt assisted by frozen ground which caused some delayed-fused bombs to skip off the target and reduced the dimensions of bomb craters of those that hit the target, the Reds seldom left rail cuts unrepaired for more than twenty-four hours in November. When it appeared that the battered Kunu-ri to Sunchon track defied further repair, the Reds redoubled their efforts elsewhere in December."
Fifth Air Force intelligence, on December 1951, "acknowledged that Red railway repairmen and bridge builders "have broken our railroad blockade of Pyongyang and ... won...the use of all key rail arteries"." By the spring of 1952 FEAF's General Everest made efforts to "eliminate the use of the term "Strangle" when he explained to newsmen on 12 April 1952 that "Operation Strangle" had been the name for the short-lived highway-interdiction program and that the aerial interdiction campaign against North Korea's railroads was properly termed the "Rail Interdiction Program." Bottom line: "Operation Strangle" was a bust!
According to the "Flying Fiends" website, "In a one-day strike on 11 March 1952 against enemy troop and supply concentrations in the Mulgae-Ri area of Korea, the 8th Group flew 254 sorties and delivered 153 tons of bombs, 124 tons of napalm and 46,000 rounds of ammunition, heavily damaging and killing dumps, buildings, troops, anti-aircraft positions and vehicles. Two months later, the group destroyed positions near Pyongyang. On 23 June 1952, the 36th successfully bombed the Suiho hydroelectric plant on the Yalu River and one of the chosen hydroelectric plants in northeast Korea. The raids were highly successful and electric power was cut off for industrial areas of North Korea and Manchuria. On 29 August 1952, the 8th Group flew 166 combat sorties against targets near Pyongyang." F-80Cs from 80th FBS (B/Gen Dennis Sullivan)
80th FBS (1952)
Dean Price wrote on 80th Headhunter Site:
"When I was in Korea, it was strictly bare bones. We lived in Quonset huts that had never been painted and had no insulation or covering of any kind on the inside walls, all you saw or felt was the cold, corrugated steel. There was one flight to a hut. The hut was heated with fuel oil furnaces made of 55 gallon fuel drums, two of them in each hut. We slept on canvas Army cots with lots of blankets. The only women on base were either Korean or a few nurses. The nurses had their own hut of course, inside a fenced in compound with one other house, it was used by the group commander and hospital commander. The bath house sat off by itself about 100 yards from our hut (we were the closest) and it had the commodes too. There was nothing like taking a hot shower and then running 100 yards through snow and zero degree weather to get back to your warm hut.
But it wasn't all bad. We had some good times, too. The Club, which was for the entire base, really wasn't much. They served some meals there, if you could call them that, and had a small bar. Powdered eggs, powdered milk, canned Argentine beef, and Spam taste the same no matter where you eat it. Liquor was plentiful and cheap. Most of the boozing was done in your hut or with some buddies in their hut. Most of the huts had arraigned some space to have a poker table in it and there was a lot of poker played. We did get some R&R in Japan, I can't remember whether if it was at the end of so many missions or whether it after so much time in the country. We really looked forward to those trips. And of course, we were always ferrying aircraft back to Itazuke for any heavy or periodic maintenance. We had a set of tip tanks that we had cut doors in and we put those on for the ferry flights. Our F-80s didn't have enough fuel to make it from K-13 (Suwon) to Itazuke without tip fuel, so we'd land at Pusan to refuel. On the trip back we'd load the tips with rice beer, usually Asahi, and land again at Pusan for fuel for the trip home. You could get about four cases of beer in each trip. After about three trips we'd have enough for a squadron party.
We usually have the party in Operations. At the time, the squadron had the full crew with it, all the enlisted troops (photo, armament, mechanics, clerks, personal equipment, and all the rest) so it took quite a bit of room. Needless to say, we did that when the next day was a down day...
At the beginning of the war, the flight docs were handing out 1 ounce bourbons at the end of each mission. It was claimed it was needed to steady the pilots' nerves. But they were also flying 5-6+ missions a day, and by mid-afternoon they couldn't find anyone sober enough to fly! That policy didn't last too long before they started giving you a whole bottle for each 25 missions. ..."
The following photos are from 80th Headhunter Site:
ATTACK ON PYONGYANG (JULY 1952): The problem inherent with flying the type of predictable missions that the 8th was involved in was that they were vulnerable to enemy flak. Basically the fighter-bombers would appear like clockwork at the same time and from the same direction at the same altitudes against the same targets. The Communists could set their watches by this and simply laid in wait with their automatic weapons.
The U.S. Air Force in Korea (p447) states "On the operating level, Lt. Col. Levi R. Chase, commander of the 8th Fighter-Bomber Group, phrased the problem succinctly. "Our goal," Chase said, "has resolved itself into a simple equation -- to achieve a maximum percentage of rail cuts in inverse proportion to personnel losses and battle damage to our aircraft." Fifth Air Force fighter-bomber pilots were fairly unanimously agreed that the manner in which the Fifth Air Force had been scheduling the railway attacks had made them vulnerable to enemy flak. Each day, morning and afternoon, the 12 to 24 fighter-bombers had been hitting targets selected on 15- to 30-mile stretches of railroad. The pilots argued that enemy gunners knew exactly when and where to expect them." However, Fifth Air Force analysts disagreed with this contention saying the automatic weapons were NOT clustered, but rather spaced evenly along the rail system.
Later in January 1952, Fifth Air Force relented in its opinion and shifted the target areas. The Thunderjet wings target areas on the main railway line northward from Sinanju to Sonchon and ordered the Shooting Star wing to attack the rail line between Kunu-ri and Huichon. After this, fighter-bombers encountered less flak and scored a larger percentage of rail cuts, but the ground was frozen so hard that bombs often skipped off the ground and exploded in the air. Other bomb-blasts in the frozen ground deflected debris upward. As a result of both phenomena, many planes were damaged by their own bomb-blasts as they made low-level attacks."
According to the AFHRA: 8th FW, "The 8th FBG returned to forward bases in Korea some six months later, continuing to provide close air support to UN ground forces but increasingly flying interdiction missions against enemy transportation systems, airfields, troop concentrations, and supply areas. By January 1952, rail interdiction missions had become such a regular activity that the men chose as their theme song, "We've Been Working on the Railroad."
Fifth Air Force changed its strategy to "Saturate" attacks where massed forces would concentrate on a key railhead from March to May 1952. The fighter-bomber wings employed massed formations, but intensive study of flak positions prior to missions allowed the formation to neutralize the enemy's automatic weapons."
According to Officers in Flight Suits, The Story of American Air Force Fighter Pilots in the Korean War, The Story of American Air Force Fighter Pilots in the Korean War (p 112), "Levi Chase -- a gruff World War II veteran who gave all new pilots a speech about how he had "five hundred missions in World War II" and knew what he was doing -- had his personal plane painted in garish colors; one color for each squadron in his wing. Chase then flew this colorful plane on three "max effort" missions against Pyongyang; he won the Silver Star for his efforts; the other members of his flight merely received air medals."
The website for Levi R. Chase (later a Major General), WWII ace (12) and Commander of the 8th FBW in 1952, provides insight into the type of ground attack missions the 8th undertook. It says, "Probably his most important combat operations were a series of low level bombing attacks he led on the North Korean capital of Pyonyang on July 11, 1952. He planned and led three wing-strength sorties through intense flak concentrations, without any loss of life or aircraft to inflict serious damage on several military and industrial targets." In Crimson Sky, The Air Battle for Korea by John R. Bruning (p.193) it says, "On July 11, 1952, targets in Pyongyang were hit by hundreds of napalm-dropping fighter-bombers. Again, the goal was to break the deadlock at Panmunjom. Despite tremendous damage, no concessions were forthcoming at the truce talks." (NOTE: For some pictures of Suwon AB and its aircraft go to Maj. Gen. Levi R. Chase website.) Colonel Levi R. Chase, Commander, 8th Fighter Bomber Group, Suwon Air Base, Korea, 1952 Note the 8th FBG Insignia on his helmet. (Click on photo to enlarge) (From Maj. Gen. Levi R. Chase website.)From Maj. Gen. Levi R. Chase website. The following is the unedited text from an April, 1953 article in SAGA magazine entitled:
Hot Sky Over Pyonyang by Emile C. Schurmacher You're flying to the heart of Red Korea, with three targets to hit and 80 planes to bring home. This is interdiction BETWEEN THE UNCEILINGED BLUE SKY and the mountainous Korean terrain, which at 30,000 feet looks like smeared, yellow ~brown finger~ painting, you're flying your F-80 fighter bomber on the most important mission of your life.
You are Colonel Levi Chase. A group leader as well as a combat pilot, you have a lot on your mind. You fly brilliantly and alertly, yet only a part of you is concentrating on your instruments, the planes around you, the potential MiG, and other traps ahead. Most of you is anticipating the action that will take place when you reach I.P.-the Initial Point- where, according to plan, your airborne devastation is supposed to commence.
Fanning out behind you are the 80 planes of the three squadrons of your outfit, the Eighth Fighter Bomber Group, loaded with thousand-pound bombs and rockets. "For immediate delivery in Pyongyang and never mind signing any receipts," you reflect grimly to yourself, as you automatically scan the cloudless brass-and-blue dome ahead for MiGs. You check the position of your wing men and your fuel supply. In a fighter bomber you're forever checking fuel supply. It seems that you're always flying F-80 sorties at extreme range with just enough fuel to make it back to your base if you're careful. And the Pyongyang operation is no exception.
This is your 357th combat mission in two wars and you've been hoping for it for a long time. The Commies have it coming to them. For months they've been using Pyongyang for a buildup, somehow bringing in supplies and material despite the bridges and the locomotives you and your group have been blasting and the rails you've been cutting over and over again.
You know that up to now there has been little harassing of the North Korean capital itself. But the other day Lieutenant General Glenn 0. Barcus, commanding general of the Fifth Air Force, told you that the lid was off and you nodded soberly and waited for the final briefing.
When the tacticians and the strategists, the logistics experts and the intelligence officers put it down on paper it looked easy. On July 11th, 1952, you Colonel Chase were to take your group over the northwest sector of Pyong yang and knock out three all-important, primary objectives with pinpoint bombing: a roundhouse and locomotive repair plant, an ordnance manufacturing plant and adjoining ammunition dump, and a telephone and communications equipment factory.
But when you're doing interdict work, raising hell with the enemy in general and pinpointing your targets, there's a lot that the experts can't put down on paper. For one thing, they can't quite call their shots as they do with saturation bombing by the heavies. And you can't leave much to chance like in fighting air-to-air.
Interdiction has a technique all its own whether you're flying at 45,000 feet or at 25. You may do both before your mission is completed. And a lot of the stuff isn't in the text books. Like when- you're interdicting a hard-to get-at cave full of enemy in a boxed-in canyon. Your napalm isn't going to explode at 40 feet unless you've got another fighter bomber diving in behind you to machine-gun it, a neat little interdict trick developed by "Rice Paddy" Reusser and Charley Garber. But there won't be time, or room in the sky for neat little interdict tricks on this mission. Or napalm, either. It is strictly a bomb-and-rocket job.
You check your fuel again. You look toward your wing men. Then forward, up and back. The Group is flying in perfect formation and by the book everything is going exactly according to plan. It's what you expect, of course. The Eighth Fighter Bomber Group is an-outfit of which you're mighty proud. And understandably, you're proud of your record with it. Since taking command you've increased the sortie rate and, at the same time, cut losses by 50 per cent. This meant hard work and anxiety. Hard work you've always been used to.
The anxiety came with the Korean War. Back in the old days, you won your Air Force wings at Maxwell Field, Alabama, two months before Pearl Harbor, trained as a fighter pilot and got a speedy introduction to combat in North Africa. You were pretty hot. Flying P-40 Warhawks from a sandy airstrip in Tunisia, you soon became the top American ace in the North African- campaign. Eight German fighters, one German diver bomber and one Italian fighter went down under your blazing guns, and the Nazis hated your guts so much that they bombed your squadron base 36 times before they were driven out of North Africa.
The hero-loving press tried to give you the glamour treatment when you began to receive your combat medals, three Silver Stars, a Legion of Merit, five Distinguished Flying Crosses, Bronze Star, the -French Croix de Guerre. But the more you went into combat-and came out of it alive the more you realized the deadly seriousness of what you were doing. You dodged publicity as you did enemy planes, leaving the glamor stuff to the wild-blue-yonder boys. In becoming one of the nation's most highly decorated combat pilots, you also remained the one least known to the public. That was the way you wanted it.
From North Africa you went to the China-Burma-India theater where you were one of the first Air Force pilots to use napalm, a new weapon then. There in the jungle you developed a miniature interdiction campaign of your own, knocking out bridges and railroad tracks. One day a Jap bullet brought you down near Rangoon, some 50 miles inside enemy territory. Fortunately for you, a tiny L-5 liaison plane flying from a secret base in enemy territory picked you up and flew you to safety. Before you left the theater you got revenge by. knocking down three Zeroes, bringing your score of enemy planes to 13.
When the war was over you left the Air Force for civilian life and went to law school for a little while. Then the Korean war broke out and because the Air Force still was in your blood you joined up again. Eight months after returning to active duty you were flying Sabrejets over the Yalu River and it was like beginning all over again. The planes were faster and the interdict targets were even harder to locate than those in the Burma jungle. And you were no longer a spring chicken. At 34, you are flying with kids who were still in school when you were mauling Nazis over Tunisia.
After your first three missions you began to feel better about things and by the time you got in 15 missions with the 51st Fighter Interceptor Wing, you knew that you hadn't lost your old touch. The 51st was flying F-80s and getting the works thrown at them-from the ground with flak, in the air by MiGs, and even from snipers' hangouts on the sides of Korean mountains.
You carried on a ceaseless interdiction program, hitting everything that moved, blowing hell out of the enemy, coordinating napalm, bombs, .50 calibers and rockets with each mission. One day you were cutting rails, the next fighting air-to-air. Always you were available for close support work for our ground troops or blasting enemy concentrations 15 or 20 miles behind the Red lines.
Then you took over the Eighth Fighter Bomber Group and discovered that skillful interdiction had been a sort of warm-up for this particular mission. Minutes from the I.P., you check your fuel and frown as you look ahead in the still untroubled sky. Not a MiG in sight. It would be stupid to think the Reds didn't know that Pyongyang was about to be on the receiving end of an interdict. You're far too wise to underestimate the Commie intelligence. The enemy probably knew when your Group left its base. He must be prepared to give you a hot reception and you've got a pretty good idea of what the main dish will be. A few months before, when you led four fighter-bombers over Pyongyang you ran into a formidably impressive curtain of flak. The enemy has had plenty of time to reinforce it since.
"They'll probably throw up a flak barrage such as you've never seen before," you warned your pilots in the final Group briefing back at base. "We've got to come in lower than they expect. Under the flak layer. We go out the same way."
Now, 30 seconds out of Pyongyang, the Eighth is coming in over the northwest sector according to plan, and as you make a final check and head for the I.P., you are no longer thinking ahead, but concentrating intently on the business immediately at hand. At this precise instant the enemy barrage goes into action, trying to blast your Group out of the sky and it's got a fairly good idea, not only of your targets, but also of the I.P. where the devastation take-off begins. The blue sky has suddenly ceased to be blue, and is filled with smoke and exploding shells. Like a sinister curtain, the flak spreads high above the wings of the fighter-bombers, then falls swiftly as though trying to ensnare them.
You grunt to yourself in satisfaction as you reach I.P. and prepare to make your own run. Your initial evasive tactic has been successful. To the last plane, the Group has come in under the flak layer. The layer is lowering fast, but the F-80s are moving faster still. You hope this luck will hold. The F-80s roar in behind you in perfect coordination, target bound. For months, on hundreds of sorties your Group has been working on this split-second precision timing. It has to be for 80 fast-flying planes to stay in the air and out of each other's way. None of this "drop your load, Charley, and head for home" stuff of World War II. Right now you're flying in the world's fastest company and you're flying strictly according to schedule. Your fighter-bombers knock out gun emplacement A and proceed to plaster position B before dealing with objective X.
There's extra heavy stuff coming up at you from the vicinity of the roundhouse and engine repair set-up. It isn't the kind of a target which can be camouflaged and the enemy has made no attempt to do so. But as you go in on it and the planes behind you begin unloading their thousand-pounders, concealed anti-aircraft guns around the objective go into action, throwing up a cone of fire. Your rockets seek out the guns but it is a long time before the intensity of their barrage diminishes.
You pull out and begin leveling on and suddenly you find yourself in the midst of a lethal barrage which seems to be concentrating on you, exclusively. "This is the guy we really want," the shells seem to scream. "This is the bastard we're going to get right now."
Maybe It's just coincidence. Maybe the Commies down below are trusting to sheer dumb luck, but the crew of one of the radar-controlled heavies has picked out your particular F-80 as t he most important one to hit. You can see the flak marching ominously across the sky. And so can your wing men who are quick to warn you.
"Break right, colonel, it's creeping in On you, the voice of a pilot cuts in amidst the staccato chatter of air-to-air.
You've already anticipated that. You've angled away.
"That's fine. Now break right again."
You follow instructions, like in the old days when you were a student pilot listening to your instructor through training headphones. Now the flak is jumping around and you try to anticipate the enemy gunners.
"Break left, colonel," advises a voice. It's your other wing man. As you obey another pilot's voice cuts in.
"What the hell is this, a waltz?" it demands. "Let's go get those dirty-"
Fiery-fingered rockets begin reaching for the radar heavy. They close in around it just about the time that the second primary objective, the ordnance plant and ammunition dump are hit. A pall of ugly brown black smoke studded with tiny flashes of fire rises from the exploding ammo.
"Jeezus. That's doing it!" says a voice in your ear.
You recognize the voice of a young pilot. You're not quite sure whether he's impressed with his own accuracy, or with the sum total of devastation. It doesn't matter. You hear a lot of voices. A lot of swearing. The boys have to let off steam. You're breathing easier. Some of the flak came pretty close. Especially 'from that radar heavy. The F-80s are coming through the smoke, eager to get at the third objective, the telephone and communications equipment factory.
"We then proceed from primary objective B to primary objective C and-" The words of the briefing officer come back to you now as the fighter-bombers roar on target. The rockets blast the anti-aircraft guns with a withering barrage. Mostly they're where our intelligence said they would be. They're knocked out methodically according to plan.
You soon discover 'the enemy has a few surprises of his own-hidden gun positions. It seems as if two new anti-aircraft guns are going into action for every one that is silenced. If anything, the flak is again increasing in intensity.
You've got your fingers crossed as the thousand-pounders begin hurtling toward your third objective. You keep them crossed as the F-80s pull out, wondering how in hell they'll be able to avoid being hit by all the upcoming stuff.
Now you've got an urgent personal problem of your own. Another radar-controlled heavy has singled you out and is reaching for you. You start breaking right and left again.
Smoke is billowing from the telephone plant and rising thickly from several direct hits. It is creeping upward, joining the smoke from the exploded ammunition dump, spreading an awe-inspiring blanket across the sky over Pyongyang.
The F-80s disappear into that smoke and as you hit it you're grateful for the fleeting moment of concealment. The radar heavy has lost you. Maybe it was knocked out by rockets. Maybe it's seeking another target. Whatever happened it's off you. When you emerge from the smoke, you're headed for base. Automatically you check your fuel. You're going to make it back.
You scan the sky. It's filled with planes F-80 fighter bombers. You look behind you at a grim and terrible spectacle you will never forget. A curtain of flak is rising into the brown-black sky like a solid wall. It seems a miracle that any plane could pierce that wall without being shot down. In a way it was a miracle of split second precision and timing.
You took 80 fighter-bombers in. You brought the 80 of them home. You went through an intense enemy barrage without major damage or the loss of a single aircraft.
That is interdiction.
THE END
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Life of a Fighter-Bomber Pilot According to Officers in Flight Suits, The Story of American Air Force Fighter Pilots in the Korean War, The Story of American Air Force Fighter Pilots in the Korean War, (pp 98-99), "The life of a fighter-bomber pilot was hazardous and often short. Typically, fighter-bomber pilots flew lower-performance planes and exposed themselves daily to more hostile ground fire than the typical fighter-interceptor. Overall, only 147 Air Force planes were lost in air-to-air combat; by comparison, over 816 planes were shot down by ground fire. As Raymond Sturgeon, a pilot with the 35th squadron of the 8th Group, put it, "I had friends in 86s who never saw a MiG their entire tour, but we got fired on every mission with high-powered guns that shot golf balls at you." Sturgeon's squadron lost "a pilot or two" every week, and losses like these were not unusual. Perrin Gower, another pilot in Sturgeon's squadron, claimed that five of the ten pilots he shared his hut with were killed, and Howard Heiner, a pilot in the 12th Squadron of the 18th Wing, remembers one week when seven pilots in his squadron were shot down."
However, the job of the fighter-bomber was often messy and brutal. Everything became "up-close and personal." Views of "mass killings" were routine. Napalming enemy columns advancing on friendly ground forces or strafing enemy troops in the trenches were justifiable, but how about civilians working on railroads or in villages. Each pilot handled this dilemma differently. Most simply said that anyone above the 38th Parallel was "the enemy." A village filled with civilians became "a troop concentration." This was the nature of the beast...this was their mission. Many also felt their missions were fruitless...to blow up a bridge that the Reds would repair in two hours...and they would be back again tomorrow to do the same job over.
When General Barcus took command of the Fifth Air Force, he noted the "partial paralysis" which had settled over Korea and resolved that the Fifth Air Force should attack the Communists with "increasing vigor and efficiency." The U.S. Air Force in Korea (p483) quotes General Weyland as saying, "A significant change in combat operations policy took place in May. The scope of interdiction operations was expanded to include destruction of important targets, targets complexes, and target systems." For several months in Korea intelligence officers had been targeting significant centers of hostile logistical activity. In a specially ordered, one-time, day-long assault on 11 March (1952), the 8th Fighter-Bomber Group had already flown 254 fighter-bomber sorties to deliver 154.2 tons of high explosive bombs, 33,660 gallons of napalm, and 63,900 rounds of ammunition against well-dispersed dumps comprising the Red branch logistical depot behind the western end of the front lines at Mulgae-ri."
The U.S. Air Force in Korea (pp483-485) states "Throughout May 1952, the Fifth Air Force began massed fighter-bomber attacks against other logistical targets. On 8 May 485 fighter-bomber sorties blasted the Red supply depot at Suan in "the biggest single attack since the beginning of the Korean conflict." On 15 May 256 fighter-bomber sorties completely destroyed a vehicle-repair factory at Tang-dong. On 22 May 472 fighter-bombers sorties destroyed factories near Kihang-ni where the enemy was making had grenades and ammunition. On 23 May 275 fighter-bomber sorties returned to this same area to attack a steel-fabricating plant."
Perhaps the most satisfying raid for Air Force and Navy commanders and pilots alike were the sustained air strikes against the North Korean Sui-ho hydroelectric plants at Choshin and Fusen. 90 percent of North Korea's electric power potential had been knocked out. Though it was not in violation of Chinese or Russian territory, the air attacks brought world-wide repercussions.
In August 1952 the massed raids against military targets in Pyongyang had the highest priority, and on 29 August an operation called the "All United Nations Air Effort" against Pyongyang. The 8th and 474th Wings attacked hostile flak batteries. During the day most Fifth Air Force planes flew all three strikes.
However, there was some friction between the F-84 jocks and the F-86 jocks. Basically, the F-84 pilots felt that they were doing the dangerous interdiction work but receiving no credit, while the F-86 pilots would bask in the spotlight after shooting down a MiG. According to Officers in Flight Suits, The Story of American Air Force Fighter Pilots in the Korean War, The Story of American Air Force Fighter Pilots in the Korean War (p 102), "A village bombed was not the same as a MiG destroyed --no visible status symbols were awarded and rarely was the press interested in hearing bomber stories. Aces such as James Jabara and Joseph McConnell had their pictures plastered in such national magazines as Life, Look, an Time... Fighter-bombers, on the other hand, only received attention in service-oriented journals, such as the Air Force Times and Air Force Magazine: napalming a village or suspected troop concentration was hardly as romantic as shooting down a sleek MiG. No titles, parties, or awards were given for bombing five villages. In fact, a fighter-bomber only received a party after his death or his hundredth mission -- whichever came first."
The 8th was stationed at Suwon (K-13) which was also provided opportunities for direct competition with F-86 pilots often provided the necessary tonic to keep a fighter-bomber outfit in high spirits. Raymond "Dewey" Sturgeon in Officers in Flight Suits, The Story of American Air Force Fighter Pilots in the Korean War, The Story of American Air Force Fighter Pilots in the Korean War (p 113)
 | The 35th FBS's assigned T-33A Shooting Star trainer (51-4484) parked in its revetment at Suwon in late summer 1952. The three squadrons of the 8th FBG kept their T-33s in the air constantly on numerous assignments, which included giving newly arrived pilots familiarization flights around the area. More than once, a T-33 was used to haul an F-89 crew chief to a "divert location" when his talents were needed to get a fighter back into the air. Richard Durkee (From The Korean Air War by Robert Dorr and Warren Thompson)
Acknowledgement: Thanks to Jim James for this article found on his site, the 8th Fighter Bomber (Hoboes). Training Mission By PFC John Gueinzius, Pacific Stars & Stripes Korea Bureau
IT STARTS WITH A BRIEFING and ends with a cup of coffee. It doesn't last very long because the fuel consumption on a jet is rapid. But it leaves you with a sense of speed and power that is difficult to put into words and, according to one Sabre jockey, "It just sorta gets into your blood."
Your first flight is arranged by the 8th Fighter Bomber Wing and 1st Lt. Charles B. McCollister, Petrolia, Tex. It is his job to ferry you up to 12,000 feet for a ringside seat at the greatest show above earth. The mission is "air-to-air" in which four F-86s from the 36th ("Flying Fiends") Fighter Bomber Sq. will swoop down and machinegun a towed sleeve target. You will occupy the rear seat of a "T-bird" and remain above the tow ship in a position to observe the firing. When it is over, McCollister will make a pass himself and show you how it feels.
That is the plan when you enter the briefing. The room is not large and it's cluttered with maps, aerial photos, charts and cigarette smoke. Four pilots are seated listening to the flight leader, 2nd Lt. Robert T. Slater, Lynchburg, Va. Three of the men are in the flight. The other's job is to pull the sleeve target through the air.
"Gentlemen, today's code word is Pacify Uncle. The mission is air-to-air. Your time for takeoff is 1350...Johnson, you'll take No. 2 and leave with me.
"The area we'll fire at is here," continues Slater pointing to a large wall map inscribed by lines from a black grease pencil. "Emergency stops may be made here, here, or here. You know the cautions to be observed on this type of target shooting. Fire strictly at the bull's-eye at 40 degrees off up to 15 degrees off.
"Your last pass will be here. Stay over the clouds. If there is a radio emergency, fly in front of the tow ship, waggle your wings and go home. If you have other than radio trouble, do the same and the tow ship will radio the plane behind you to accompany you home. When you land, taxi in here..."
Then the weather officer appears and gives a rundown on visibility, highs, lows, winds, temperatures and ground elevations in the area. After the questions session, the briefing breaks up and fliers go to their locker room to dress for the mission.
Over their flight suits, they tighten the strings of their "G suits," belts to hold the body's blood in its place during gravity pulls. Then a liner is donned to be worn underneath the weird-looking "moon suit"--a rubber coverall affair that will keep a man afloat and warm in icy water in the event of a crash landing at sea.
A parachute, a collapsible one-man life raft, a "May West," and a crash helmet comprise the remainder of the gear. The pilot is ready to enter his jet.
 | MAN FROM MARS?--Attired in his flying suit, liner, "moon suit," parachute, collapsible life raft, May West, crash helmet, and oxygen mask, pilot looks like weird robot. |
McCollister and you get into your T-33 minutes before the Sabres are scheduled to take off. This is because of the difference in speed between the two types of jets. You leave with the target ship so as to be in position when the flight arrives. After the safety belt, shoulder straps, and oxygen mask are adjusted, you hear the tower's okay and wheel to the takeoff strip. The takeoff itself is fast but the rate of climb seems faster. After a long right turn, you fly westward toward the Yellow Sea and break through the gray clouds into a brilliantly white world. Below, through the fleeting mists, can be seen glimpses of raging waves as the turbulent ocean thrashes about. The tow ship on your left appears to flying smoothly and unperturbed by the headwinds.
When you approach the target area, you begin a large circle to await the Sabres. The radio silence is interrupted from time-to-time by mentions of emergency landing spots and precautionary measures. The oxygen flow indicator blinks regularly like a pair of parting and closing lips on the instrument panel and you can hear your breathing in the earphones. The altimeter registers 14,000 feet.
Suddenly they appear. Four silver jets high in a thin finger-tip formation glisten in the sun above the skittering clouds. At the command "Go trail!" the Sabres fall into an attack formation, one behind the other.
Slater's ship quickly rolls over and begins its pass. As he gathers speed in his dive, he swoops into the sleeve and passes over it. You can't hear his guns because the sound doesn't reach you.
First Lt. Orville C. Johnson, Edmore, N.D., who's flying the No. 2 plane, then banks and begins his dive. He is followed by the No. 3 and No. 4 jets. The first pass is finished. Regrouping and climbing above and to the left of the target, the planes make their second pass--exactly like the first. Before the tow ship makes a 90-degree left turn, six complete passes have been made.
The target is now heading east, back toward land. Two more passes are made until the tow ship swings left and heads northward. Another five passes are made on this attack. The mission has been completed and it's your turn.
McCollister speaks quietly into the microphone. "You all set?" You grunt and ready the camera in your lap as the T-bird's right wing suddenly points directly to the sea below you. What happens next is hard to describe. You are aware of a tremendous pressure pushing you hard against the back of your seat. You figure you're diving but its difficult to determine speed without having a stationary object with which to compare it. You catch a glimpse of the target sleeve and try to raise the camera to your eye but it's no use. The camera seems to weigh a ton. You try to bring your hand to your head and can't. The guns burp twice and the smell of cordite fills the cockpit. As you pull out, your face feels drawn out of shape. You give up moving and stare straight ahead trying to figure out what your plane is doing.
The left wing then dips as did the right a few seconds before. Another pass. Again you try to raise the camera and smile inwardly at your complete lack of strength. The target looms vividly for a brief moment and then disappears as blue sky takes its place.
Finally you're straight and level and feel the strength coming back into your body. "Well, that's what it's like," McCollister drawls. "How 'ja like it?"
"Fine," you answer, embarrassed to ask him exactly what had happened. "Fine." "Would you like to see what dive bombing is like?" he asks.
"Yes," you reply weakly, wondering if you will be able to keep track of the target this time. "Okay," he says, "we'll drop to about 5,000 and pretend to bomb that big rock island down there on your left." The plane drops all right. Nature's own altimeter, your ears, can tell you that by their constant cracking. At 5,000 feet, the "target" is clearly visible, splashing spray on the side where the waves are hitting it.
Then, with a "Here we go," the wing dips and the dive begins. The heaviness of limbs starts again and into your drawn eyes comes the image of the rock. At the same moment, it disappears and only the whitecaps of the ocean can be seen. You have "dive bombed" and pulled out, only seconds after you started.
"Did you feel the Gs?" asks McCollister.
"Was that what it was? Gs?" you answer.
"Yup. You just went through three or four Gs. At that pull, your camera weighed between 50 and 60 pounds."
So that's what happened to you. That's why your strength went and you felt your face pull out of shape. It was just plain old gravity, exaggerated three or four times. And it was nothing in a T-bird. Imagine diving in a Sabre.
On the way back to the base you wonder about jet pilots and how they are able to manuever their fighters in a dive. You ask yourself where they get the strength to move their sticks, to release their bombs or press their triggers. You muse about the seeming lack of speed at one instant while suddenly the sea or ground looms up at you and the altimeter spins crazily in front of you.
Back at the base, you examine the tow target. Each hole is marked by a colored streak or smear to identify its shooter. Second Lt. James D. Howe, Whittier, Cal., and 2nd Lt. Jack D. Herritt, Worthingham, O., have scored about 18 percent of their bullets in the target. Slater and Johnson are right behind them to average a 17 percent average score for their flight.
Another routine training mission is over. |
MAJOR CHARLES LORING (NOVEMBER 1952): Probably the best-known name of the unit is that of Major Charles Loring of the 80th FBS who sacrificed his life in action on 22 November 1952. While leading a flight of 4 F-80s on a close support mission, his aircraft was hit. At approximately 4,000 feet, he deliberately altered his course and aimed his diving aircraft at active gun emplacements concentrated on a ridge northwest of the briefed target, turned his aircraft 45 degrees to the left, pulled up in a deliberate, controlled maneuver, and elected to sacrifice his life by diving his aircraft directly into the midst of the enemy emplacements. He received the Medal of Honor for his actions. In ceremonies at the White House on May 5, 1954, President Dwight D. Eisenhower presented the Medal of Honor to Loring's widow. On October 1, 1954, the former Limestone AFB, located in Limestone, Maine, was renamed Loring AFB in the Maine native's honor. (Go to the 80th Fighter Squadron for the citation.) Major Charles Loring (Click on photo to enlarge)The following was published in the Air Force Association Magazine, January 1991, Vol. 74, No. 1. as part of their Valor series.
By John L. Frisbee, Contributing Editor
Sacrifice at Sniper Ridge Every gun destroyed would save American lives as Chinese Communist masses surged toward Sniper Ridge. The "Valor' series has told the stories of several Air Force men who made conscious and unequivocal decisions to sacrifice their lives for some moral or martial imperative that to them was more valued than life itself. Precisely what inspired such acts of heroism will never be known. Among such men was Maj. Charles Loring, one of only four airmen to be awarded the Medal of Honor during the Korean War. All those awards were posthumous.
Charles Loring was no neophyte when he joined the 8th Fighter-Bomber Wing in Korea in June 1952. On completing flying training in February 1943, he had spent several months with the 36th Fighter Squadron patrolling the Caribbean in P-39s and P-40s. The squadron then returned to the States, converted to P-47s, and was sent to the European Theater in the spring of 1944. From its base at Kingsnorth, England, the squadron, part of Ninth Air Force, primarily flew interdiction missions in preparation for Allied landings in Normandy on June 6, 1944. A month after D-Day, the 36th moved to a series of bases on the Continent, flying close support and interdiction, paving the way for ground forces in their drive toward Germany.
On every mission, the fighter-bombers faced ground fire ranging from heavy antiaircraft artillery to rifles. Loss rates for Ninth Air Force fighter-bomber's were high compared to the escort groups of Eighth Air Force. Early in his tour, Lieutenant Loring was wounded on a close support mission, but soon he was out of the hospital and back to the war. On his 55th mission, Dec. 24, 1944, during the Battle of the Bulge, Loring's luck ran out. Hit by ground fire, he crash-landed in Belgium and spent the next four months as a POW.
Charles Loring decided to make the Air Force a career. He spent six years in nonflying positions, including two years as an instructor at the Army Information School at Carlisle Barracks, Pa. Then the Korean War broke out. Loring, now a major, requested assignment to a combat unit and waited impatiently for two years until his request was granted.
When Major Loring reported to the 8th Fighter-Bomber Wing, it had been in combat for two years, first with F-51s, then in F-80s. Initially he was assigned to Headquarters and Headquarters Squadron in charge of training and indoctrinating replacement pilots. But Loring had come to Korea to fight. A month later he began flying combat missions and was made a squadron operations officer. The combat environment was in most ways a replay of his World War II experience, except that now he was flying a jet fighter. Ground fire was there as always, but the chance of escape or evasion if shot down in an Oriental land was practically nil. The prospect of becoming a POW of the Chinese was not attractive.
The Chinese Communists had, as we know, entered the war with massive forces in December 1950, driving United Nations troops back to positions near the Demarcation Line. For the next 18 months fighting was sporadic, interrupted or slowed by fruitless peace negotiations. During the late summer and fall of 1952, the war heated up. With enormous sacrifice of their troops, the Communists recaptured Triangle Hill in early November and were threatening US ground forces at Sniper Ridge.
On the morning of Nov. 22, 1952, Major Loring, on his 51st mission, led a flight of four F-80s in a close support strike against enemy formations in North Korea. He was directed by an airborne controller to dive-bomb gun emplacements that were pinning down UN forces near Sniper Ridge. Ground fire, as usual, was heavy.
After locating his target, Loring rolled into his bomb run. Enemy fire concentrated on his F-80. Other members of his flight saw Loring's plane take severe hits. They expected he would pull out of his dive and attempt to reach friendly territory. Instead, he continued the attack, altering his course some 45 degrees in a deliberate, controlled maneuver and dove directly into active enemy gun positions, destroying them at the cost of his own life. There was no indication that Loring had been mortally wounded when his aircraft was hit or that it could not have been flown to safety. What impelled Major Loring's calculated act of self-sacrifice that "exemplified valor of the highest degree"? No one could say.
Today Loring AFB in Maine commemorates the extraordinary heroism of this honored son.
Army Medal of Honor The Army Medal of Honor was awarded to Major Loring. The Air Force did not have its own Medal of Honor until 1965. (Click on photo to enlarge)
NOTE: The 8th FW honors Major Charles Loring of Suwon AB by naming the collocated NCO/Officers Club at Kunsan in his honor.
Unfortunately, the 8th FW has failed to specifically acknowledge the Medal of Honor recipient Capt. James Walmsley of Kunsan AB. Capt Walmsley's only official recognition at Kunsan is that he is on a large plaque with all the other Medal of Honor recipients dating back to the Civil War.
Capt Walmsley's unit, the 8th Bomb Squadron, 3rd Bomb Group, moved to Kunsan on 18 Aug 51 and he was KIA on 14 Sept 51. (For details of Capt. Walmsley's act of heroisim go to the The Way We Did Business on the 8th Bomb Squadron (L-NI) page.)
We believe that this is not a sign of disrespect. It is simply that the 8th's historical agenda deals with the 8th's history...NOT with Kunsan AB's history. Kunsan is a one-year tour "Warrior" base so the wing must focus all its attention on quickly instilling in its personnel pride in the Wolfpack. All previous units of Kunsan AB are irrelevant to the 8th Fighter Wing.
To officially recognize Capt Walmsley at Kunsan, the 8th Attack Squadron Association presented a plaque in his memory to the Loring Club on 26 June 2000. Col Moon-hyun Baek, 38th Fighter Group Commander (ROKAF), presented the plaque on behalf of the Association to Col. Philip Breedlove, 8th Fighter Wing Commander.
 | Capt. Jack Taylor, a pilot in the 36th FBS, with his hungry-looking F-80C (49-726), nicknamed Ye Old Wilde Goose at Suwon in December 1952. Taylor's squadron was part of the 8th FBG. The shark's teeth added a ferocious look to the two or three fighters that were briefly painted with them, but they were short-lived; Fearful that civilians might think they were demons, and inflict harm on any pilots shot down with them, the dentures were soon removed. Jack Taylor (From The Korean Air War by Robert Dorr and Warren Thompson) |
THE BRIDGES AT SINANJU AND YONGMIDONG (JANUARY 10-15 1953): The U.S. Air Force in Korea (p542) states, The Fight Air Force began experiments with a "pathfinder" fighter-bomber technique on 20 July. The pathfinder flight of two experience pilots left the tactical airdrome ten minutes ahead of the main fighter-bomber strike, reconnoitered the assigned target, and subsequently marked the objective for fighter-bombers by making the first attack. After tests in January 1952, the 9th Fighter-Bomber Wing recomended that pathfinder aircraft should be used on all large-scale close support strikes." The Bridges at Sinanju and Yongmidong was such a mission.
Air Power, The Decisive Force in Korea (p156) states that on 9 Jan, "18 Okinawa and Japan-based B-29s rode through intense antiaircraft fire to radar-aim 170 tons of bombs on the Sinanju-Yongmidong bridges, flak batteries, and railroad marshalling yards. Less than 12 hours later over 300 Fifth Air Force fighter-bombers dived 282 tons of high explosives on eight of the key rail and highway bridges and 27 of the antiaircraft gun positions defending the complexes. These two attacks kicked off the massive 5-day air assault on the Sinanju-Yongmidong bridge corridor."
"For the next four days and nights FEAF bombers, fighter-bombers, and fighters hammered the two-by-four-mile bridge area in relentless, coordinated, round-the-clock attack. Great formations of 200 to 400 fighter-bombers roared down in wave upon wave to keep the area under constant demolition. Eight fighter-bombers per minute went into target, two each 15 seconds -- including roll, track, and release. It was a formidable demonstration to the enemy he could not stop determined air attack regardless of concentration of flak."
"By night flak-suppressing B-26s joined the fighter-bombers in hammering antiaircraft positions and strewing time-fused and frag-clustered bombs throughout the area to pick off defending personnel. The daylight assault was taken over at night by B-26s and B-29s. Large numbers of F-86s, by day, and F-94s, by night, escorted the attacking aircraft, effectively screening the operations against intruding MiGs from the Yalu region. Both day and night, high-and-low altitude harassing attacks kept the area under complete air cover, picking off ack-ack positions, searchlights, and anything that moved or that had been left untouched in the mass attack."
There were 1116 sorties flown by the work-horses of the Korean air war--the fighter-bombers. In the morning of 13 January, 197 fighter-bombers from the 8th, 474th, 49th, 58th, and MAG 33 were involved. In the afternoon of 13 January, 172 fighter-bombers from the 8th, 474th, 49th, 58th, 478th, and MAF 33 were involved -- along with 8 B-26s from the 3rd BW.
At the close of the first day, Sinanju-Yongmidong lay "smoldering, a reeking mass of gnarled steel, wrenched earth, and jagged chunks of concrete torn away and hurled hundreds of yards over the landscape." Reconnaissance pilots in post-strike interrogation reported the "entire area torn up, the approaches to the bridges, the bridges themselves, and the area between." One pilot commented, "the bridges look like some giant picked them up and twisted them around like pretzels...it's a wonder if there is anything left.
According to The U.S. Air Force in Korea (p544), "Beginning on 26 December 1952 and concluding on 14 February 1953, the Fifth Air Force employed the 8th, 58th and 474th Fighter-Bomber Wings in operational demonstrations with each American division in Korea. Each daylong exercise included elaborate planning and briefing phases attended by key officers of the division whose personnel would witness the strikes and of the fighter-bomber wing which would fly the attacks. So far as Air Force personnel were concerned, these demonstrations produced next to nothing of value." Unfortunately, one of these exercises in January 1953 ended up with 64 friendly casualties and the public outcry and Congressional investigation brought this experiment to an end.
CONVERSION TO F-86F SABRE (FEBRUARY 1953):
Between February 18-19, 1953, the 8th Fighter Bomber Wing participated in a two-day attack on a North Korean tank and infantry school at Kangso. In these two days, the 8th and three other wings destroyed 243 buildings at the school.
On February 22, 1953, the wing began the transition from the F-80Cs "Shooting Star" to the F-86Fs "Sabre".
The F-86F Sabre was basically a more powerful version of the F-86E. It was powered by the 5910 lb.st. J47-GE-27 engine in place of the 5200 lb.st. J47-GE-13. These aircraft could carry a pair of 200-gallon drop tanks and had armor protection fitted around the horizontal stabilizer control system. They had a different radio and cockpit arrangement than previous Sabres. It could carry a 120-gallon drop tank or a bomb of up to 1000 pounds in weight on each of the inner underwing pylons, and two 200-gallon tanks on the outer pylons. If the maximum fuel load of two 200-gallon and two 120-gallon drop tanks was carried, ferry range was 1600 miles and combat radius was 568 miles. The "6-3" wing was an immediate success, quickly boosting Sabre victories in Korea. With the "6-3-wing" F-86F, the USAF now had a fighter which could match the maximum speed of the MiG at altitudes all the way up to the Sabre's service ceiling of 47,000 feet, could turn inside the MiG, and which had almost as great a rate of climb.
The conversion t |