Songtan City Hall (Pyeongtaek Si Sa) (NOTE: Kaiser Pink is the color that the city chose -- a rather strange choice. Overpasses, street structions, etc from the mid-2000s are painted this color. Though color no longer used, some overpasses still retain this color.)

Songtan City Hall (Songtan History)

City Bird: Dove (bidulgi) (NOTE: This was in keeping with the "peace" theme for the city.) (Songtan History)

(L) City Tree: Ginko (eunhaeng) (R) City Flower: Golden rod (Gaenari) (Source: Songtan History)

Songtan City Song (Songtan History)

Air Force Village looking towards Songtan City Hall (1986) (Frank Schreier) (NOTE: Songtan City Hall is to the right in background. Note that the side buildings were not constructed as yet. The first row of the Segyong Apartments (5-story) are going up.)

Air Force Village looking towards Pyeongtaek (1986) (Frank Schreier) (NOTE: The construction on Seojong Tourism Road has not started as yet. Notice the gentle slope of the land leading up to Songtan City Hall. According to Kim Jae-won this area used to covered with kilns used for kimchi pots. Previously these kilns were used for charcoal. Songtan's name comes from "pine" (song) and "charcoal" (tan). This area and the area near Seotan were noted for charcoal production. Tanhyeon-dong near the present Songbuk Farmers' Market, was noted in 1756 as having numerous charcoal kilns which provided charcoal for Seoul -- as only charcoal could be used inside the Seoul city walls by royal dictate.)

Curfew ended The 36 year-old midnight to four a.m. curfew is lifted nationwide, except for coastal regions and areas vulnerable to infiltration. The curfew was first imposed by the US Military Government in Kroea on 8 Sept 1945 and had continued as a means of insuring national security. The measure came after a government decision to reinforce police manpower. Security measures at USFK installations and pass policies would be governed by local command policies. (Source: The US Military Experience in Korea 1871-1982, p235, Command Historian's Office, USFK/EUSA)

(L) Aragon Alley Outside Main Gate (1984) (Mike Dunnagan) (R) Aragon Alley Outside Main Gate (1984) (Mike Dunnagan)

(L) Overpass Bridge to Main Gate (1984) (Mike Dunnagan); (R) Railroad Track area (1984) (Mike Dunnagan)

(SOURCE: The photos of Mike Dunnagan, former A1C, 51st Civil Engineering Squadron (1984-85); Osan Retired Activities Office; and Osan AB History Web Page)

Later as the Miracle of the Han spread south in the 1980s, more and more small and mid-size factories moved into the area. With this there was an increase in population and more low-cost housing was built (three-story models). This construction started near the railroad track area and spread outward. One can identify these areas as the older streets are typical narrow winding streets following the topography (lay of the land) with many dead ends. However, the newer construction areas (late 1980s onward) follow a western-style grid pattern (though the streets are still narrow). The main roads were paved and a national program started in the late 1980s to cover the country roads -- typically the lanes connecting rice paddies with the hamlet homes -- with concrete.

MSR1 leading to Main Gate (1984) (Mike Dunnagan) (NOTE: This is at the "Y" intersection where the left road goes to the Songbuk Farmers Market Road (MSR-1 Bypas) and the right continues on to the Tanhyeon Road (MSR-1) to the base. The sign is written in Chinese characters and there is a Lions Club shield in the center. "Songtan" is written in hangul (Korean) on the lower right leg of the arch.)

Han Il Enterprises completed a remicon (ready mixed concrete) plant in Songtan in July 1984. This reflected the Miracle of the Han reaching Songtan and the surrounding areas. Remicon (ready mixed concrete) was essential in the construction industry -- and indicated that there was going to be sustained construction in the area -- for factories and apartments.

The first fire station for Songtan was built in Nov 1958. It was a one engine station that sat up on the Milwal-dong hill across from the Jungang Movie Theater with a fire watch tower overlooking the Chong-mun eup (New Town) shanties. However, on 1 Sep 1983, both Pyeongtaek and Songtan shared the same fire department. On 30 Nov 1984, a new fire station opened up in Songtan. It was located next to the present location of the Korea Telecom building on the MSR-1 (Jwadong Road). On 1 Dec 1984, a small police station was opened in Songtan at its present location across from the Songbuk Farmers' Market. (Source: Pyeongtaek History, Pyeongtaek Si Sa)

Korean Master Plan The construction of these apartments in Songtan was part of a ROK master plan to relocate industrial zones to the "suburbs" of Seoul. The planning started in the early 1980s and projects for expansion of the infrastructure was started in the mid-1980s. Starting in 1990, major construction projects were started for national, regional and local industrial complexes. The new apartments were required to house the workers for these factories.

The rapid growth of South Korea's economy in the late 1980s led to significant increases in exports and imports. In the wake of the 1988 Seoul Olympics, South Korea's trade surplus exceeded US$11 billion and foreign exchange revenue had increased sharply. Seoul's trade with communist countries surged in 1988. Trade with Eastern Europe was US$215 million, trade with China almost US$1.8 billion, and trade with the Soviet Union US$204 million. In 1989 total exports grew to US$74.29 billion, and imports totaled US$67.21 billion. South Korea's annual trade exceeded US$100 billion for the first time in 1988, making it the world's tenth largest trading nation.

Because this there was a rapid expansion outside of Seoul as the need for factories grew. As a result, in the Pyongtaek area, there was a significant number of factories that were relocated to industrial parks specially constructed for expanding factories. (See 1990: "ROK offers Incentives for Songtan Industrial Complex (Mokgok-dong)")

The spin off is that starting in the mid-1980s, there was an upgrade of the infrastructure throughout Korea -- not only in Songtan. Before any industrial complexes could be started, the apartment complexes to house the workers -- and to attract new businesses to the area -- needed to be in place. It then became a snowball as with the increase in factories in the 1990s came an increase in other service-industry jobs and in turn the need for more apartments. Thus a construction boom occurred. At first it was small scale in reclaiming rice fields and swampy land near to the major highways for "low-rise structures" (10 story apartment complexes). However , soon large scale apartment complexes were planned throughout the Pyongtaek area. (NOTE: This construction boom continued until the 1997 IMF Crisis when new construction collapsed.)

Expansion of Songtan In the 1980s, the outlook for Songtan looked bright. Though the country was torn apart by the riots that followed the takeover of the ROK government by Chun Doo-hwan in 1980 and the brutal suppression of the Kwangju Uprising, very little turmoil touched the Songtan area -- though protests did occur outside of Osan AB as activists felt that the USFK had supported Chun Doo-hwan's takeover.

---

Songtan: (Top L) Railroad tracks looking north (Notice the Shinjang Rail Overpass in distance. The large building in the top left is the Songtan Tourist Hotel built in 1978.); (Top R) Hanil Church's steeple is evident across from overpass. (Bottom L) Milwal Road in Shinjang-2 dong with Seojong (later Jungang) Theater at top of hill. Large buildings below it are the Songshin Elementary (right), Taegwang Middle School (middle) and Pokchang Elementary School (left) (Bottom R) Hill 180 with houses spread all the way up the hill. (1985) (Songbuk Elementary School)


2005: (L) Songtan Tourist Hotel (Aug 2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan) (R) Songtan Hotel Front Desk Ms. Choi (Aug 2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan)

---

• Songbuk-dong The businesses were expanding into the area as the construction of new low-rise apartments continued and more businesses from Seoul relocated to the area. The Songbuk Farmers' Market remained basically unchanged, but the area started to get more congested as there was no expansion over the ridgeline into the Jwa-dong area. The area became congested with dump trucks because of all the construction that was going on within the Songtan area. After the "black only" clubs had relocated back to the Shinjang area from the Jwa-dong area in the 1970s, the only thing that remained in the area were small shops specializing in electrical, plumbing or hardware. Some small clubs continued in the area as Korean only night spots.
  
  The new areas for apartments had not been reclaimed as yet. The construction of these areas would start in the late 1980s and be completed in the 1990s.
  
  Along the southern slopes of Jisan Park Hill, new three-to-five story apartment buildings were constructed. The roads followed the old topographic scheme and roads twist around the apartments. These would be the last of the apartments built in such a manner and all later construction south of the dividing road at the base of Jisan Park Hill would be laid out in a grid pattern. The growth would be southward until the new Seojong Road in what is now Ichung dong. The master plan called for the creation of a new administrative center that combined Songtan and Seojong-ni into one area.
  
  
  (L) School Playground Activities (R) Sports Day (1980) (Songbuk Elementary School)
  
  
  (L) School Playground Activities (R) Sports Day (Mothers' Volleyball) (1980) (Songbuk Elementary School) (NOTE: Notice the side buildings of the school)
  
  
  Songbuk Elementary School (1984) (Songbuk Elementary School)
  
  Songtan Gets New Fire Station and Police Station The first fire station for Songtan was built in Nov 1958. On 30 Nov 1984, a new fire station opened up in Songtan. On 1 Dec 1984, a small police station was opened in Songtan. (Source: Pyeongtaek History, Pyeongtaek Si Sa)
  
  Remicon Plant Opens in Songtan Han Il Enterprises completes a remicon plant in Songtan in July 1984. This reflects the Miracle of the Han reaching Songtan and the surrounding areas. Remicon (ready mixed concrete) is essential in the construction industry -- and indicates that there was going to be sustained construction in the area -- for factories and apartments.
  
  
  MSR1 leading to Main Gate (1984) (Mike Dunnagan) (NOTE: The sign is written in Chinese characters and there is a Lions Club shield in the center. "Songtan" is written in hangul (Korean) on the lower right leg of the arch.)
  
  
• Seojong-dong The Seojong-ni area saw growth in the form of new three-to-five story apartment structures being built just outside the "old town area." Growth was modest. The "old town" (Seojong Market Road and Seojong Train Station area) remained unchanged.
  
  Construction of low three-to-five story apartment buildings were continued in the areas between Seojong-ni and Songtan -- effectively joining the two areas. The construction of low-rent apartments between Burak Mountain Road and the Seojong Tourism Road was undertaken. At the time, there was not much thought given to cars and parking as there were still relatively few cars on the road. In a few years, when the automobile explosion occurred in Korea, it would come back to haunt the designers as there was inadequate parking. Though the roads were adequate for the 1980s, the congestions would become a nightmare in the 2000s.
  
  The new City Hall for Songtan was started. The boundary for Seojong-dong ran along the Jisan Hill following the Burak Mountain Road ran down Rte 1 until it came to the City Hall then went across the Rte 1 to encompass the structure and then back across Rte 1 road leading to Ichung-dong. The significance is that the city planners were symbolically placing the new Songtan City Hall in the "new" area for Seojong-dong that would encompass its "old" Seojong-ni area and the "new" Songtan Tourism Road area.
  
  
• Shinjang 1-dong After Korea's new transportation system was opened in the mid-1970s, transportation was much easier. The bar area known Korea-wide by Americans as "Songtan" was upgraded. On the weekends, individuals from Kunsan and the DMZ started to frequent the bars and go shopping in the area. The Shinjang Shopping Mall was starting to rival Itaewon as a shopping mecca. During the Vietnam War years and the years thereafter there was a tremendous amount of TDY traffic into Osan AB and these visitors immediately filled their aircraft with brass, quilted blankets, furniture and other Korean items as souveniers. After the Vietnam War, the Team Spirit exercises brought soldiers and airmen from around the world to Osan to support the exercise -- and was a boon to the shops in the area.
  
  
  Shinjang 1-dong House Office located on Hill near railroad tracks was established in 1962. In the Shinjang Mall area, many of the brick/stucco exterior buildings were upgraded through the use of ceramic tiles and false fronts were erected on all the shops that faced Shinjang Mall Road. The appearance of the shops were modern and the streets now sported sidewalks and street lights.
  
  
  Railroad Track area (1984) (Mike Dunnagan)
  
  
  Aragon Alley Outside Main Gate (1984) (Mike Dunnagan)
  
  
  Aragon Alley Outside Main Gate (1984) (Mike Dunnagan)
  
  
  Overpass Bridge to Main Gate (1984) (Mike Dunnagan)
  
  In the early 1980s, planning was taking place at all levels and the new Route 1 Bypass was started. The new road to the back gate of Osan AB was completed between 1980-1983. At the same time, the fields were being drained and filled in the Jisan-dong area. This was a major undertaking and would take until the mid-1980s to complete.
  
  Between 1980-1983, the Back Gate (Doolittle Gate) Road was undertaken. The road started in Seotan-myeon and ended in Songtan area. The road cut off from Route 1 (MSR-1) and a new overpass was constructed. Because the overpass was not simply a span between two hills, it took longer to construct than most overpasses. The road eventually spanned the Kyongbu Railway and ran across the bridge for the Jisan Stream (Cheon). There was a small road already existing to the Mokcheon area from the Back Gate dating to the 1960s. The road basically followed the same route that was laid out by the 839th EAB for the initial road through the Doolittle Gate area to bring in the equipment to the base as Hill 180 was still impassable in 1952 and the Shinjang Mall Road was still under construction. (NOTE: The Pyeongtaek City records do NOT recognize this road as being constructed in 1952 though we have provided photographic proof of its existence in 1953 -- as well as the Aug 51 overview drawing by the 417th EAB indicating this road as existing.)
  
  

  Route 1 Intersection to Doolittle Gate (Jun 2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan)	Shinjang View from Doolittle Gate road (Jun 2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan)
  Shinjang View from Doolittle Gate road (Jun 2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan)	Shinjang View from Doolittle Gate road (Jun 2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan)
  Shinjang View from Doolittle Gate road (Jun 2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan)	Street to Bravo Gate (Jun 2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan)

  In 1983, the Namsan Village Road was built to open the housing areas in the Namsan Village areas to the Main Gate. After the Osan Hotel was cleared, the road was built to follow the perimeter. After a slight jog to the right, the road continued straight into Namsan Village at the base of Hill 170.
  
  The Jeyok Road was built to intersect the Aragon alley and Yong Chon alley roads. At about the same time, the Mokcheon Underpass was built and the road to the top of Hobak Hill (Pumpkin Hill) to the Shinjang House Office was built.
  
  

  
  Shinjang View from Doolittle Gate road (Jun 2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan)
  
  
  Street to Bravo Gate (Jun 2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan)
  
  
• Shinjang 2-dong (NOTE: Shinjang 2-dong did NOT exist at this time) After the drainage and reclamation of the last rice fields between Milwal Road and the Kyongbu Train tracks in the 1970s growth in the Milwal area was relatively slow. However, after the construction boom hit in the 1980s and new construction extended outward from the "old area" basically in a line parallel with the Capital Hotel at the top of Milwal Road to the Kyongbu railway tracks. Some of the older concrete structures were upgraded with ceramic tile facings in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Today there are few 1960s structures, except for the few that are next to the Kyongbu train tracks. After the Pokchang Elementary School, the density of housing along its sides tapers off significantly. The road runs until the Seojong-ni area. These structures from the 1980s are easily identifiable by the construction with red fire bricks. In addition the new areas were laid out in a grid patterns versus the jumbled maze in the Jungang Open Market Shopping area near the Shinjang Road overpass.
  
  After the rice fields had been reclaimed in the mid-1970s, the Taegwang School Road was constructed and runs parallel to the Kyongbu Railway tracks. Actually this area had started with a U-shaped area with the shanty houses hastily thrown together on the west side of Hill 180 spilled down to the edge of the rice fields. Businesses grew on both sides of the road to MSR-1 that became the Shinjang Road. To the right of the Shinjang Road heading towards the MSR-1, the Sogwang area became the "business area" with small hardware shops and a used lumber yard. (NOTE: Some of the old buildings from the 1960s -- identifiable by their transite (corrugated concrete/asbestoes sheets) roofs -- still remained into the 2000s.) However, the bulk of the buildings in the Jungang Shopping area are from the "building boom" of the late 1970s and while the houses after the Jungang Shopping area near Songshin School are from the early 1980s on.
  
  Along the Taegwang School Road -- which starts at the Shinjang Road Overpass -- there are rows of houses built with the popular red fire brick used in the 1980s. This area is laid out in the grid pattern used after the 1980s. Almost all of the houses and structures in the area were built with red brick.
  
  
  (L) Taewang School Road looking toward Overpass (R) Taegwang School Road looking toward Seojong-ni (Aug 2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan)

Reclamation of the Jisan-dong area and Construction of Route 1 Bypass In the 1970s, Korea started a massive project to improve its mass transit systems. Subway work and highway construction started everywhere. By the mid-1970s, the Pusan-Seoul highway was complete and branches were being constructed off of the main highways to connect the nation.

By the 1980s, the highway system was complete and travel was relatively easy to move around, but there still was not an abundance of cars clogging the highways. Unlike Seoul, the traffic in Songtan still remained minimal as the explosion of automobiles in the Korean society still had not occurred in the country side. But the population in the Songtan area continued to grow.

By 1985, Korea was starting to be a major exporter of cars and domestic production was increasing rapidly. The cars were affordable and soon the traffic jams seen in the cities were being experienced in the countryside. More and more cars were starting to appear on the Songtan streets and soon parking became a problem in the once open streets. In the Songtan area, the original MSR-1 and MSR-1 Bypass were becoming bottlenecks.

Also in the mid-1980s, the infrastructure in the area was being improved in anticipation for the building of the national/regional/local industrial parks that would be moving into the area. However, the Miracle of the Han was about to move into the area and this required some radical changes for the community.

The first step was to ensure the area had the infrastructure to support this development of industrial parks in the form of rail, roads and ship traffic. Pyeongtaek Harbor started work on the expansion of its piers, the rail systems were improved; and the roads were upgraded and expanded. Route 40 to Pyeongtaek and Route 50 to Suwon were upgraded. The West Coast Highway (Seohan Highway - Route 15) was started down in Sochon 22km from Kunsan and would expand in both directions -- north to Seoul and south to Mokpo. Construction of the major routes in the area were undertaken.

For the Songtan area, the removal of the bottleneck along the MSR-1 and MSR-1 Bypass Roads was required. (SEE MSR-1 and MSR-1 Bypass Road.) A new bypass route was laid out over the rise along the base of the Buraksan Mountain and stretched to the end of the Jungang-dong where it rejoined the original MSR-1 which then ran straight to Pyeongtaek. The Route 1 was now a four lane highway from Osan City that expanded to an eight-lane highway after it entered Songtan. In addition, the side roads into the countryside where the industrial growth would take place were improved to connect the industrial areas to Route 1. All of this was part of the master plan to improve the infrastructure throughout the Pyeongtaek area for the many industrial parks that were planned to be built to move the factories out of Seoul. (NOTE: The back roads of Route 304 in Jinwi-myeon and Route 340 through Seojong-ni would have to wait another twenty years before any improvements were seen.)

In conjunction with this expansion of the road systems, there was a move to ensure the adequacy of housing for the increase in worker populations. In the Songtan area, the change involved the reclamation of the rice fields and swamp land in low areas near the MSR-1 Bypass Road and the building of apartment complexes on the reclaimed areas. The first were the Life Apartments and Jangmi Apartments, but soon others began to go up as the land was reclaimed. On the reclaimed ground, the apartment height was restricted to only ten stories because of the water table.

The first step was rerouting the Jisan Stream (Jisancheon) into an underground culvert. The Jisan Cheon (Stream) flowed down the valley into the Songtan area along a stream that led down past the back gate (Doolittle Gate) road. Part of the stream ran to the sump area and Budochang reservoir that was being drained and reclaimed as apartments and for Route 1 construction. A culvert was constructed to divert the stream underground. The culvert runs beneath the Jisan Cheon (Stream) Road which goes behind the Daelim and Dongbu Apartments and intersects with the west side of Route 1. On the east side of Route 1, it becomes the Jisan Cheon (Stream) Bottom Road and runs down past the Life Apartments and to the "Y" intersection of Tanhyeon Road (MSR-1) and Songbuk Market Road (MSR-1 Bypass) -- where the first "Foreigners Apartments" were built by the Korean National Housing Corporation (KNHC) for Osan AB families. (NOTE: It was considered inadequate even though brand new because it was built to Korean standards.)

Before Route 1 was built, there was a natural sump area formed by the Burak Mountain to the east and the Jisan Hill and ridgeline to the west. The Jisan Stream filled the sump area created by the "bowl" by the convergence of the Jisan Hill and Burak Mountain to the south and the ridgeline to the north. This sump area that formed Boduchang (Paradise Lake) extended from what is now the Jisan Hyundai Apartments and about half of the Jisan Kunyong Apartments. In the 1970s, there was very little in the way of entertainment in the area, besides the bars and movies. The one place that was available for recreation was Paradise Lake (Boduchang). Actually a reservoir, it had row boats.

This reservoir had to drained before the road and apartment construction could be completed. The reclamation of the swamp area in the Jisan-dong area was started in the early 1980s. The land was mosquito-infested, swamp land or rice paddies. Prior to this project, the area east of MSR-1 (next to the express bus terminal) was all swamp or rice field. The rice paddies and swamp land were drained and filled. In the Jisan-dong area, the Paradise Lake (Boduchang) was drained and portions of Jisan Hill and Burak Mountain were cut away as fill quarries. This major project enabled land to be made available for the construction of new apartments.

According to reports, Boduchang (Paradise Lake) did not extend past the present Route 1 area which was "high ground." In order to get to Songbuk Elementary School, children walked along a path at the base of Jisan Park Hill (Songtan Park) near what is now the Jangmi Apartments and then along the base of the Burak Mountain to the school.

The reservoir was large and covered the area of the Hyundai Apartments and Kunyong Apartments -- up to about its entrance across from the Jisan Elementary School. This reservoir area ran in front of the Jisan Elementary School and the small stationary shop on the corner across the street. According to Mr. Kwon Oh-hoon Paradise Lake extended down to the corner of the intersection where there is a stationary shop and over to the Kunyong Apartments. In the mid-1980s, the Boduchang reservoir (Paradise Lake) was drained and the area dug out to be used as fill for the reclamation of the rice fields and swamps in the area. If one looks at the map of the Jisan Hill, one will see how a large piece was taken out of the hill.

Map of Jisan Park Hill (Songtan Park) area (2005) (Map at Songbuk-dong House Office)

2005 (L) Defunct Amusement Park (Aug 2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan) (R) Rear of Jisan Elementary School (Aug 2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan) (NOTE: The weeping willows are seen to the far right on the boundary.)

The first of the apartments in Jisan-dong were the Jangmi Apartments (followed by the Jaeil Apartments) near the Jisan Hill (Songtan Park). After the Boduchang Reservoir (Paradise Lake) was drained, the Kunyong and Hyundai Apartments were built. However, on the reclaimed ground, the apartment height was restricted to only ten stories because the land was previously swamp land. In the areas that were carved out of the Jisan Hill to be used as fill, the Miju and Jisan Hanming Apartments were built, along with the Jisan Elementary School. Construction of the first apartments was complete in 1990. Jisan Elementary opened its doors on 1 Jun 1993. All construction in the area was complete in 1995.

According to the owner of the stationary shop-toy store (Jisan Mungu Hwangu), Paradise Lake covered the Hyundai Apartment and Kunyong Apartment area up to about the entrance to the apartment complex across from the Jisan Elementary School. It then extended across what would become Route 1. (Source: Conversation Kalani O'Sullivan with owner Jisan Mungu-Hwangu Stationary Shop, 25 Aug 2005.) The stationary shop is a 1960s structure with a transite roof and because of its lower level, it lends credence to the lake being at the lower level.


Paradise Lake (Boduchang) (1976) (Harry Tezlaf) (NOTE: The weeping willows are the trees to the left in the photo.)

After the land had settled, apartments were constructed on the reclaimed land completing construction in the 1990s. However, these new "low-rise" apartments were limited to ten stories because of the water table. These apartments would be the lower middle-class area of the city. In conjunction with these new constructions, new schools were added to the area. In the Jisan dong area, the Jisan Elementary School and Songtan Middle School were built upon the land that had been used as fill quarries.

Map of the Songtan Area (2004) (Songbuk House Office)


To the east of Route 1, new apartments were constructed starting with the Songtan Saemik Apartments near Songbuk Elementary School and extended down to the Aju and Miju apartments near the new Songtan Middle School. The fill for the new apartment areas was taken from the Jisan Hill Park and the Burak Mountain area. If one looks at the map above, one will see how areas of the Jisan Park Hill to the west has been "gouged out." These were the fill quarries used to fill in the rice fields and swamp area between the MSR-1 Bypass Road and the new Route 1 bypass being constructed at the base of the Buraksan Mountain. These "gouges" later became the Jisan Elementary School and small government-subsidized apartment complexes. (See 1970s: Paradise Lake which was drained and area used as a fill quarry.) To the west side of the new Route 1, the fill quarries was at the base of the Buraksan mountain in what later became Aju apartment complex and Songtan Middle School.

Just outside the "old" section of Seojong-ni along Shinseon Road (MSR-1 Bypass), government subsidized low-rise apartments were built on the left on the road. It should be noted that the apartment complexes built to the west of Route 1 were designed for low-income (17 pyong apartments) and lower middle-income families (28-32 pyong apartments). At this time, the Korean government was subsidizing the construction of lower-income housing nationwide to move poor families from the crowded "ghettos" into small apartments. It should be noted that none of the apartments in this period were designed for upper-middle income families. These would be built in the new Ichung-dong area where the new administrative center of the city was being planned. (NOTE: In Seoul, high rise apartment complexs were built to move the poor people out of the hovels covering the hillsides or delapidated 1960s structures packed together in the cramped side streets of urban areas. These poor would be allowed to "purchase" small apartments where sanitation and improved living conditions were assured. As a secondary reason, when the poor were relocated, the areas were freed to pursue the urban renewal projects such as upscale apartment complexes.)

Simultaneously, the work started on the Ichung-dong area as the new administrative center and "middle ground" between the Songtan and Seojong-ni areas. The Songtan Branch Office of the Pyeongtaek City Hall was constructed in the Ichung-dong area. The Jeomchon area was noted to have contained kilns for pottery making dating back to the 1920s when Hwang Kum-seok came to make pottery for sale. Soon many people came to the area to make kimchi pots. (Source: Songtan History) However, this construction meant that all of these kilns had to be cleared away. (SEE Songtan City: 1981)

According to Mr. Kim Jae-won, the first proposed location was the Jisan Hill (Songtan Park) area, but the owner refused. Instead, the present location was selected. Symbolically it was on the border of the two areas that would make up Songtan City -- Songtan and Seojong-myeon. Mr. Kim mentioned seeing on his way to school that the slope in front in front of the City Hall contained many kilns. According to him, these kilns were converted from charcoal manufacturing. (Source: Verbal Conversation with Mr. Kim Jae-won, owner of Aisa Hotel, on 26 Sep 2005.) (SEE Songtan City: 1981)

A grid pattern was laid out for roads -- including the new Seojong Tourism Road and Burak Mountain Road. Along the Burak Mountain Road, the second "Foreigners' Apartments" (Miguk Apatu) was constructed for Osan AB personnel. It was called Air Force Village. The next apartments to go up were the Segyo Apartments. Construction in the area was completed in the 1990s -- after Songtan was merged with Pyeongtaek City. (SEE Songtan City: 1981)

High-rise apartments continued to be erected in the Seojeong-ni and Jungang-dong areas and turned the face of the Songtan area into a city -- instead of a country town.


Fuel Tank Explosion (1986)




Fuel Tank Explosion (1986)



Fuel Tank Explosion at Osan AB On 5 April 1986, a 40,000 gallon fuel tank exploded killing in the initial blast one USAF NCO and fourteen contractor personnel who were cutting the grass nearby. 12 injured were treated at the Osan clinic, while some burn victims were air evacuated to Yongan Army Garrison hospital by helicopter. Six others were treated and then transferred to Kyonggi General Hospital. Five were treated at Osan, then released. (Source: MIG Alley Flyer, 16 Apr 86) One Korean died later bringing the death toll to 16. Numerous acts of bravery were seen that day in fighting the fire and treating the injured. According to the 51st FW Extract - Jan-Jun 1986 History:

A loud explosion rocked Osan and the local community at 1314 hours on 5 April. A 40,000 barrel JP-4 tank (Building 7277) that was approximately 40 percent full exploded causing 15 fatalities and 12 serious injuries. The fire at the fuel tank took place during a fuel transfer operation. The black smoke and orange flames from the explosion and resulting fire were visible for miles around the base. The blaze at the fuel tank had to be fought until 1700 hours, and was not officially determined to be extinguished until 0700 hours the following day. Fire fighters and equipment from Osan, Songtan Si City Fire Department, Suwon, Kunsan, Camp Casey, Camp Market, Camp Red Cloud, Yongsan Army Garrison, Clark AB, Philippines, Yokota AB and Misawa AB, Japan were all involved in fighting the blaze. The 51st FW Disaster Preparedness Division immediately activated the Disaster Response Force and Disaster Preparedness Support team. An on-scene Disaster Control Group was also formed to assist and advise the on-scene commander. Colonel Koz acted as the on-scene commander immediately after the explosion but appointed Colonel William L. Austin, 51st Civil Engineering Squadron commander upon his arrival at the scene. Colonel Koz was the wing commander since Colonel Cochran had departed the base for the PACAF Wing Commander's Conference at Hickam AFB, Hawaii. The 51st Security Police evacuated all buildings endangered by the explosion and established a 2000 foot corridor. The corridor had to be moved several times to compensate for fuel leaking into the draining systems and the associated danger of another explosion taking place.

Medical personnel at Osan responded immediately to the explosion. In fact, one doctor and two technicians arrived on the scene almost immediately. The hospital had an on-site medical care facility established within fifteen minutes, and after only 20 minutes, 80 percent of the hospital staff had reported for duty. Osan medical personnel received assistance from Camp Humphreys, Suwon and 1st Aeromedical Evacuation Squadron located at Pope AFB, North Carolina. The people from Pope at Osan were waiting to return to the United States from Team Spirit. Four Navy corpsman assigned to the 1st Marine Amphibious who were waiting on the flightline for transportation responded immediately to the explosion site. The first ambulance to depart the scene with two seriously injured people went straight to the flight line and a CH-3 "Jolly Green Giant" assigned to the 38th Aerospace Rescue and Recovery Squadron had its engines running and ready to depart. Once injured people were placed on board the helicopter, the helicopters departed immediately for the 121st Evacutation Hospital in Seoul.

Winds hampered the efforts of the fire fighters. On different occasions it appeared that the fire had been extinguished, but the winds would arise and renew the flames. So much foam had to be poured on the fire that the area around the fuel tank quickly turned into a muddy field. This mud hampered getting the large fire fighting equipment in and out to fight the blaze, Personnel assigned to the 554th Civil Engineering Squadron "Red Horse", quickly made an access road for fire equipment. One of the main concerns during the fighting of the fire was the shortage of foam. Foam had to be transported in from different locations from helicopters and dumped straight in the fire trucks. At 1700 hours the fire had been extinguished, but as mentioned it was not offically declared as being completely out until the following day. Fire fighters had to stay on duty for several days after the fire had been put out to ensure it did not erupt again.

Fourteen contractor personnel and one Air Force NCO were killed by the initial blast and the subsequent fire. The NCO killed was Sergeant Enrique J. Lozano who had been assigned to the 51st Supply Squadron. Sergeant Lozano had been working at the fuel tank prior tot he explosion. The Search and Recover (SRT) found the body in the tank five days after the explosion.

Many acts of heroism took place at Osan right after the explosion and during the fighting of the fire. Personnel entered the fire area to and turned off fuel lines to keep the fire from spreading by receiving more fuel. On 7 May General Robert G. Bazley, PACAF Commander, presented medals to 13 Air Force and one Army member for their acts of heroism. The General presented seven Airman Medals and seven Meritorious Service Medals.

Fuel Tank Explosion (1986)

A memorial marker was erected in memorium of the individuals who lost their lives in the tragic accident -- one USAF NCO and 15 Koreans. The mother of Sgt Enrique Lozano was flown in for the ceremony.

Sgt Enrique Lozano
Song Son-Sid
Pae Tok-so
O Tae-kun
Chon Yun-pil
Son Sun-son
Choi Mal-sun
Yi Su-nam
Ho, Chong-ae
Yu, Cho-ho
Pak Yang-hui
Yu Cha-kum
Kim Ok-hui
An O-sun
Pak Sun-ho
Pak Wan-pae

Late 1980s Songtan City grew in 1987 as areas were incorporated into Seojong-dong. On January 1, 1987, part of Jeokbong-ri, Seotan-myeon, Pyeongtaek-gun was incorporated into Seojeong-dong, Songtan-si by Presidential Decree No. 12007 (Promulgated December 23, 1986) (Source: Pyeongtaek History, Pyeongtaek Si Sa)

The Ichung-dong construction was continuing with its high-rise apartments in an area designed to be the center of activity for the Songtan area. The new apartments were to stretch from the City Hall to Route 340. The construction companies that had completed the low-rise construction in the Jisan and Songbuk-dong areas now shifted their efforts to the Ichung-dong area.

Though the Route 1 bypass in Songtan was opened, construction continued to expand the highway system to Pyeongtaek. Ironically, the bottle-neck on Route 1 from Suwon continued to exist in the Osan City area. Perhaps it was the ROK planners intention when they opened up the Osan Toll Gate in the late 1970s to the Kyongbu Expressway that the traffic flow was not intended to pass through Osan. (NOTE: The bottleneck conditions persisted -- and worsened -- in the Osan City area in the 2000s. But by then the infrastructure had been much improved to bypass Osan City altogether.)

In the 1980s, the Doolittle Gate was created with the idea of eliminating the congestion at the Main Gate. The ROK signed off on the idea and the road to the Doolittle Gate was built between 1980-1983 according to the Shinjang 1-dong House Office. At that time, there was no overpass to the base and the base hired a gate guard to man the rail crossing of the Kyongbu Railway line. This crossing guard remained until the overpass was completed in 1988. Normal traffic was NOT allowed into the Doolittle Gate and the Main Gate remained the entry to the base. However, according to long-time residents, the road was blocked off until after 1989.


(L) Marker on Kyongbu Railway Overpass on Doolittle Gate Road (2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan); (R) Overpass on Doolittle Gate Road. (2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan)

The overpass to the Doolittle Gate was not built until 1988. Construction was started on 18 Jun 1987 and completed on 28 Dec 1988. The span is 450 meters long and 15.5 meters wide. (Source: Marker on Overpass.) The overpass has an ideal view of the End of Runway for takeoffs and landings.

(L) Jisan Stream with one branch leading to Jinwi and other from the Jisan Stream (2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan); (R) Marker on the Jisancheon Bridge leading to Doolittle Gate. Marker erected by Gu San-il. (2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan)

We also have some problems with the completion of the road as the marker in Hangul on the Jinsancheon (Jisan Stream) bridge shows that the bridge was constructed in 1986. The hangul on the marker states that the bridge was built during the Songtan City period. The marker was erected by Gu San-il. (Source: Marker on Jisancheon bridge.) At this time we believe the bridge was expanded in 1986 to a four-lane bridge when the construction on the road to the Doolittle Gate took place. (NOTE: In 1951, the Jinsancheon was shown on the Aug 51 931st EAG map as part of the Jinwi River. In 2005, there was construction as a new road is being built adjacent to the stream that will pass through the Mokchan and run parallel with the railway tracks.)

At the Y-intersection, the road to the Doolittle Gate goes up hill and runs along the side of the Bomb Dump Hill. In the 1980s, the road was elevated as shown by the overpass at the Kujang (Shinjang-ni) Village. At the intersection, there is a parallel road that runs into the Kujang (Shinjang-ni) Village. There is an overpass for the road to the Doolittle Gate with the underpass leading from the village to the Mokchan Village Road prior to the Bravo Gate. (NOTE: "Kujang" means "old market" and "Shinjang" means "new market." The village area was the market for the Jinwi administrative area in the Chosun Dynasty. When Jae Yok-dong (Chicol-ni and later Shinjang Mall area) was founded in 1522), the Kujang town was already serving as the market area of Jinwi-myeon. In the Chosun period, the Jinwi area was the main administrative office for the area.)

(L) Overpass leading to Kujang Village. (NOTE: This road connects to Mokchan Road.) (2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan); (R) Old house in Kujang Village. (2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan)

The Doolittle Gate was built under contract, but there is no marker to indicate which company built it. The entry control point was built by the 554th CESHR "Red Horse" and their seal is at the base of the entry door. (NOTE: The Doolittle Gate was renovated under contract in 2004.)

At the same time, Pyeongtaek Harbor was expanding and the benefits for the local area translated to more factories dealing with exports would be attracted to the area to take advantage of the expanding harbor facilities.

Pyeongtaek Harbor Liquid Natural Gas (LNG) terminal opens (1 Nov 1986). (Pyeongtaek City) (Source: Pyeongtaek History (CD), Pyeongtaek Si Sa)

In the mid 1980s, the construction of the Route 1 straight over the rise instead of going through the town was started. This new stretch bypassed the old MSR-1 route through the center of town. The road ran from the small rise in Songbuk-dong through the Jisan-dong area past the Seojong-dong area and rejoined the old MSR-1 route after it exited the Jungang area. This was part of an overall plan to improve the infrastructure throughout the area in conjunction with the building of local, regional and national industrial parks.

By the late 1980s, the major portion of Route 1 had been completed and the construction of the apartments undertaken. The low-rise apartments between Burak Mountain Road and the Seojong Tourism Road were completed in the mid-1980s. Many of the apartments in the Jisan area were completed in 1990. The apartments on the Songbuk dong side (east) of Route 1 were completed in the early 1990s. Immediately, these apartments were filled with employees of such large automotive companies as Kia just over the boundary in Yong-in and the Ssang Yong plant in the Songtan area.

Seoul Olympics Seoul hosted the Olympics and the attitude of the entire country changed overnight into one of ambassadors of goodwill. Venues were spread throughout the country to accomodate the interests of local governments and promote the tourism industry. In a gesture of goodwill, the Seoul government offered North Korea one of the ping-pong matches because of the late date. North Korea refused and there were worries that it might attempt an act to disrupt the games in retaliation as it had done in 1987 with the bombing of an airliner to scare people away from the games. A small number of F-4E aircraft at Osan and F-16C at Kunsan were placed on alert in event of this eventuality starting around 15 Sep 1988.


36th TFS aircraft escorts TU-16 Badger off the coast of Korea ( 36th Fiends site)

Just prior to the Olympic Games Russian Badgers started to fly down the coastline of Korea to test the capabilities of the US/ROK Air Forces. The Russian bombers would fly just inside international waters and the ROK and USAF jets would scramble to intercept the bombers. It was not a surveillance flight as the Russian satellite passed over Korea every 45 minutes -- so these flights were simply nuisance flights to test the US and ROK resources dedicated during the Olympic games. For Osan F-4E and Kunsan AB F-16 aircraft, as well as ROKAF F-5Es from Kimpo and Osan, it was an ideal photo op as the slow-moving Tupolov bombers made perfect show pictures as the fighters escorted the bombers down the coast and then handed them off to the next group of aircraft. There was no real threat and it was simply a test to see the response times from radar intercept to aircraft contact.

In the Songtan area, the benefits were the immediate expansion of the tourism trade. For the previous five years, the government had invested in improving the tourism facilities throughout the nation in anticipation of this event. The Seoul Olympics were to show the world that Korea was no longer a backward country -- and change their perceptions of Korea and the Korean people as members of a thriving society. The culmination of this massive Public Relations campaign was the entry of Korea into the United Nations -- simultaneously with North Korea.

Copyright Infringement and Piracy: During this late 1980s, Korean was on the USTR (U.S. Trade Representative) "Watch List" because Korea was noted for its piracy of copyrights -- and exporting of the manufactured goods under copyright infringement to third world countries. There still was not a GATT treaty or World Trade Organization (WTO) at this time. Asia -- and Korea in particular -- was known as a rip-off capital with the police and other government agencies turning a blind-eye at home and a deaf-ear to international protests. Protectionism in Korea was the law -- and most large US companies were very reluctant to trust Korea's word.

However, to the GI shopping for bargains, it was a paradise. Gucchi bag rip-offs and "designer" clothes with fake trademark logos were everywhere. Downtown there were shops that specialized in copying tapes and later CDs. Ripoff copies of $200 computer programs could be had for $5. Though it was against the law to send any of this stuff stateside, a GI stationed in Korea during this period would have to be crazy to not avail himself of these bargains.

Regardless of this copyright infringement dispute, the ripoff designs continued to be sold at the Shinjang Shopping mall attracting military shoppers from all over. In response the base Postal Services increased their warnings of the sending of these items would be confiscated, if sent by US Postal services.

---

Miracle of the Han The rapid growth of South Korea's economy in the late 1980s led to significant increases in exports and imports. In the wake of the 1988 Seoul Olympics, South Korea's trade surplus exceeded US$11 billion and foreign exchange revenue had increased sharply. Seoul's trade with communist countries surged in 1988. Trade with Eastern Europe was US$215 million, trade with China almost US$1.8 billion, and trade with the Soviet Union US$204 million.

In 1989 total exports grew to US$74.29 billion, and imports totaled US$67.21 billion. South Korea's annual trade exceeded US$100 billion for the first time in 1988, making it the world's tenth largest trading nation.

Because this there was a rapid expansion outside of Seoul as the need for factories grew. As a result, in the Pyongtaek area, there was a significant number of factories that were relocated to industrial parks specially constructed for expanding factories. (See 1990: "ROK offers Incentives for Songtan Industrial Complex (Mokgok-dong)")

The spin off is that with the increase in factories came an increase in jobs and need for apartments. Thus a construction boom occurred. At first it was small scale in reclaiming rice fields and swampy land near to the major highways for "low-rise structures" (10 story apartment complexes). However , soon large scale apartment complexes were planned throughout the Pyongtaek area.


(L) School Playground Activities (R) Sports Day (1980) (Songbuk Elementary School)


(L) School Playground Activities (R) Sports Day (Mothers' Volleyball) (1980) (Songbuk Elementary School) (NOTE: Notice the side buildings of the school)


(L) VWF Awards Ceremony (1981) (Songbuk Elementary School); (R) Songbuk Elementary School (1986) (Songbuk Elementary School) (NOTE: The central speakers platform between bleachers constructed in 1984)


Songbuk Elementary School (1988) (Songbuk Elementary School) (NOTE: The buildings are now three-story structure. The central speakers platform between bleachers constructed in 1984 and now has a frame for canvas. Picture taken near entrance with statue of Admiral Yi Sun-shin.)

Education There was a growing student population. For example, the Songtan Girls Middle School and Eunhwae Girls Middle School were founded in 1984. New facilities were built for the Songtan Girls High School in 1984, though the school had been in existence since the early 1970s. In the fill areas gouged out of Jisan Hill Park and Buraksan Mountain, plans were in work to establish the Jisan Elementary School and Songtan Middle School respectively in the early 1990s. In the early 1990s, the Kumbang Middle School (?) was built.

By the late 1980s, there was a growing middle-class who believed in the Confucian education ethic whereby education was the road to success could now afford to "splurge" on the education of their children. Unfortunately this education system was based on rote memory work to ultimately pass college entrance exams. (NOTE: In Korea in the 1980s, the government had invested in humanities instead of science disciplines in college in order to open colleges to the maximum numbers of students. However, this philosophy in the end caused the companies to simply look for the college name (i.e. Seoul National University) and not the degrees which were worthless. Companies trained their own people in house. As a result, the rush was to get into the top-ranked "name" colleges to insure employment in later life. It was not what you learned that was important, but what school you went to. As skewed as this was, the companies drove the college placement which in turn drove the high school college entrance exams -- which in turn drove the middle school students tests to get into the best high schools.)

There was an explosion of private schools (hagwons) for everything from piano to Taekwondo to calligraphy -- as well as in-home private tutors. The largest demand was for English education -- and numerous English hagwons (some using illegal part-time teachers -- airmen or dependents from Osan AB) sprouted up everywhere from Pyeongtaek to Suwon. Though the government periodically clamped down on the private tutoring, parents continued to pay large sums to college students to tutor their children in hopes of enabling them to enter prestigious colleges.

1990s

Early 1990s The image of the Koreans about themselves as members of the world community started to change. The term "globalization" became a catchword as every Korean used it -- sometimes in the most unusual ways. Being one of the four dragons of Asia, the man on the street started to change his perception of Korea. In the past, most Koreans would refer to Korea as a "poor country." After 1990, the usage slowly disappeared until the mid-1990s, when even the poorest of Koreans no longer referred to his country as a "poor country." Koreans started to view their nation as an equal to other powerful nations -- and no longer a third world country. This view point had all kinds of implications as Korean as a true middle-class started to emerge with consumer oriented tastes and demand for products and services that it viewed as reflecting their new status -- a car, a medium-sized apartment, etc.

In August 1991, South Korea joined the United Nations along with North Korea. The joint entry into the UN was a direct result of Roh Tae-woo's "Northern Openess" campaign which sought to open communications channels to start the process of reunification. In a major initiative on July 7, 1988, South Korean President Roh Tae Woo called for new efforts to promote exchanges, family reunification, inter-Korean trade, and contact in international fora. President Roh called on Korea's friends and allies to pursue contacts with the North, and said that the South intended to seek better relations with the U.S.S.R. and China.

Roh's initiative provided renewed momentum for dialogue. The two sides met several times at Panmunjom in an unsuccessful attempt to arrange a joint meeting of the two Korean parliaments. Meetings to discuss arrangements for prime ministerial-level talks led to a series of such meetings starting in 1990. In late 1991, the two sides signed the Agreement on Reconciliation, Non-aggression, Exchanges and Cooperation and the Joint Declaration on the Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. The Joint Declaration called for a bilateral nuclear inspection regime to verify the denuclearization of the peninsula. (Source: .)

As Korea became one of the four dragons of Asia in the early 1990s, other changes took place in Songtan as the new branch office of Pyeongtaek City Hall was opened in Ichung-dong. I-chung dong became identified with the "upscale" area of the town. The new Munhwakongwun Civic Center and a large Leports Park was built in the area. Behind the I-chung-dong Civic Center, the Kyungmoon College was situated.

Industrial Growth in Pyeongtaek area Korea was being faced with a multitude of problems in the 1990s. Its initiatives started in the 1980s to relocate the factories out of the high-cost areas of Seoul to the outlying provinces were essential in keeping Korean products competitive in pricing. The major problem was labor and wages. Labor's annual strikes and the spiralling labor costs -- due to tacked on benefits -- and declining productivity was making Korean products less attractive as exports. Many of Korea's efforts to create major factories overseas to bypass this problem met with more negatives than positives. In the EU the great fanfare of the Korean move to enter the European automotive market would result in the automotive plants closing and the ROK cutting their losses. In America, the new plants were being accused of racism in that they only hired cheap immigrant labor rather than local workers.

Then in 1992, Korea recognized China -- seen for its potential as a market for Korean products. However, what happened was that by 2000, the industrial parks created to move the small- and mid-sized factories had only had luke-warm success as the companies had moved to China to take advantage of the lower labor costs. However, at the same time, the Chinese were flooding the markets with cheap Chinese goods or imitation products. The opening of China had turned into a double-edged sword that was cutting both ways. (NOTE: In the early 1990s, the move to China as an option for cheap labor was not feasible as the ROK still maintained diplomatic relations with Taiwan. It would sever ties with Taiwan in 1992 because of the growing business pressure to expand into China. The chaebols were the first to test the waters in China -- but many found that the Chinese labor force was not up to the standards of Korea in any industry above the lowest of the low-tech industries. The small- and mid-sized companies didn't start relocating to China until the late 1990s because of the risks involved, but many were simply forced to relocate as labor costs were simply driving them out of business.)

From the 1960s the tendency of urbanization of metropolitan areas including Seoul began to appear. Ten cities - Incheon, Suwon, Seongnam, Uijeongbu, Anyang, Bucheon, Dongducheon, Songtan, Gwangmyeong -- were analyzed. The rapid growth of the ten metropolitan cities was a result of the national economic development based upon the expansion of employment opportunity. Along with this local area development was the influx of people and population growth. In Uijeongbu and Dongducheon, the growth remained stationary because of the North Korean security problems and the special environment of communities near the DMZ. In Seoul the growth slowed because of over expansion. In Incheon, Suwon, Bucheon, Gwangmyeong, Anyang, Seongnam; and Songtan, there was dynamic growth. Especially noted was Songtan which appeared to be the region promoting growth. (Source: An Analysis on the urban growth of 10 city in Seoul metropolitan area.)

Government policies were molded to attract companies -- especially foreign industries -- to resettle in designated industrial zones. Tax breaks and reduced land prices were incentives offered by the ROK government. (Source: Kyeonggi Province.)

The development of the land was under way under the Korea Land Development Corporation for the Songtan Industrial Complex in Mokgok-dong. Also involved were the government agencies for rural development as an alternative to farming due to the projected opening of the rice markets in 2004. Mostly small-middle sized Seoul factories relocated to the area because of the rising cost-of-living was driving its profits down. (NOTE: However, the overall results were disappointing after China opened up with the promise of cheap labor in the low-tech industries.)

One of the first to move was Shiheung Timber Co. which relocated its plant from Osan to its new Songtan plant in 1991. Another was the Kwang Dong Pharmaceutical Co. specializing in Oriental medicines which completed construction of its first factory facility in 1990 and its factory in 1992.

During this time period, Kyonggi Province started to work in expanding its industrial complexes concentrating on small- and medium-sized businesses in high-tech and technology-intensive industries. (Source: Invest Korea) In the immediate area, there was the:

• Eoyeon-Hansan Local Industrial Complex (Eoyeon-ri/Hansan-ri, Cheongbuk-myeon, Pyeontaek) 689,700 sq meters 1993-1998 55 tenants // Electronics, semi- conductors, electrical, (Source: KISC.)
  
  
  Eoyeon-Hansan Industrial Zone (2001). (Pyeongtaek City) (Source: Pyeongtaek History (CD), Pyeongtaek Si Sa)
  
  
• Chilgoe Local Industrial Complex (Chilkoi Local Industrial Complex) (Chilwon-dong/Chilgoe-dong, Pyeongtaek) 679,800 sq meters 1994-1997 25 tenants Automobile, machinery, Electronics (Source: KICOX.)
  
  
• Jangdang Local Industrial Complex (Jangdang-dong, Pyeongtaek -- Adjacent to Pyeongtaek-Songtan Local Industrial Complex) 148,500 sq meters 1994-1997 5 tenants // Automobile, electronic Machinery, F&B (Source: Industryland.)
  
  
• Pyeongtaek-Songtan Local Industrial Complex (Mokgok-dong, Pyeongtaek -- Adjacent to Jangdang Local Industrial Complex) 1,086,289 sq meters Completed - Unknown. (Source: Industryland.)
  
  
  Songtan Industrial Zone (2001). (Pyeongtaek City) (Source: Pyeongtaek History (CD), Pyeongtaek Si Sa)
  
  
• Pyeongtaek Local Industrial Complex (Segyo-dong, Pyeongtaek) 534,798 sq meters Completed - Unknown. (Source: Industryland.)
  
  

More companies established factories in the Songtan Industrial Area drawn by government policies to attract companies -- especially foreign industries -- to resettle in designated industrial zones. Tax breaks and reduced land prices were incentives by the ROK government. The advantage of the Pyongtaek/Songtan area was its close proximity to Seoul. Many companies were attracted to move out of Seoul to the "suburbs" to take advantage of reduced cost-of-living which in turn meant lower labor costs.

An example of one such company relocating to the area was the F.G.F. company manufacturing pants and shirts. (F.G.F'S SONGTAN FACTORY Since SBW D'urban Co., Ltd. Established a factory in the Kyungkido, Puchun area on March 1986, it has produced pants, shirts, blousons, etc., The company quickly grew and in October 1993, we bought land in the Kyungkido area and built the Songtan factory complex. The Songtan factory is greatly automated and has the latest apparel manufacturing facilities and Korea's best warehouse. The latest equipment has resulted in highly skilled technicians who have accumulated know-how and are dedicated to be the best in the world. It's location only 50minutes from Seoul ensures ready access to Korea's best capital market and aforesaid unlimited expansion possibilities. FACILITIES 6,082 square meters (factories-2,072 square meters, dormitory and cafeteria) PRODUCTION CAPABILITY pants 450/day shirts 450/day).

Another example is the ACE NET Inc. which also moved to the Songtan Industrial Area in 1993. It acquired the plant site in Aug 1990 and moved to the Songtan plant in Dec 1992. As part of the "special incentives" from the government, it was designated to offer special exemption from Military Service in Suwon City in Dec 1993. Another example was the Saelim Co. Ltd. that completed the construction of its plant in Sep 1992.

In the early 1990s, the Seohan West Coast Highway started construction with the first link from Sochon-Kunsan and work was commenced on the Pyeongtaek Grand Bridge. In the Songtan area, "high-rise" (10 story) apartments were going up. The reason for the low-height was that the land was reclaimed from rice paddies and swamp-land and could not bear the weight of true high-rise structures.

USFK Drawdown However, storm clouds were starting to appear in the US-ROK military relationships. In the US, the Nunn-Warner Initiative started the ball rolling to reduce the number of soldiers in Korea. For the Shinjang Shopping Mall area which was dependent on the military trade -- not only from the Osan AB area, but from bases/camps throughout Korea this was bad news.

America started to make plans to disassemble its forces. At first, the American forces were slated for a 25% reduction, but the South Korean government still feared North Korean intentions. Korea wished the American forces to stay.

Talks between the ROK Minister of National Defense and US Secretary of Defense were conducted. The treaty on creating JUSMAG-K was concluded. In January 1990, Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney announced the closing of three of the five United States air bases in South Korea and schedule the withdrawal of about two thousand air force personnel. One month later, Seoul accepted Washington's intention to withdraw about five thousand noncombatant troops from the American force of more than forty-three thousand soldiers in South Korea.

In April 1990, the Bush administration sent a troop reduction plan, based on the Nunn-Warner East Asia Strategy Evaluation Report, to the US Congress. At first, the American forces were slated for a 25% reduction, but the South Korean government still feared North Korean intentions and was opposed to the 'high' rate of reduction. It preferred instead a more gradual rate of reduction. The Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) was renegotiated in 1990 with a significant increase in the Korean portion of the defense expenditures.

Seoul accepted Washington's intention to withdraw about 5,000 noncombatant troops from the American force of more than 43,000 soldiers in South Korea as part of Phase One of its plan. At the end of 1990, 39,317 American military remained in Korea. The original plan called for 2,000 Air Force and 5,000 non-combat ground troops would be withdrawn from Korea starting in 1991 and completed by 1993. At the end of 1990, 39,317 American military remained in Korea. Phase Two of the original plan planned to reduce the troop strength in Korean to about 30,000 between 1994-1995. Unfortunately, the North Korean nuclear crisis that pushed the peninsula to the brink of war stopped the implementation. This crisis shelved any further troop reduction plans and since that time there have been no changes to the manning in Korea.

(SITE NOTE: After 1993, the troop strength remained at about 37,000 without further talks of troop withdrawals until 2003 when the US in frustration with its "reluctant ally" unilaterally removed 3,600 men of the 2d Bde 2d ID to Iraq ostensibly as part of its move to relocate its troops south of the Han River. Moves of troops continued as units relocated stateside from the DMZ area and functions of units were combined under a streamlined "Unit of Action" (UEX) or functions were combined.)

USFK Downsizes Korean Workforce In 1990, the USFK sought to implement the Nunn-Warner Initiative which would have resulted in significant reductions in troops strengths. The majority of these troop reductions would have been along the DMZ and the ROK begged the US to withdraw its troops in a much more gradual time table. The impacts to the Osan population was a loss of only 1,000 personnel, but when one considers the dependents the impact to the community, the loss was significant. Then in 1993, Kim Il-sung of North Korea brought the US-ROK to the point of an open shooting war. Kim Il-sung redefined the word, "brinksmanship." The nuclear crisis has dragged on till 2005 -- with nothing gained except that North Korea had more time to make more nuclear weapons. (NOTE: The losses to Osan AB were frozen and has remained static even with the new added numbers from Yongsan who were to move to Osan AB starting in 2005.)

In 1994, the USFK throughout the peninsula started to reduce its Korean workforce -- as a direct result of reductions from the Nunn-Warner Initiative. The USFK-wide move was to terminate long-time employees over retirement age to reduce the work force. At the base level, the bases started to downsize its Korean staff through attrition. As they were retired, they were no fills. In addition, Korean civilian workers were being offered early retirement. The base manning was shrinking in size. The hidden issue was the retirement pay and severance compensation. The "retirement system" for the local national workers is one whereby a pay differential is contributed to the paycheck of the employee every month. Therefore, when the worker retires, no further payments are given. More and more jobs were being converted from U.S. nationals to local nationals as "temporary" Non-Appropriated Fund (NAF) positions to preclude retirement payments. However, in the area of severance pay, there was a large dispute over the amounts owed. The amounts demanded were higher than the USFK felt that they were required to pay. In the end, the retirees left and a negotiated settlement was arrived at.

However, this downsizing did not come without some angry protests from those being "retired." Protests were staged outside the Osan Main Gate as it was at USFK bases Korea-wide. At times, these demonstrations became aggressive. According to the Pyeongtaek History, on 24 Jan 1994, an incident report was filed with the Pyeongtaek police over individuals being "short-changed" pay due. 57 individuals were supposedly terminated. Those with short-term service were relocated to other positions, but 33 long time employees were released. The dispute was over the back-wages for these employees. No other details were available. Outcome of the incident is unknown. (Source: Pyeongtaek City History CD, "Pyeongtaek Si Sa.")


Songtan Bar. (1990) (Pyeongtaek City) (Source: Pyeongtaek History (CD), Pyeongtaek Si Sa)


Songtan bar area. (1990) (Pyeongtaek City) (Source: Pyeongtaek History (CD), Pyeongtaek Si Sa)

The Changing Bar Scene of Songtan According to the Pyeongtaek History, 1990 was a turning point for the bars of Songtan. At that time the bars could no longer attract Korean bar girls to the clubs as they could earn more than double (or triple) the amounts in Korean clubs in Seoul. All that was left in the Songtan bars were the aging Korean bar girls. The bar owners found it difficult to attract younger girls to work in their bars. In addition, the bar owners complained that they could not earn a living given the rising costs of paying for bar girls as well as a downturn from the free-spending days of the past. As a result, the bars turned to the importation of Russian and Filipina women to work in the bars. At first the bar owners attempted to treat these foreign bar girls as Korean bar girls, but there were too many cultural problems. The cost of importing these girls required upfront money placing a further financial burden on the bar owners.

Pyeongtaek Police reported problems with these women due to communication difficulties -- in that they could not speak Korean and were frequently caught in unlawful acts. The Korean police started getting complaints about these foreign women as they failed to pay their bills and created disturbances due their being drunk and disorderly in public. During Team Spirit, these women also "disappeared" from the bars with their new-found American boyfriends -- creating a runaway illegal alien problem involving the Immigration authorities. (Source: Pyeongtaek City History CD, "Pyeongtaek Si Sa.")

(NOTE: The Russian women appeared in the Korean bars first and then the Songtan bars joined in importing these women. The Russians had already established their presence in Pusan with the taking over of the "Little Texas" area -- and also the appearance of the Russian "mafia" in the area as well. The Filipinas came next and were preferred as they spoke English. By Aug 1999, the Pyeongtaek area had 21 towns employing these foreign "entertainers" for a total of 343 persons.)

It was at this point the bar owners increased the going rate for sex services to bring the camptown rates for sex (prostitution fees) more in line with what was paid in the Korean bars. This is where the Korean Bar Owners Association turned from being bar owners into brothel managers. The old use of bar fines to offset the loss of income for a girl who left early became an open "ticket" for prostitution. The scene was being set up for a disastrous confrontation. In a few years, these women would be the center of a human trafficking scandal that rocked the USFK in July 2002 when a FOX affiliate released an expose on the seedier side of life in Songtan and Euijongbu. (See A-town and Prostitution for details on this sordid area.)

Osan Standard for Off-base Establishments (1992)

This guide set the guidelines for off-limits violations. It included the requirement to have any FEMALE employee submit their photo to the base. Activists took offense with this in 2005, but it actually was nothing more than a VD check requirement for the hospital to identify bar girls for monthly checks. In 2005, the ROK media and NGO activist groups attempted to make this book an issue, but it bombed. (See Korea Times, Controversy Rises Over US Military Jurisdiction on Local Bar District, 17 Mar 2005) (SeeA-town Pages)

Prostitution in Songtan In the spring of 1992, a Korean Protestant minister who serves the prostitute community in Songt'an commented that prostitution and related businesses support 60% of Songt'an's economy. (Conversations with Rev. Han, Songtan City, May 1992 by Katharine H.S. Moon.)

On the surface, simple market economics--"where the boys are"-- has dictated the number of prostitutes and high density areas of military prostitution. When troops are withdrawn or redeployed, as in the early 1970s, the women and other kijich'on residents pick up their wares and move to where the soldiers resettle (chapter 3). Since 1990, Songt'an's R&R business life has been growing because the Eighth Army headquarters, which had been in Seoul since the permanent stationing of U.S. troops in Korea, was scheduled to move in. I felt the heartbeat of this kijich'on throbbing with vigor when I visited Songt'an several times throughout the spring of 1992. It is the only kijich'on that is booming with loud music and thriving with business transactions even in the daytime. Its nightclub alleys, marketplace, and souvenir shops are filled with the hustle and bustle of Koreans and Americans, whereas most of the camptowns in the Paju area, that had housed the highest concentration of U.S. troops from 1953 to 1971--it was called the"GI's Kingdom" (Source: Yangk'i ko hom, pp. 74-75) --now resemble sleepy shantytowns in the day and come to life slowly only at night. Besides Osan and American Town in Kunsan, Tongduch'on and Uijongbu are the two major R&R areas left; the latter two cater mostly to the 2d ID, the only U.S. army division remaining in Korea since 1971. Camptown residents and former prostitutes themselves acknowledge the significance of the U.S. troop count in their lives. They noted in conversations with me that the number of kijich'on prostitutes declined substantially in the late 1970s as a reaction to the Carter administration's crusade to withdraw U.S. troops completely from South Korea. But Koreans have also noted that with the Reagan administration's increase in the number of troops, beginning in 1984, the number of prostitutes also increased. (Source: Editorial Board, Tosô, Publishers, Sarang ûi P'umasi,(Love for Sale), p. 94). (SOURCE: Sex Among Allies: Military Prostitution in U.S./Korea Relations, by Katharine H.S. Moon.)











(Source: The following photos are from Baraboda.net: Lee Hak-Jun. Lee Hak-Jun took these photos of the back alley track area in the Shinjang area in May 1993. (Nikon FM2, 35~105mm f3.5~4.5, vivitar 75~300 f4.5~5.6) Mr. Lee wrote in May 2005, "One of my intention to take and collect photos is to record history with my own eyes. I'm quite pleased to receive your letter, that my photo collection can be of a little help to your work.")

Mid 1990s

Songtan City merges with Pyeongtaek City (May 1995) On 10 May 1995, Songtan-shi, Pyeongtaek-shi and Pyeongtaek gun were abolished and urban agricultural Pyeongtaek-shi established by Law No. 4048. The law on established five urban agricultural cities, including Pyeongtaek-shi, Kyonggi-do. The merger expanded Pyeongtaek to an area of 87,168 acres.

Unlike America, public opinion plays a great role in politics. The fact that the merger came about without protest speaks loudly that the Korean populace approved of the measure. Songtan merger was supposedly to take advantage of the larger tax base of Pyongtaek when the two combined -- but others claim it was to attempt to rid itself of its reputation as a "camptown" (kijich'on). After the merger, new schools and infrastructure were added to the area to benefit the people. As one of the five urban-agricultural cities in the nation, the area would qualify to a multitude of programs aimed at growth of agriculture in the area. It is at this time that Pyeongtaek was starting to concentrate on its agricultural industries -- flower growing, chicken and dairy farms and rice production, with attempts to get the farmers to grow specialized crops -- or at least to diversify their crops instead of only being dependent on rice farming. (NOTE: After the signing of the GATT agreement, Korea had a decade to wean itself away for subsidized rice and open the gates to direct foreign rice sales. As such, programs were initiated to transition the rice farmers into specialized crops -- such as horticulture.)

The population of Pyeongtaek in 1992 was 289,966. In 1994, estimates of the population of Pyeongtaek was 310,000. Other sources placed the population of Songtan at about 152,000 and Pyeongtaek at 142,000. (Source: Industryland: Jangdang Industrial complex.)

However, the population figures also reflected the foreign workers. In Korea, there was a growing reluctance to engage in the 3D jobs -- dirty, dangerous and demeaning. As such farm communities were dying as the younger population moved to the cities to take up "clean hands" jobs. In fact, even the males in the country were finding it difficult to find mates -- with some trying to import ethnic Koreans from China to marry. Unfortunately, many of these "brides" simply ran away after marrying their farmer spouse. (NOTE: If one goes into the countryside anywhere in the Kyonggi Province, one will see foreign workers from Bangladesh, Pakistan, Thailand and Russia everywhere.)

At the same time, National, Regional and Local Industrial Zones were started throughout the Kyonggi Province. In the Songtan area, the Mokgok and Jangdang Local Industrial complexes were initiated. Regional Industrial complexes were also started in Anjung 1 and Anjung 2. National Industrial Complexes in Ansan were initiated.

Songtan and Pyeongtaek joined (10 May 1995). (Pyeongtaek City) (Source: Pyeongtaek History (CD), Pyeongtaek Si Sa)

In Mar 1994, Songtan City approached Aomori City via CLAIR (Council of Local Authorities for International Relations) with a view to friendship between the 2 cities. In Nov 1994, the Mayor of Aomori and a group of 20 delegates visited Songtan, and concluded an agreement to carry out educational and cultural exchanges. However, in May 1995, Songtan city and adjoining Pyongtaek City and county agreed to amalgamate as Pyongtaek City. In Aug 1995, the Mayor of Aomori led a party on a visit to Pyongtaek and the friendship agreement was continued with Pyongtaek.

Flooding (Aug 1994) In the summer of 1994, extreme flooding occurred in Songtan (Source: DFO #1994-085). Flooding encompassed Pyongtaek City, Kyonggi Province; Taean, South Chungchong Province; Yong-in, Kyonggi Province; Songtan City, Kyonggi Province. The flooding was due to heavy rainfal from 26 Aug - 30 Aug 1994 for a duration of 5 days. 5 people died and 2,000 people displaced. It was declared a Class 1 in Severity with 200 hectares flooded. (Source: 1995 Flood Archive)


(L) Songbuk Elementary School Main Gate (Jul 1992) (NOTE: This is looking from the street into the school grounds.) (R) Sports Day (1992) (Songbuk Elementary School)


(L) Teacher lecturing with students at wooden desks (1992) (Songbuk Elementary School); (R) Songbuk Elementary School (1993) (Songbuk Elementary School)
(NOTE: Notice right-hand building four-stories and left is three-stories.)


(L) Songbuk Elementary School Sports Day Fan Dance (R) Ssirum (1995) (Songbuk Elementary School)
(NOTE: A separate two-story building was constructed with bottom floor used for Ssirum training.)


(L) Songbuk Elementary School (1996) (Songbuk Elementary School) (NOTE: Apartments are across the street from the playground.); (R) Songbuk Elementary School (1998) (Songbuk Elementary School)


Songbuk Elementary School (1999) (Songbuk Elementary School)


Education After Songtan merged with Pyeongtaek, schools and infrastructure benefits started to appear. The coeducational Songtan Middle School in Jisan-dong was built in 1994. (NOTE: Before that there was the traditional segregated midddle-high school (only girls) like the Songtan Girls' Middle School founded in 1980 and the Songtan Girls' High School founded in 1984.)

In 1996, the Seojong Elementary School was renamed the Songtan Elementary School. In the 1990s, the Hyomyeon Middle School and High School expanded to meet the growing population needs in the Seojong-ni area following the new construction of apartments.


Open Market (1994) (Mike)


Main Gate with ROKTraffic Cops (1994) (Mike)

Shinjang Mall designated Special Tourism Zone The Shinjang Mall area was designated a Special Tourism Zone in May 1997. The area covers 490 sq meters. The Shinjang Shopping Mall area businesses included restaurants. As a Special Tourism Zone it was granted special incentives to set up operations in the area. (NOTE: Itaewon (Sep 1997) and Tongduchon (Jan 1997) were also designated a Special Tourism Zone. These areas are known as small scale shopping meccas for American military. Other major tourist areas were designated in 1994.) Korea at the time was seeking to improve the infrastructure (tourist hotels) and provide the organization to commit funds for the upcoming Visit Korea promotions of 2001 and World Cup Games in 2002. Local officials through the Provincial governors identified areas designated as tourism zones -- national parks, natural scenic spots, recreational facilities, etc. The government would then provide tax incentives to areas designated for revitalization -- and commit funds on a priority basis. There were also efforts to attract foreign investment to fund these improvements.

It can be seen that the ROK government was seeking to recognize these "niche markets" of high volume sales to the US military -- while at the same time distancing itself from the "camptown" image. (See "1997: Songtan Designated Special Tourism Zone.") (NOTE: The media has erroneously equated the "Songtan Special Tourism Association" to the "Songtan Bar Owners Association" -- though many bar owners would be association members if they operated in the Shinjang Special Tourism Zone. Actually a more correct association would be to the "Songtan Chamber of Commerce.") The population of Pyeongtaek in 1997 was 348,012.


Opening of Songtan Special Tourism Zone (1997)

A Special Tourism Zone designates an area planned as a hub of international tourist attractions in accordance with Article 67 of the Tourism Promotion Law. The head of a city/provincial government may recommend one area among tourist complexes or tourist sites in his or her region that possesses great potential as a centre of international tourism. Restrictions on businesses operating within Special Tourism Zones are eased to facilitate the development of tourism resources. In order to promote international tourism activities within the Special Tourism Zones, tourist businesses (including restaurants) are granted priority in the provision of resources from the Tourism Promotion and Development Fund, with an easing of restrictions. But increasing numbers of Special Tourism Zones, with some covering an entire city or province, make it difficult for the government to provide substantial financial support to all the zones. Consequently, for the purpose of revitalizing the zones, the government plans to initiate an evaluation system and differential support. As of 19 June 1999, 19 Special Tourism Zones had been designated nationwide. (Source: UNESCAP.)

• Address: Sinjang1(il)-dong, Pyeongtaek-si, Gyeonggi-do Management office : 031-659-4134
• Description: It is an International City which has grown based upon the Camp site of American Forces In Korea, K-55. It draws more than 230 thousand tourists annually. Foreigners are densely populated around K-55. It is center of shopping malls and entertainment facilities for foreigners. Geopolitically, it is very important area.
• Facilities: Tourists Facilities 50 (Tourist Hotel, Tourist Theater, Restaurants, Entertainment restaurant exclusively for foreigners, Travel Agent) General facilities 2,635(Restaurants, Rest restaurants, Entertainment restaurants, Karaoke, Korean Commercial Singing Establishment, Accommodations, etc.) Cultural Events: - Culture Festival in Sinjang Shopping Mall on Feb (2 times a Month) - Songtan Tourist Special Area memorial festival in Autumn
• Tourist Attraction: - Sinjang-dong Shopping Mall 275m road exclusively for pedestrian from K-55 to railroad side. You will have time not only to enjoy shopping but also relax. - Seojeong-dong Culture Avenue A road in front of Songtan Chuljangso. Cherry flowers blossome around April and May. Various cultural events are held. - Burak Mountain Low mountain. There is a exclusive way for bicycle. Many holidayers visit here during weekends.
• Road Direction: Seoul -> Nat'l road No.1 -> 70Km(60mins. required) Gyeongbu Expressway Osan I.C -> Nat'l road No.1 -> Songtan Seohaean(Southen) Expressway Seopyongtaek I.C -> Nat'l road No.38 to Pyongtaek -> Pyongtaek Downtown -> Nat'l road No.1 to Osan -> Songtan
• Transportation: Take a bus No. 1, 2, 1-1, 2-1, 2-2 at Pyeongtaek Station. (15mins. required)
• Accommodation: (KNTO Recommended) Songtan Tourist Hotel 97 rooms 031-666-5101 // Sinjang-dong Yeongcheon Tourist Hotel 60 rooms 031-663-4001 // Prince Tourist Hotel 60 rooms 031-611-6000 // O-san Tourist Hotel 55 rooms 031-664-8960

The Shinjang Shopping mall area was upgraded into a true shopping mall and blocked cars from pedestrian traffic mall area. However, mall not completely blocked and cars still enter from side roads. Facilties are upgraded and the mall starts to take on the appearance of a real mall with upscale shops opening. Tailor-made clothes and small clothing shops are relegated to the side streets.

Shinjang Shopping Mall (1998) (Joe ?)

Shinjang Shopping Mall (1998) (Joe ?)

Continuing Friction between Pyeongtaek City and Osan AB Friction started to appear between the local government of Pyeongtaek City and Osan AB over control of functions. The basis for the rub is that the Osan AB authorities are NOT reportable to Pyeongtaek City over the use of land, water and air ON-BASE. It can only monitor the pollution (air, water and noise) from off-base. It cannot regulate building height restrictions according to Pyeongtaek City building codes nor can it control any of the environmental standards. Under the formula worked out under the SOFA, the Osan AB authorities are accountable to the Ministry of Defense -- and NOT to Pyeongtaek City.

In the early 1990s, Pyeongtaek City sued to obtain the unused land that was set aside for the proposed move of USFK forces from Yongsan. When the ROK balked on funding the move, the land lay fallow. When the Pyeongtaek City attempted to obtain the land, the ROK Ministry of Defense quickly made it into the Air Force Operations Center. Needless to say, the Pyeongtaek City officials were not pleased at the decision. (Source: Pyeongtaek City History CD, "Pyeongtaek Si Sa.")

The Pyeongtaek City officials also are miffed that the Osan AB use of the land is not under their control -- but rather under the Ministry of Defense's control. In other words, their ordinances are not applicable to the base. For example, building codes and height restrictions are not controlled by Pyeongtaek City, but rather approved by the Ministry of Defense. (Source: Pyeongtaek City History CD, "Pyeongtaek Si Sa.")

Another problem arose over the USAF use of Osan AB through the auspices of the Ministry of Defense and governed by the SOFA agreement under complex cost-sharing formulas. However, the Pyeongtaek City was providing the water and not being reimbursed. A major dispute in 1996 between Pyeongtaek City and Osan AB arose over a unpaid water bill. Supposedly the "Songtan American Base" owed 1,060,000,000 won (about $1,000,000) for water services. According to Pyeongtaek City, the base refused to pay the bill -- though they were aware that the bill was due for 1 year and three months. Later the Pyeongtaek stated that the bill was 2 billion 50 million. (Source: Pyeongtaek City History CD, "Pyeongtaek Si Sa.") However, the base stated that the ROK provided a portion of the costs for the water and under the cost-sharing formula, the bill was grossly inaccurate.

The base contended that there were overcharges and there were also questions over the cost-sharing percentages for the water consumption as the ROKAF was stationed on the base. On 3 May 1996, there was a protest at the Shijang Main Gate to Osan AB.

This problem dragged on for a period of years and was finally resolved through the ROK government intervention. The problem was quietly resolved without any of the details being publicly announced. It appears that the Ministry of Defense interceded -- as they were supposed to in the first place -- and resolved the conflict.

Songtan and Pyeongtaek City Continues to Grow in mid-1990s On 19 Apr 1996, the administration "dong" was changed from Dongbu-dong to Songtan-dong by Pyeongtaek City Ordinance No. 197. On 20 July 1996, the border of legal dongs was changed by Pyeongtaek City Ordinance No. 207. Part of Seojong-dong (1,709 sq meters) was changed to Ichung-dong. Part of Ichung-dong (15,569 sq meters) was changed to Sejeong-dong. It was at this time the rapid expansion of the Songtan area was occurring. At this time, new schools were being built to accomodate the new students filling the apartment complexes in the area -- such as the the Jisan Elementary School in 1995. As such new administrative zones had to be laid out. The Seojong-ni Elementary School was renamed as the Songtan Elementary School. The Songtan High School in Ichung-dong was built in 1999. Most of the changes you see in the Songtan area school system are very recent.


Pyeongtaek area development plans discussed on 9 Aug 1996. (Pyeongtaek City) (Source: Pyeongtaek History (CD), Pyeongtaek Si Sa)

On April 19, 1996 the name of administrative dong was changed from Dongbu-dong to Songtan-dong) by Pyeongtaek-si Ordinance No. 197 (Promulgated on April 19, 1996). Then on July 20, 1996 the border of legal dong was changed by Pyeongtaek-si Ordinance No. 207 (Promulgated on July 20, 1996) Part (seven lots of land1,709 ? ) of Seojeong-dong was changed Ichung-dong. Part of Ichung-dong was changed to Seojeong-dong (22 lots of land in 16,569 ? ) (Source: Pyeongtaek City History CD, "Pyeongtaek Si Sa.") On October 1, 1998, dongs that were too little were abolished and incorporated into each other by Pyeongtaek-si Ordinance No. 353 (Promulgated on October 1).


View of Songtan from Capitol Hotel (1998) (Joe ?)

What all these administrative changes meant was that the face of Songtan was changing. The Songtan-dong area would be the "agricultural-industrial" area while the newer areas in Ichung-dong and Jungang-dong were being redefined. The dongs were being reorganized for easier administration.

The Pyongtaek Area continued to grow from early 1990s through the mid-1990s. Drawn by government incentives to relocate companies continued to set up factories in the area. One such company was Dai Jin Mold and Plastic Ind. Co. which started its operations at its Songtan Factory on 1 Aug 1996 in the Songtan Industrial Complex, 436-1, Mogok-dong, Pyongtaek City.

In July 1996, Pyeongtaek Harbor was designated one of three national policy harbors under Korean harbor law. The three national policy harbors are Pyeongtaek, Busan, Gwangyang.

In an administrative move, the Ministry of Justice facility was opened on 1 Sep 1996 that combined the functions for both Suwon and Pyeongtaek areas.

Suwon-Pyeongtaek join facilities for Ministry of Justice functions (1 Sep 1996). (Pyeongtaek City) (Source: Pyeongtaek History (CD), Pyeongtaek Si Sa)

Suwon-Pyeongtaek joint Ministry of Justice facilities (Sep 1996). (Pyeongtaek City) (Source: Pyeongtaek History (CD), Pyeongtaek Si Sa)

Environmental Concerns Environmental concerns started to become a concern throughout the nation as what started out as a national level program was "delegated" to the Provinces. Negotiations were started to upgrade the SOFA agreement over the environmental concerns -- especially from ground water pollution. In 1990, the legal framework for environmental management in Korea was entirely rewritten. The former Environmental Preservation Act was divided into four new relevant acts: The Air Quality Preservaton Act, the Water Quality Preservation Act, the Noise and Vibration Control Act and the Toxic Chemicals Control Act. Two major new acts were passed as well: the Basic Environment Policy Act, which provides fundamental environmental policy direction, and the Environmental Dispute Settlement Act, which provides for the fair settlement of disputes due to environmental pollution. (Source: A Handbook of Korea, 1999, pp170-171)

The Government also made changes to ensure effective and comprehensive water quality management. The water supply and sewage systems, which had previously been controlled by the Ministry of Construction and Transportation, and potable water management, previously controlled by the Ministry of Health and Social Affairs, were integrated under the directive of the Ministry of Environmnet 9MOENV) in 1994. Following a major structural overhaul of the Korean governmnet on December 7, 1994, the MOENV was granted greater authority, and its executive functions were greatly strengthened. (ibid, pp171)

Checking the drainage ditches surrounding Osan AB for signs of pollution. (1997) (Pyeongtaek City) (Source: Pyeongtaek History (CD), Pyeongtaek Si Sa)

Checking the drainage ditches surrounding Osan AB for signs of pollution. (1997) (Pyeongtaek City) (Source: Pyeongtaek History (CD), Pyeongtaek Si Sa)

Pollution became a high interest item dealing with the SOFA. In 1990, the ROK government formed the first-ever Environmental Protection Agency, but soon gutted it and turned its operations over to the provinces who in turn simply pushed the responsibilities for environmental protection down to the "city" level. The cities then attempted to work with the bases in the area to resolve problems. In 2001, the USFK agreed to modify the SOFA to ensure the USFK compliance with ROK pollution standards and had started to cooperate with local environmental agencies to resolve problems. (ibid, pp171)

However, a new facet arose in the mid-1990s over noise pollution. In 1996, the ROK conducted a nationwide noise survey of all air bases (ROK and USFK) in Korea. Osan AB was found to be the noisiest of all the USFK bases with levels highest during the day. There were claims from NGO environmental activists that the noise levels were reaching the threshold where it posed a serious health hazard to the surrounding community. However, no action was taken from the Pyeongtaek City government but activist groups filed a class action suit against the military on 3 May 2004 based upon these findings. (See 2004 for details on suit)

The survey found that the Osan AB noise levels were 96.0db, while Euijongbu was 78.4db; Chunchon was 82.0db; and Kunsan was 94.0db. The survey found that Osan noise levels were between 50-55db in the morning and between 40-48db at night. The noise levels measured on the street was 65db during the day and 55db at night. (Source: Pyeongtaek City History CD, "Pyeongtaek Si Sa.")

Noise-induced hearing loss (NIHL) is hearing loss due to exposure to either a sudden, loud noise or exposure to loud noises for a period of time. A dangerous sound is anything that is 85 dB (sound pressure level - SPL) or higher. (NOTICE THAT THE OSAN AB LEVEL WAS 96.0db.) Sound pressure is measured in decibels (dB). Like a temperature scale, the decibel scale goes below zero. The average person can hear sounds down to about 0 dB, the level of rustling leaves. Some people with very good hearing can hear sounds down to -15 dB. If a sound reaches 85 dB or stronger, it can cause permanent damage to your hearing. The amount of time you listen to a sound affects how much damage it will cause. The quieter the sound, the longer you can listen to it safely. If the sound is very quiet, it will not cause damage even if you listen to it for a very long time; however, exposure to some common sounds can cause permanent damage. With extended exposure, noises that reach a decibel level of 85 can cause permanent damage to the hair cells in the inner ear, leading to hearing loss. (Source: Hearing Loss.) (SEE Songtan History: 2000s for details on Residents Suing base for Noise.)

Late 1990s But soon signs that the area's growth was flat-lining appeared. Koreans had shunned the 3-D tasks: dirty, dangerous and demeaning and the Pyeongtaek area was an urban-agricultural area. Labor unrest in the mid-1990s drove the wages for Korean workers up, while productivity was falling.

The factories started looking to foreign workers to handle the 3-D labor. As an agricultural area, more and more farms started to rely on foreign workers to maintain their farms. As a result there was a growth in the agricultural areas in the Pyeongtaek area, but the rural Korean population growth was minimal. Driving through the countryside surrounding Songtan to the west one sees a grocery store with Thai writing on it because there are a large number of Thai workers in the area. In the Anjung area to the east, one notices many Russians who work in the chicken and dairy farms walking the streets. In some areas to the east, one notices the use of Bangladesh, Pakistani and other South Asian country nationals in the factories. On the weekends, it is most obvious as these workers are everywhere in the countryside at the bus stops or walking along the roads.

In the late 1990s, the fact that the ROK had a birth rate of 1.4 surfaced. What this meant was that in the ROK people were having fewer children and the ratio indicated that the ROK would have difficulty in surviving. (NOTE: By 2005, the birth rate had dropped to .98. The government stated that it was because women were getting married later and having fewer children. However, the reasons are much more complex -- as the ROK refuses to face the real problem with the ROK Society. It would take too much space -- but the reason parents want to emigrate speaks loudest. They are emigrating to give their children a better future. In the eyes of many, Korea does not provide this opportunity to advance.)

The demographics in the countryside was most obvious. Females did not wish to marry farmers and soon many farmers were importing foreign brides -- ethnic Koreans from China which brought about another problem as many would get married and then flee their marriages. (NOTE: The major concern is that for a modern society to survive it must have a birth rate approaching 2.0. The ROK did NOT have a viable society. The impacts was that by 2010 the military would not have enough conscriptees to fill the billets. The tax base would also be severely impacted as there would not be enough tax revenues to fund the social programs. These problems continued into the 2000s.)

Another factor affecting the demographics was the rapidly aging populace in the country. Young people left the countryside to find work in the factories in the cities in the 1970s. In the 1990s, their parents who had been left behind were rapidly aging without anyone to replace them on the farms. In the countryside more and more abandoned homes were seen as seniors moved from their farms to government-subsidized "retirement" apartments. It became more and more common to see senior citizen pavilions or centers in small country villages. The trend started in the 1990s of declining agricultural populations was starting to have an impact. The small farms were dying and being replaced by large scale farming techniques such as rice seeding "factories" or nurseries.

There was also specialization in large chicken or dairy farms that relied on foreign labor. The bottom line was that the Korean agricultural communities were decreasing in size, though modern improvements in farm management techniques had increased the production and profitability.

In addition, the opening of the ties with China in 1992 had an impact as well. The chaebols were the first to rush to China to take advantage of the cheap labor ... sometimes inadvisably hasty as the Chinese did not possess the technical skills in some manufacturing areas. By the mid-1990s, the small and medium size business started to relocate their businesses off-shore instead of relocating to the "suburbs" in the industrial complexes of Pyeongtaek that were started in the early 1990s.

The impact was that as the government was building local, regional and national industrial parks in the area, but the companies that were intended to fill the parks were moving their operations off-shore for a multitude of reasons, but the most often cited was the labor costs and its impact on profits. The resultant impact to the Pyeongtaek area was a slow-down in apartment construction as there was no projected need for housing if the companies were not coming. Despite these negatives, there was major investments in the Pyeongtaek area. However, growth remained modest and new construction on apartment complexes slowed after the initial surge in the early 1990s.

IMF Hits: The economic situation started to unravel. By December 1995, people knew Korea was in deep trouble though the Korean government adamantly tried to deny this. Though the government moved to support its won, it was throwing good money after bad. By spring of 1996, Korea was faced with the reality that it was above its head in debt. (NOTE: "IMF" International Monetary Fund Crisis is a misnomer. The IMF had nothing to do with the crisis as it was caused by the chaebols cross-assuring their loans to expand. The lack of transparency, slush funds, unethical business practices, government collusion in many of the practices as the chaebols finance politicians campaigns -- many times with illegal contributions. The IMF Crisis was caused by the Korean chaebols, not the IMF.)

The "IMF Crisis" hit. Because of Korea's monetary excesses in supporting their "chaebols" (conglomerates) and allowing them uncontrolled expansion, the businesses had over-extended credit. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) moved in to bail Korea out of its $3.2 billion debt, but only after Korea promised to revamp its business practices, open its doors to free trade, and eliminate its practice of protectionism. (NOTE: By the year 2000, Korea was well on its way to full recovery and had repaid the bulk of its loan. Financial institutions which had dragged their feet in making changes were forced by Kim Dae-Jung into insolvency or consolidation. Some troubled auto companies have failed to be "partnered" with other foreign companies who do not see the Korean offers as being attractive enough. The won-to-dollar rate is around 1100 won-to-a-dollar. As to its promises of free trade, well...the European Union and American Trade Representatives are still waiting.)

More importantly, there exist dreadful signs pointing that Korea comes to have triple structural diseases that will definitely take long to be cured: they are the snowballing debt burden; rampant government deficit; and substantial subordination of Korean industry to foreign capital. ...

...As a result Korean Government has been enforcing an all-out, neo-liberal economic reform over the past two years bidding adieu to the late dictator Park' s economic model. This model, having led to the much-acclaimed miracle of the Han River over the past 30 to 40 years, was based on the vertical integration straight from the top to the bottom: as is well known the glorious vision of "compression growth" presented by the despotic ruler, effective macro-economic and industrial policies implemented by bureaucratic elite, encroachment into foreign markets by Chaebols, and sacrifices of all kinds for a bright future on the part of the general public. The current neo-liberal economic reform is forcefully applied in Korea, marking really the historic end of the vertically-integrative despotic development model. (Source: Social Impact of the IMF Crisis in Korea, Chan Keun Lee )

After the 1997 IMF Crisis, apartment construction virtually ceased. In the mid-1990s, there was a feeling of great expectation throughout Korea -- including Songtan. Unfortunately, the nation's conglomerates overextended themselves through a network of cross-assurances of ill-advised loans. The great expectations were dashed when the IMF Crisis hit. (See 1997: IMF Crisis Hits) Nationwide the construction industry saw a 21.3 percent decline in new construction -- and future projects were postponed.

Because the Pyeongtaek area was involved in large scale construction projects dealing with new industrial complexes, the temporary construction workers in the Pyeongtaek area were the hardest hit as new construction decreased until 2000. The nation was rocked to its foundations as bankruptcies and tight-money policies and the Songtan area struggled to survive. The Ssang Yong Automotive company of Pyeongtaek went bankrupt and was absorbed into Daewoo in 1998. Then Daewoo went bankrupt and Ssang Yong was independent again. Large and small businesses suffered. The enthusiasm and optimistic projections of the early 1990s disappeared as reality sunk in.

To offset the impacts of the recession created by the IMF Crisis, the government pumped monies into the construction sector to stimulate the economy. The new Songtan Branch of the Pyeongtaek City Hall was built. Alongside the City Hall, the new area of Ichung-dong developed into the "upscale" area of Songtan with its Reports Park and new Civic Center complex. New schools were added to the area to accomodate the increase in student populations. New construction of apartments was started in the Jungang-dong area.




Songtan Branch of Pyongtaek City Hall (2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan)

The population of the Pyongtaek-Songtan area in 1997 stood at 348,012 (Source: Population: Korea) Note that the population for the Pyongtaek area remained static in the 300,000 range from 1997-2005 due to infrastructure problems dealing mainly with housing and the slow growth in the industrial zones.

The big dreams of the Songtan 'Special Tourism Zone" fizzled with the IMF fiasco in mid-1997, but that's not the whole story. The explanation lies in a combination of factors. The 1992 China diplomatic ties and exodus of small/mid-sized businesses to China in mid-1990s (because of rising Korean labor costs and decreased productivity because of labor unrest) instead of relocating to the "country" industrial zones. In addition, the constant labor unrest and rising wage demands resulted in many small and mid-sized businesses turning to foreign workers as a solution. In the Pyeongtaek area, there was an explosion of foreign workers -- especially in the dairy, chicken and agricultural companies -- when the Korean workers shunned the "3-D" jobs (dirty, dangerous, demeaning) in the mid-1990s.

In addition, there was the continued lack of infrastructure (road, rail and harbor) that was not resolved until the early 2000s. In addition, the 1994 nuclear brinksmanship of Kim Il-sung scaring everyone with threats of turning Seoul into a "sea of fire" had a dampening effect on the overall economy. After the IMF fiasco, companies went bankrupt such as the Pyeongtaek SSyangyong car company which Hyundai picked up until it too went bankrupt. The job market was depressed and though the ROK economy rebounded and the IMF loans were repaid ahead of schedule, there were serious problems with the economy that could no longer be masked. Thus population in the Pyeongtaek area remained around 300,000. Domestic construction (apartments) was basically flatline.

---

Songtan area Administrative Reorganization On1 October 1998 small dongs (districts) were combined to form larger units under Pyeongtaek City Ordinance No 370. At this time Daewon-dong was merged into Songtan-dong. However, other portions of Daewon-dong were split away to form smaller areas for industrial development: (1) Mokgok; (2) Chilgoe; (3) Gajae; (4) Jangang; (5) Chirwon; and (6) Doil.

This reorganization was part of the overall plan to turn Pyeongtaek into an agricultural-urban city and this required segregating the national/regional/local industrial zones into separate administrative areas to handle the multitude of problems that would be arising when the first of the industrial zones reached completion starting in 2000.


Songtan-myeon (Pyeongtaek History, Pyeongtaek Si Sa)

ROK Development and the Pyeongtaek Area In 1995, the Korean automotive industry was ranked as the fifth largest automotive producer in the world, with over a million units of export. the industry also recieved a stronger and more noticeable presence in the Korean national economy, occupying a share of 8 percent of total exports and 9.6 percent of the total employment in manufacturing industies. (A Handbook of Korea, 1999, p247)

In the Pyeongtaek area, Kia and Ssayong have automotive plants in the Pyeongtaek area. Ssayong was the first to feel the pinch from over-expansion and went into bankruptcy -- and was bailed out by being purchased by Kia Motors, the second largest assembler. But then the Korean auto industry was plunged into a severe slump after Kia Motor Corp went bankrupt and the Korean exchange market collapsed in late 1997. In fact, Kia Motors' bankruptcy was rooted in Kia Group's excessive investment in its steel and construction industries rather than in the automotive industry. Ssayong went into receivership.

The overall domestic sales were edging downward after the two-digit growth rate the Korean assemblers enjoyed in the domestic market since Korea's rapid motorization of the late 1980s. The IMF Crisis caused a drastic drop in domestic sales. (ibid, p247) (NOTE: The automotive industries recovered easily as there was growing motorization in developing countries in South East Asia and China and basically, the automotive companies were in good shape. Ssayong has recovered as its own master in 2005 with the popularity of SUVs in the 2000s. Kia again has assumed its position as the number 2 assembler in Korea taking advantage of the Korean trend for smaller mini-cars.)

Following the opening of China in 1992, the companies started to investigate joint ventures with Chinese companies for the manufacture of vehicles to fill the growing middle-class demand for vehicles. However, the impact to the Pyeongtaek area was minimal as the areas car manufacturers were aimed primarily at filling the needs of domestic consumption or exports to South East Asia.

During the IMF Crisis, most small and medium general machinery firms faced hard times due to the difficulty of financing. As a result many small and medium general machinery firms went bankrupt.

The Korean cement industry, faced a shortage of supply from the late 1980s due to the sharp increase in domestic consumption. The cement industry was formed of nine enterprises producing over 1000 thousand ton in 1997 Korea-wide. After an excess demand in the early 1990s, the cement industry had seen a decrease in the import of cement after 1993. Despite the slowdown caused by the IMF Crisis, the government continued to support the expansion of the Pyeongtaek area's local, regional and national industrial zones. There was an excess in supply following the downturn in construction. The construction of the industrial zones would continue until 2000 when most neared completion. (ibid, p253)

The construction industries nationwide faced hard times with the IMF Crisis. The stagnancy of business activities in the real estate and building markets depressed the private construction market. In particular, the demand for industrial and commercial buildings were greatly decreased. Jobless rates climbed in the construction industry. (ibid, p253)

In 1987 with the start of labor unrest, the rates of wage increases at a high double-digit rate. Since 1992, however, the rate slowed and from 1997, it dropped sharply back down to single digit figures due to the IMF Crisis. In 1997, the average Korean workers's monthly nominal wagte level was 1,463 million won (US $1,200). (ibid, p291)

In Korea, there are labor unions at individual companies, unions for entire industries, and unions with nationwide representation. Since company-level unions are the most prevalent type, collective bargainning is mostly held at this level, although occasionally other unions may join in support. (ibid, p297)

Prior to June 29, 1987, collective bargaining and other joint labor activities were severely restricted by the governmnet's policy of suppressing mass labor movements. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, there had been few incidences of strikes or other labor disturbances -- despite an increse in the number of wage earners as a result of rapid economic growth -- a fact which indicates that labor activities were heavily regulated or repressed. (ibid, p295)

Between 1987 to 1989, there was a change in the labor relations between management and workers. Not only did confrontations with management multiply, but unions became more organized and powerful, while membership rose steadily. (ibid, p295)

Labor relations became confrontations in the 1990s. In 1996, the Presidential Commission on Industrial Relations Reform was formed. In 1998, the Tripartite Commission represented labor, management and the government at table. Unfortunately there is only one legally recognized union the Federation of Korea Trade Unions (FKTU) which was considered conservative. In response, the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU) was formed in 1995 -- and represented at the Tripartite Commission, even though quasi-illegal. (ibid, p296)

By June 1987 union membership stood at 1,050,000 and rose to 1,267,000 by the end of the year. Membership continued to rise until 1989 it stood at 1,932,000. Union membership began to drop off in the 1990s and 2000s, a trend which continues. There are a number of reasons to explain why the union membership began to decline. As korea's economy shifted away from its labor-intensive industrial base, many manufacturing jobs -- in which unions were havily represented -- were lost. Also, workers themselves lost interest in the labor movement as their pay and working conditions continued to improve. (ibid, pp294)

The IMF Crisis in 1997 saw the number of small and medium size company bankruptcies increasing and a resultant increase in unemployment rates. Many of these companies went into bankruptcy owing their workers back wages. (NOTE: Without a "safety net" -- American-style unemployment insurance -- there were more and more people found living in the subways. In Korea, homeless rate is not counted -- though it exists and is well-publicized. But Korea does NOT want to involve itself into this social welfare program because of the drains on public funds.)

On the part of the manufacturers in the small and medium size companies, many started to move their companies off-shore with the opening of diplomatic ties with China in 1992. To them, it was a God-send for two reasons: (1) it opened a new and growing market as China started to become consumer-oriented demanding modern products; and (2) it opened up a solution to the ever-increasing wages of workers that reduced the profit levels and competitive pricing of products. The first to move was the major chaebols -- especially in low-tech industries. It soon found that cheap labor also had the drawback of lack of technical sophistication in the Chinese workers. The move was not immediate for small and medium sized companies because the IMF Crisis of 1997 had locked up funding for expansion. The real shift did not occur until the early 2000s.

Once Korea was back on its feet after repaying its IMF loans, the low-tech small and medium size businesses moved off-shore to China to take advantage of the limitless cheap labor source. (NOTE: Though the IMF Crisis is past, the major complaint is that Korea still has failed to resolve many of the root problems that created the IMF Crisis in the first place.)

Along with this expanded China trade, the opening of Pyeongtaek Harbor as a link to Chinese ports was initiated and a ferry and cargo container facility opened in the 1990s.

Aside from the IMF Crisis impacts, the agriculture side of Pyeongtaek's economy remained stable, but there were major changes afoot. Korean agriculture and agricultural policies are centered on rice. Rice is often considered a political commodity, since it is a staple food and about 80 percent of all farms cultivate rice. Korea produces most of its domestic consumption of rice. (ibid, p275) However, the Korean tastes had changed over the years and there was a declining demand for rice.

The government which had propped up the rice market over the years by buying high from the farmers and selling low to the consumers had resulted in a rice glut in the government warehouses in the 1990s. Cultivated areas for rice increased gradually from 1970 to 1990 and then declined in the mid-1990s as the rice glut hit. In the mid 1990s, there were record crops and the government warehouses were overflowing. (NOTE: In 2000, the Kim Dae-jung administration found a way to clear the warehouses by sending surplus rice to the North as humanitarian aid.) As a result, the government attempted to move the farmers into specialty crops. Competitiveness Enhancement Programs in 1994 and the Comprehensive Program for Rice Industry Promotion in 1996, rice policies aimed at more market-oriented programs by allowing larger seasonal fluctuations in price. (ibid, p276)

The Uruguay Round Agreement (GATT) required the implementation of a minimum market access of 1 to 4 percent of the total consumption in the beriod between 1994-2004. However, the rice farmers faced a crisis as the WTO (World Trade Organization) agreement gave the farmers only a ten-year dispensation to switch to specialty crops before the market would have to open to international competition in 2005 -- without government subsidies.

Many moved into nursery products (flowers) and zucchini, but rice still remained a prime agricultural product. Another growing market was the Koreans taste for beef (hamburger, steaks) and chicken which stimulated the growth of dairy farms where cattle were raised in pens. To reduce the labor costs, many foreign workers were imported into the area to offset the reluctance of Koreans to engage in 3-D labor. The area has shown a steady increase as Korean demand for beef and chicken continued to rise in the 1990s and 2000s. Korea imports beef and milk, but maintains self-sufficiency in chicken, and exports pork to Japan. Increases in consumption of chicken, pork and milk increased rapidly in the early 1990s, but stabilized in the late 1990s. Beef consumption continued to increase in the 1990s and 2000s as incomes continued to rise. (ibid, p278) However, the expansion was not without controversy. In 1990 under the GATT, the US and Korea made arrangements that the US beef would be granted MFN (Most-Favored Nation) status, but this soon fell apart as the local industry grew. Soon the major beef producers of the US, Australia and New Zealand all complained that there was protectionism through government import regulations that violated the WTO agreements.

---

2000s

Yi Taeyun Stele Returned to Pyeongtaek City On 28 Aug 2000, Brig Gen David Clary, 51st Wing Commander, transferred the Yi Taeyun Stele to the Vice-mayor of Pyeongtaek City, Yi Pil-woon. Afterwards, City Workers moved the Stele to a 14th Century Confucian School at Hangkyo, Bongnam-ri, Chinwi-myeon, Pyeongtaek City along with other monuments. (Source: MIG Flyer, 1 Sep 2000) The official transfer was on 28 Aug 2000. (NOTE: The stele is along the road as one drives up the road in Jinwi.)

The Yi Taeyun Stele was located at Turtle Park. According to the MIG Flyer news article, humorously there were no formal records of the stele's existence until 1989 on the base -- though we see the pictures above of Harry Tezlaf with it in 1965. Supposedly there were no documented records as to how the stele came into the USAF possession. (NOTE: The article related an improbable tale that the stele had been erected by the residents of Che Yok Dong -- a village near the Golf Course -- in November 1661 as a tribule to the governor. The stele was present when the base was erected in 1952. This is highly improbable.)

More likely, this stele was originally moved to Osan from Palgongsan near Taegu during installation of a communications site. (Source: Osan AB: Conservation.)

The granite monument was erected in approximately 1661 to commemorate a celebrated statesman of the Choson Dynasty. The base of the monument was a fanged turtle, representing long life and guarding against evil from the north. Above this is a monolithic stele inscribed with Chinese characters. The inscription reads, "Sir Yi Taeyun governs well with wisdom and mercy." Atop this rested two dragons with a sphere between them.


Turtle Monument and Turtle Pond near CE Compound (1965) (Harry Tezlaf)


Turtle Monument Removal (1996) (Pyeontaek Si Sa) On 5 Aug 2005, we stopped by the Daeseongjeon Jinwi Hanggyo to find the Yi Taeyun Stele. The Confucian Academy Memorial is not a major tourist attraction. We had passed it many times on the way to Yong-in and noted its location near the Moobongsan Youth Camp. However, in tracking down the Yi Tae-yun Stele we decided it was time to stop by.

The grounds are well-taken care of and there is one building with tables and chairs in what appears to be a lecture hall. Above it are the gates to the old Confucian academy.

Down near the entrance, there is a shelter for markers. Outside in the elements, the Yi Taeyun stele has found its resting place in the graveyard for forgotten monuments -- sort of like going to an elephant's graveyard. Kind of sad, but at least it is preserved. The stele looks smaller without the concrete base it stood on while at the base. The site appears to be a monument warehouse for those markers no one knows what to do with. There is no sign or explanation for the Yi Taeyun stele -- as it is for all the other markers stored there. It's just another piece of stone.


(L) Daeseongjeon Jinwi Hanggyo (R) Yi Taeyun Stele with other Monuments (2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan)


(L) Yi Taeyun Stele Turtle base (R) Yi Taeyun Stele Top of Marker (2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan)

Pyeongtaek City "Demands" Return of Land Land was set aside for the relocation of the USFK forces as was negotiated in 1990 under a Memorandum of Understanding with the ROK. However, the ROK failed to provide funding for the move and dragged their feet on the move preferring to have the USFK in Seoul and the maintenance of the status quo. (See Relocation of USFK (2003) for background details.) The bottom line is that the USFK did NOT relocate to Osan as was planned and the 27,000 pyeong of land set aside on Osan AB went unused.

Thus after ten years of the land lying unused, the Pyeongtaek City filed to have the land returned to the city. After much internal hassling, the ROKAF took possesion of the land. (Source: Pyeongtaek City History CD, "Pyeongtaek Si Sa.") Pyeongtaek City filed a protest, but the ROKAF moved forward with deliberate speed to build a facility on the land. The ROKAF already occupied a significant area within Osan AB and simply incorporated this adjacent land into its domain. When the move from Yongsan Garrison was cancelled, the ROKAF acquired the land. The new AFOC headquarters is located in the expansion area. (Source: RAO: Osan History.)

Thus Osan Air Base is now home to the ROKAF Operations Command (AFOC) and Air Operations Center (AOC) -- and Pyeongtaek City is still protesting the issue.

(L/R) AOC (2002) (Jack Terwiel)

Information Technology Arrives in Songtan By the late 1990s, personal computers were spreading rapidly as the telecommunications lines were upgraded nationally and youngsters became computer-literate making Korea number 1 in IT world-wide in 2005. The PC Bang (PC Room) use was a new phenomenon and every block seemed to have a PC Bang set up. In addition, the explosion also amounted to PCs and Notebooks amounted to about 15 percent of the computer market. By 2005, the availability of computers made it almost universal in homes with children.

In Songtan, numerous computer "rebuild" shops were established along with spin-off shops for the support of the computers. The PC Bang spread to at least one (sometimes two) near each apartment complex. The government push to make the younger generation computer literate enabled the placing of computers in the schools. Though there were major software glitches -- especially from the spread of viruses throughout the school's computer systems -- by 2000 all of the Songtan schools (elementary through high school) were equipped with computers in the classrooms and libraries. Teachers were also becoming more reliant on the use of computers for the grading and record-keeping tasks -- which in turn brought about controversial programs to "improve" the system.

All the government offices also became computer dependent and was a paper-dependent system at the start of the 1990s, became an "E-government" system by the end of the decade. All agencies switched over to the computerized systems.

The biggest benefit was to the consumer as the Korean computer usage also meant that computers were inexpensive and affordable to even the poorest of families (though as a used model). Soon most homes had a computer for the entertainment and educational usage of the children. However, in home usage, the biggest stumbling block was internet connectivity as Korea muddled through telephone modems (slow) through dedicated internet cables (fast). In this area, the cost factor for high-speed cables created problems in hooking up rural houses to the internet -- as modem usage could be expensive.

Then the IT sector for telephone communication started in the mid-1990s and exploded in the 2000s with the phenomena of the mobile phone. In the 1990s, it was rather bulky and people carried it in a holster on one's belt. It was the first-generation "refrigerator" model and the versions soon shrank to pocket size versions -- and in the 2000s the innovations of computer games, cameras and tv use had increased its popularity. Like the rest of the world, the Korean populace was addicted to its phones and PCs.

Telecommunications trunk lines upgraded for K-55 (Osan) and K-6 (Camp Humphreys) (1997)(Pyeongtaek City) (Source: Pyeongtaek History (CD), Pyeongtaek Si Sa)

Pyongtaek Residents Sue over Noise (May 2004) On 3 May 2004, people living near Osan AB and Camp Humphreys filed a suit alleging the bases cause noise pollution, and asked the government for compensation. The collective suit, signed by 368 residents around the Osan Air Base and 162 near the Camp Humphreys area, where U.S. military planes frequently operate, seeks 1 million won (US$853) in compensation for each claimant, which comes to 530 million won in total.

This is a ploy in recent years that is more of a harassment technique by anti-American NGO groups -- especially Green Korea. The problem is that the US can NOT be sued and the lands are granted for the use of the US by the ROK government. The ROK government is liable. So the activists go to civil courts and get a ruling from a sympathetic judge against the US -- NOT the ROK. Then they take the ruling to the ROK government and attempt to get them to pay. The ROK government then turns around and requests the USFK to shoulder the bill as the ruling is against the USFK -- not the ROK government. Up till this time, the USFK has refused to pay any of the damages that it considers unwarranted. This ploy was used dealing with the Kooni Range where the ROK refused to pay the damages awarded by the ROK and attempted to get the USFK to pay. The USFK refused. Since that time, the USFK has switched to the Cho-do range off of Kunsan AB for live firing missions and has shut down the Kooni Range. (See Hanguk University for article of environmental NGO group with anti-USFK slant.)

The ROK government has instituted a study of noise levels around USFK bases to determine the actual damage if any to the citizens in 2004. The activists have also filed the same noise complaint suits against the ROKAF bases as well. This is a follow-up survey. In 1996, the ROK conducted a nationwide noise survey of all air bases (ROK and USFK) in Korea. Osan AB was found to be the noisiest of all the USFK bases with levels highest during the day. There were claims from NGO environmental activists that the noise levels were reaching the threshold where it posed a serious health hazard to the surrounding community. However, no official action was taken from the Pyeongtaek City government though the results were documented in its historical data.

The 1996 survey found that the Osan AB noise levels were 96.0db, while Euijongbu was 78.4db; Chunchon was 82.0db; and Kunsan was 94.0db. The survey found that Osan noise levels were between 50-55db in the morning and between 40-48db at night. The noise levels measured on the street was 65db during the day and 55db at night. (Source: Pyeongtaek City History CD, "Pyeongtaek Si Sa.")

Noise-induced hearing loss (NIHL) is hearing loss due to exposure to either a sudden, loud noise or exposure to loud noises for a period of time. A dangerous sound is anything that is 85 dB (sound pressure level - SPL) or higher. (NOTICE THAT THE OSAN AB LEVEL WAS 96.0db.) Sound pressure is measured in decibels (dB). Like a temperature scale, the decibel scale goes below zero. The average person can hear sounds down to about 0 dB, the level of rustling leaves. Some people with very good hearing can hear sounds down to -15 dB. If a sound reaches 85 dB or stronger, it can cause permanent damage to your hearing. The amount of time you listen to a sound affects how much damage it will cause. The quieter the sound, the longer you can listen to it safely. If the sound is very quiet, it will not cause damage even if you listen to it for a very long time; however, exposure to some common sounds can cause permanent damage. With extended exposure, noises that reach a decibel level of 85 can cause permanent damage to the hair cells in the inner ear, leading to hearing loss. (Source: Hearing Loss.)

In Aug 2005, the Stars and Stripes announced that the USAF was going to conduct surveys on noise levels with the ROK. This was in response to the suits that were pending in the Korean courts. (NOTE: The system under the SOFA is that the groups may receive a civil judgement against Osan AB, but the USAF authorities are not liable for payment. The Ministry of Defense covers these areas. If the MND pays the judgement or negotiates a settlement, it can ASK the US to pay for its share, but there is no fiscal responsibility for the US to pay the amount. To many activists this system makes the SOFA unfair. Into 2008, the noise levels from the U-2 and heavy transports from Osan AB taking off reverberate down Route 1, but to most people it is simply a fact of life -- similar to a loud machine at work.)


Korean National College of Rehabilitation and Welfare (2001) (Curly Knepp)
Handicap Rehabilitation and Training Center
Located about 15 minutes from base by car on Route 340

Activists Protest "Unjust" SOFA at Songtan The SOFA reopened for renegotiation in 2000 and the negotiations dragged on into 2001. In 2001 throughout Korea, the NGO activists protested the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) over cost-sharing, criminal prosecution, worker compensation and environmental issues. By and large, the ROK populace believed the SOFA was unjust -- though the activists continued to downplay the fact that the ROK did NOT pay for their defense "share" prior to 1991 when the first negotiations took place since the SOFA took effect in 1963. The ROK activists complained bitterly over the increases in the "cost share" for the ROK stating that the Americans were in Korea for their national interests so why should the ROK pay. Anti-American sentiment was rampant.


"Unjust" SOFA Protests in front of Main Gate (2001). (Pyeongtaek City) (Source: Pyeongtaek History (CD), Pyeongtaek Si Sa)

"Unjust" SOFA Protests in front of Main Gate (2001). (Pyeongtaek City) (NOTE: The "yoke" represent the ancient Korean stocks that Korean prisoners were locked into symbolizing how Pyeongtaek was being chained by the SOFA.) (Source: Pyeongtaek History (CD), Pyeongtaek Si Sa)

In 2001, the Americans were most likely to concede custody of personnel to the Koreans for some major offenses, but would negotiate for having minor offenses turned over to American control. This was a major stumbling block.

In addition, environmental protection and Korean-national worker retirement issues were discussed. The Korean retirement issue was brought up as the USFK switched to "temp" NAF employees versus full-time Korean workers. As they retire, they are not being replaced. (NOTE: The retirement system for the Koreans are that they are paid their retirement as part of their paycheck. Thus when they retire, they receive no benefits. "Temp" workers on the other hand receive no retirement pay differentials. This would resurface in 2005 when the ROK refused to increase its share. These "temp" workers were the first to be released.)

However, the Koreans used the same ploy as the Filipinos over Subic Bay and tried to get the U.S. to pay for cleanup over "past wrongs" -- even though it was not "wrong" at the time. (NOTE: Under the SOFA, bases/camps would be returned to the ROK "as is" -- without cleanup.) This was a very touchy issue and negotiations continued in this area. It should be noted that the Koreans had some horrendous environmental problems with massive dumping -- including government coverups of dumping of toxic waste into the major rivers. If the U.S. accepted anything that could be construed as the U.S. "fault" for environmental pollution, it would open up a Pandora's box of problems. (NOTE: The US would later concede that it would work with ROK environmental authorities to ensure that bases were "cleaned up" prior to return to ROK control under the pending Land Partnership Program (LPP). The partnership appeared to have positive results as there were no major difficulties reported in returning camps in 2004-2005.)

As to increasing the cost-share under the SOFA, the Koreans didn't have much excuse for poor-mouthing as they were well-down the road to IMF recovery. (NOTE: It should also be noted that after IMF Recovery took effect, the ROK failed to implement some of the major agreed-upon changes to limit the chaebols (conglomerates) as promised when they accepted the bailout.) As a sign of their economic recovery, the ambitious military hardware upgrade plans started in 1990 but shelved for the IMF crisis were resurfaced. Korea's defense budget for 2001 had been set at 15.37 trillion won ($13.9 billion), an increase of 6.5 percent from 2000. Arms procurement (33.9 percent of the total budget). In October 2000, the Korea Herald reported that despite the cut in the arms procurement budget, existing or planned projects would go on without a hitch. The funds for key arms procurement projects increased by about 9.4 percent. (NOTE: This all turned out to be eyewash. ROK promises to increase their defense spending to 3.2 percent of GDP never materialized and instead only increased to 2.8 percent of GDP. By 2005, the defense upgrade program was a shambles. The funding of defense upgrade programs were being "reprioritized" that left some upgrade programs unfunded. The Patriot PAC-3 (SAM-X program) was on order, but unfunded. The AWACS program completed the bid process, but the MND in 2005 wanted to start over. The next-generation helicopter upgrades were in limbo or cancelled. But most significantly, the ROK refused to increase its "cost share" which had been negotiated at length under the SOFA. Only the F-15K fighters had been resolved, but only after the MND changed the rules so that the better performing French Rafael was eliminated. The ROK cruisers were on-track, but not until it had some well-deserved fiascos with procuring incompatible weapons systems.)

World Trade Center (2001) (Unknown)

World Trade Center (2001) (Unknown)

(For the day-to-day details on Sept 11 Bombing from a Korean expatriate viewpoint go to Sept 11 Bombing. The viewpoint is from an expatriate, Kalani O'Sullivan, living in Korea and reporting on the reactions of the Koreans around him and his personal feelings as retired military. He relates the actions of the USFK and Kunsan AB in reacting to the bombing.)

Osan Main Gate Security Measures (Sept 2001)

After-effects of 9/11 (Oct 2001) On 22 Oct 2001 the Stars and Stripes reported that the USFK rescinded an off-limits ban of entertainment districts outside U.S. military bases in South Korea that had been in effect since the Sept. 11 attacks in the United States. In the Songtan security measures had been in effect for a month. Parking had been prohibited in the Shinjang Shopping Mall vicinity where bars catering to the U.S. military are just outside Osan. South Korean police carrying automatic rifles patrol the area, and signs inside the clubs tell patrons knapsacks and bags are not allowed. The initial ban ordered servicemembers and civilian employees to stay out of South Korean communities except when traveling to and from their off-base quarters. Visiting South Korean shopping areas was authorized again about three weeks ago, but bars and clubs still were off limits. Bar and club owners in Songtan said they were losing as much as 40 million won (about $31,000) a day. Some clubs reportedly had begun sending some Filipina bar hostesses home. "We can't afford to keep them," one bar proprietress said two weeks ago. "I haven't made enough since the off limits began to even pay the electricity." A 10 p.m. to 5 a.m. curfew remained in effect throughout the command. Before the Sept. 11 attacks, the curfew at Osan and Humphreys and other areas was midnight to 5 a.m. Sunday through Thursday, and 2 to 5 a.m. on Fridays, Saturdays and the day before U.S. holidays. While curfew hours are tighter, bar operators, customers, civic officials and hostesses in Songtan didn't gripe as, "Anything is better than what it was." Lee Kyung-chu, who heads the Songtan Chamber of Commerce, said he was happy to see people allowed to enter the bars again. "These are all small businessmen, and they were losing a lot of money. I think we have all the proper security measures in place. It's safe to go to bars in Songtan," he said.

Osan Main Gate Barriers and tire shredder at Main Gate (2002) (Jack Terwiel)

Anti-Americanism Rages in Korea (July 2002-Jan 2003) Korea experienced some of the worst anti-American protests ever seen because of an unfortunate accident that occurred that killed two Middle School girls in June 2002. The soldiers involved were tried by court martial and found not guilty of negligent homicide, which caused an uproar in Korea as activists demanded the soldiers be tried in Korean courts. Attacks on bases and on soldiers created a great deal of tension. The kidnapping of some soldiers from a train by activists was swept under the table, but the knifing of a Lt. Col. at Yongsan as he walked outside the gate could not be hushed up and made international headlines.

The country raised itself to a fever pitch and everyone from children to teachers to businessmen to pastors to housewives turned against the Americans. Candlelight vigils were held throughout the country for the girls. When the USFK exerted jurisdiction because there was a "line of duty" determination as specified in the SOFA Agreement, there were violent protests in Seoul and in Uijongbu/Tongduchon. Throughout the country there were candlelight vigils to protest the deaths.

The USFK court martial exonerated the two accused soldiers of the "line of duty" accident and brought on new demands from activists of SOFA changes. A Korea Gallup poll stated that 53 percent of Koreans disliked America. (NOTE: The results of the survey also highlighted the Korean mindset that the North would NOT attack the south (either nuclear or chemical) because they are "ethnic brothers" amongst the young -- thus if the Americans were to leave, there would be peace on the peninsula. At the same time the Koreans acknowledge the threat to Japan is real. On the other hand, the older generation still feared the intentions of the North having seen the deprevations of the Korean War and its aftermath.)

Student activists staged rallies in front of the base almost every week after the court martial acquittal of the two American soldiers. Though not as violent as other areas of the country, the impacts was that the soldiers and their families shied away from the Shinjang Mall. The impacts to the stores in the area was obvious as about 95 percent of their profits come from Americans in the air base and their families. Street brawls often broke out between student activists and local merchants trying to prohibit them from holding rallies.

Civic activists criticized the retailers for their actions in defending the Americans as it ``could eventually harm the national pride and interests.'' Accusing the merchants of pursuing short-term profits, the Movement for Prevention of Crimes by U.S. Soldiers spokesperson Hong Min-young said. ``I want them to listen to voices from students who have been trying to restore independence from U.S. military protection. Also, they don't have the right to prevent the rallies that are staged in accordance with laws.''

SITE NOTE: The problem is that if there is a public demonstration, it must be officially registered and approved by the Korean National Police. The problem comes when the protestors break existing laws during their protest (i.e., burning of flags (arson)). If there is a dispute between two factions (demonstrators and shop owners) that erupts in course of the demonstration, it is treated as a public disturbance. If the protestors break into a U.S. base, then trespassing is filed by the Ministry of Defense -- but only if the USFK demands action -- and then the Ministry of Justice becomes involved.

The whole protest mentality rotates around students feeling they have the moral right to protest and use violence if necessary to make their agenda known against anything they consider unjust. This comes from the 19 April 1960 Student Uprising that toppled the Syngman Rhee (Yi Syng-man) regime. 142 students were killed by the police during what is now called the "Righteous Student Uprising of April 19th." Thousands of university and high school students, as well as professors, teachers, parents and others, staged one of the most spectacular demonstrations against the government.

Somehow the radical students feel the "righteous" mantle has been passed to them as a social "right" to perform acts of violence if necessary. The point is that the vast majority of Koreans acquiesce to this viewpoint and tolerate the student abuses of public law. As long as the general public tolerates such behavior, anti-American protests of a violent nature by student activists will continue. Students who have battled and died fighting the Chun Doo-hwan regime in 1980 are viewed as martyrs -- and all the politicians strive to paint themselves in the coat of a student activist who fought for democracy.

On the coat tails of this furor, Roh Moo-hyun was elected to the Presidency. Preaching independence from the Americans, he fanned the flames of the anti-Americanism and turned it into a national issue. As soon as he took office in Feb 2003, he calmed down the violent protests that were occurring in Seoul and other major cities. Songtan however, was relatively quiet and the bar owners remained the friends of the GIs.

(See Protests: Background for details on Roots of anti-Americanism in 2002; Girls death in June 2002; anti-Americanism explodes in Korea; anti-War movement takes lead. See Subtopics for aother topics dealing with the anti-American demonstrations.)

(See Yongsan Relocation for links and articles dealing with Yongsan relocation that also fueled protests.)

To make matters worse, a Fox Television expose of Uijongbu and Songtan accused the USFK of abetting human trafficking in Korea in the importation of foreign bargirls (Russian and Filipino) to work in the camptown bars. This started a morality campaign on the part of the USFK that continues to create friction amongst the Shinjang bar owners till today. (SEE Songtan History: American Off-base Bar Culture in the Shinjang area.)

In addition the move of the USFK elements from Yongsan and off the DMZ to Osan AB and Camp Humphreys stirred up protests amongst NGO activist groups opposed to the move. There are a lot of postive aspects for the Pyeongtaek economy in the move, but there are also negatives as well. A special office was set up at Camp Humphreys to work with Pyeongtaek City and Kyonggi-do directly to smooth the process. However, continuing demonstrations at Camp Humphreys and Osan are expected with increases in intensity as the move from Yongsan in 2008 nears fruition.

In May 2003, Shinjang Mall shop owners banded together to defend Americans from the anti-American protestors. Though relatively peaceful when compared to Seoul or other places, the demonstrations were bad for business. ``Quite a number of people have agreed to form a group to fight against radicals who often stage rallies in front of the base,'' said Songtan Chamber of Commerce chairman and owner of Kasey Lee's Tailor Shop, Lee Kyong-chu. ``The move is aimed at providing our customers with a safe environment. This is also for our own interests. Most stores here have seen a drop in sales because of the protesters, who often stage violent demonstrations.'' (Source: Korea Times, 21 May 2003)

Pyongtaek Civic Group Against Relocation and Businesses for the move (Aug 2003) According to a poll of 1,000 Pyongtaek citizens conducted in December 2003, 53 percent opposed the U.S. troops' move to the city, while 37.8 percent supported it, with 9.2 percent expressing no preference.

The Pyongtaek Citizens Committee on the Relocation of U.S Army Bases, headed by Pyeongtaek Mayor Kim Sun-ki and the city council chairman Lee Ik-jae, said in Aug 2003 that considering national security and the situations of the region around the city, it would not accept the relocation of the 2nd Infantry Division to the region. The USFK asked the South Korean government in Jul 2003 to complete the construction of new facilities in Osan and Pyeongtaek for the relocating troops by 2008. Though the committee said that it "basically opposed" the relocation to its area. However, it added that if the relocation was inevitable, it should be considered from the view of the region's development within the Seoul-Washington Land Partnership Planning (LPP) agreement. If the relocation of the 2nd ID was still pursued, the committee said, it would refuse all other in-movements of U.S. military units and facilities, including the headquarters of the 8th Army. (Source: Chosun Ilbo, 19 Aug 2003)

``The decision to relocate U.S. troops to Pyongtaek should be regarded as null and void because it was made unilaterally without gauging residents' opinions,'' said Kang Sang-won, an executive member of a civic group opposing U.S. plans to consolidate its troops in Pyeongtaek.Kang said the group will step up efforts to have the plan cancelledas it includes moving the headquarters of the United Nations commandand the South Korea-U.S. combined forces command to the city. ``It means people will lose more land to them, so more people will join our movement to oppose the plan," he said. "The relocation will derail city plans to develop the Pyongtaek Port. "Some residents living near U.S. Camp Humphreys are staging a sit-into oppose development plans to expand the camp in the neighborhood.

On the opposite side of the coin, businesses in the area were more positive about the move -- though the American influence did concern them. According to a Korea Times article in 18 Jan 2004, local business people welcomed the consolidation of the U.S. troops in the city, expecting it to generate more sales for them. ``This is what we have wanted and it is a good thing,'' said Lee Kyong-chu, president of the Songtan Chamber of Commerce. ``It will help Pyongtaek's economy as Itaewon benefited from theYongsan base.''

Songtan Good Neighbor (May 2003) After the horrendous anti-Americanism of 2002, the USFK started the "Good Neighbor Policy" to promote good will between the USFK and Korean populace. However, because of the complications of international events (human trafficking and world terrorism) sometimes mixed messages were being sent out. Regardless, there were people who have always stood behind the US military and thought of the Americans as their friends.

An an award ceremony was hosted by USFK Commander General LaPorte to honor good neighbors of the USFK community. (See Korean good neighbors recognized with first-ever award on 12 May 2003.) Winners of the first-ever United States Forces Korea Good Neighbor Award were honored in a recognition ceremony at Dragon Hill Lodge.


Osan AB Newcomer's Orientation of Local Area by Yi Kyong-Chu. (NOTE: Taken in front of Kasey Lee's (Yi Kyong-chu) Tailor Shop across from Main Gate) (1998) (Pyeongtaek City) (Source: Pyeongtaek History (CD), Pyeongtaek Si Sa)

Mr. Yi, Kyong Chu, chairman of the Songtan Chamber of Commerce and chairman of the Songtan Merchant's Association, received the award for furthering mutual respect and understanding in the Osan area. "Mr. Yi's personal effort has greatly improved the relationship between the Osan community and the servicemembers," said LaPorte. "His actions go beyond the normal call of civic duty as he devotes his heart to strengthening our alliance." (SITE NOTE: Mr. Yi is more commonly known as "Kasey Lee" whose tailor shop is across from the 7-11 store in the Shinjang Mall.)


Songtan Street Vendor (2001)


Songtan Open Market (2001)

Songtan Shinjang Shopping Mall (2001)	Outside Main Gate Shinjang Shopping Mall (2001) (Curly Knepp)
Shinjang Shopping Mall area (2001) (Curly Knepp)	Shinjang Shopping Mall area (2001) (Curly Knepp)

Songtan Shinjang Mall F-106 Reunion (Mark Donnelly) (Dec 2004)



The following photos are by an Unknown Photographer (edbestworldnetattnet) at the Webshots.com: I'm Stationed in Korea. (NOTE: We wish to contact this photographer to credit him/her properly. We think the person belonged to the 51st CES while stationed at Osan AB.) The following photos are general shots off-base in general.

Shinjang Mall and Filipina (2002) (Unknown) (NOTE: A guestbook entry said that the girl on the left used the name "Racquel.")	Shinjang Mall (15 July 2002) (Unknown)
Mikes All-Seasons Shop (NOTE: This shop has been a landmark on the mall since the 1970s.) (15 July 2002) (Unknown)	Shinjang Mall (15 July 2002) (Unknown)
Silk Painting on Street (a landmark shop) (2002) (Unknown)	Shinjang Mall (PC Bang) (15 July 2002) (Unknown)
Shinjang Shopping Mall (15 July 2002) (Unknown)	Overpass Street Outside Gate (15 July 2002) (Unknown)
Songtan Farmers Open Market (2002) (Unknown)	Songtan Farmers Open Market (2002) (Unknown)
Songtan Farmers Open Market (2002) (Unknown)	Songtan Farmers Open Market (2002) (Unknown)
Songtan Farmers Open Market (2002) (Unknown)	Songtan Farmers Open Market (2002) (Unknown)
Songtan Farmers Open Market (2002) (Unknown)	Songtan Farmers Open Market (2002) (Unknown)

Songtan Farmers Open Market (2002) (Unknown)

Pyeongtaek Becoming Regional Hub With the geographical advantage, Pyongtaek City is becoming a center of business and logistics hub of Northeast Asia. Located on the west coast of Korean peninsula, the city currently acts as a major contributor to the nation's economy and the people's welfare. One of the advantages is its proximity to China. It is also part of the national plan to create a harbor network that includes the port cities of Busan and Gwangyang.

To achieve its objectives, the city plans to build convenient transport routes to China, improve domestic transportation routes, promote robust commercial activity and provide reduced freight rates. By 2011, the port city aims to handle 2,639,000 TEUs of container cargo as a transportation center of Northeast Asia. (Source: KFALIR Local News.)

Pyeongtaek Harbor (Feb 2003) (KFALIR)

The development and changes of Pyeongtaek Port is for the Gyeonggi Province ahead of schedule:

• 1. One of three major ports and selected as a national project of five major national development projects.
• 2. Increased financial investments for the construction of a port with the capacity to process 68 million tons annually from 62 berths by 2011.
• 3. Established route of container liners from Pyeongtaek to Chengdao (Oct 2000), Tianjin (Apr 2001), and Dalian (Sep 2001).
• 4. Established route of car ferries from Pyeongtaek to Wangwan Port of Rongcheng City in Shandong Province, China.
• 5. Exclusive piers of automobile carrier, iron carrier, and container are readily available.
• 6. Rapid increase of ocean-going vessels, 622 vessels in 1999, 997 vessels in 2000, an increase of 60.3% in the previous year.
• 7. Rapid increase cargo transported, 26.13 million tons in 1999, 31.12 million tons in 2000, an increase of 19.1% in the previous year.
• 8. CIQ available (Pyeongtaek Customs, Incheon Regional Maritime Affairs and Fisheries)
• 9. Gyeonggi Pyeongtaek Port Corporation established and operational (public enterprise invested by Gyeonggi Province).
• 10. 19.4 million sq. meter port hinterland zone, and establishment of land transportation network accessible from all directions.

(Source: Port of Incheon)

Kia export car facility at Pyongtaek Harbor Opens in 2000. (Pyeongtaek City) (Source: Pyeongtaek History (CD), Pyeongtaek Si Sa)

Pyeontaek Harbor car export facility. (Pyeongtaek City) (Source: Pyeongtaek History (CD), Pyeongtaek Si Sa)

Pyeontaek Harbor first car export. (Pyeongtaek City) (Source: Pyeongtaek History (CD), Pyeongtaek Si Sa)

Pyeongtaek Seohae West Coast Highway Bridge Opens The Seohae Grand Bridge, South Korea's longest crossing, features a 470 m center span that is the longest in the country. Construction of the pylons began in mid-1998 after completion of the cofferdams and the solid-footing foundation. The bridge superstructure was opened to traffic in November 2000.

At 9.4 km, the Seohae Grand Bridge now stands as the longest bridge in South Korea. Rising above the Asan Bay approximately 65 km south of Seoul, the cable-stayed bridge, which took seven years to construct, runs from P'y_ongt'aek on the north side of the bay to Dangjin on the south. The bridge incorporates pistonlike lock-up devices (LUDs) that allow movement in response to temperature changes, creep, and shrinkage but resist such dynamic loads as aerodynamic motions and earthquakes. These devices are of critical importance, because a primary design challenge for the Seohae Grand Bridge was its location in an area of high winds.

Pyeontaek Bridge Opens (Pyeongtaek City) (Source: Pyeongtaek History (CD), Pyeongtaek Si Sa)

The crossing consists of several kilometers of concrete box girder spans and the main bridge, which is 990 m long. The main bridge consists of an 870 m long cable-stayed structure and two 60 m long end spans of simply supported composite girders. The cable-stayed portion has three spans-a 470 m center span and two 200 m side spans. The center span provides a 62 m high navigation channel above the bay.

There are six traffic lanes, three in each direction. Together with a 3 m outside shoulder, a 1.2 m inside shoulder, and a 0.8 m median barrier, the roadway width between the inside faces of the outside barriers is 31 m. The centerlines of the cables are placed at a distance of 1.6 m from the inside face of the outside barrier, making the center-to-center distance between the two planes of cables 34 m.

Pyeontaek Bridge Opening Ceremony (Pyeongtaek City) (Source: Pyeongtaek History (CD), Pyeongtaek Si Sa)

T.Y. Lin International, of San Francisco, performed the detailed design of the main bridge and also provided construction services, including superstructure erection stage analysis, design of special construction equipment, and field assistance. (Source: EgyptEng.com)

Pyeontaek Bridge (Pyeongtaek City) (Source: Pyeongtaek History (CD), Pyeongtaek Si Sa)

Pyeongtaek Area Developments In April 2001 the inauguration of the Tianjin, China container vessel line was held. This was followed by the July 2002 inauguration of the Shanghai (China), Hong Kong, and Hai Phonh (Viet Nam) container vessel lines. In January 2003 the inauguration of Wei hai Port, Shandong-sheng container vessel line was held.

Pyeongtaek Harbor Container Facility Opened (2001). (Pyeongtaek City) (Source: Pyeongtaek History (CD), Pyeongtaek Si Sa)

On 16 July 2001 the Kyonggi Pyeongtaek Port Corporation was established. The organization is a cooperative between the Pyongtaek City government and Daejoo Heavy Industries Co., Ltd.; Youngin Enterprises Co., Ltd.; Uryeon Transport Co., Ltd.; and Janggeum Merchant Marines Co., Ltd. Its main business is the operation of two berths on the west pier; installing and operating Harbor logistics facilities; and attracting private capital for pier development.

Inauguration of Pyeongtaek International Ferry. (Pyeongtaek City) (Source: Pyeongtaek History (CD), Pyeongtaek Si Sa)

Ferry Ship Capae Lee Ho. (Pyeongtaek City) (Source: Pyeongtaek History (CD), Pyeongtaek Si Sa)

The construction of the International Passenger Terminal (Address 570 Maho-ri Poseung-myeon Pyeongtaek-si Gyeonggi-do) was completed in August 2001 on 29,740 sq meter land with 4,922 sq meter building space. Tenants included the Gyeonggi Pyeongtaek Port Corporation and CIQ (harbor support organizations).

The route was from Pyeongtaek to Roncheng City, Shandong Province, China (210 miles). The car ferry was operated by Daryeong Marine Co., Ltd. and the ship had capacity for 850 passengers/150 TEU.

---

Development of Industrial Zones Kyonggi had over 670 successful foreign businesses operating within its boundaries, including Motorola. It also has a well-developed automotive industry, represented by Kia Motors which has been newly-taken over by Hyundai, and by Ssang Yong Motors, which has been taken over by Daewoo, as well as many auto parts manufacturers including the Daewoo automobile plant in the metropolitan area. In addition, with 37 percent of Korea's high-tech businesses including international semiconductor and electronics companies such as Samsung, Hyundai, LG, and Daewoo, plus small- and medium-sized businesses specializing in heavy equipment, parts, and biotechnology products, Kyonggi Province is the ideal location for investing in high-tech and technology-intensive industries.


Pyeongtaek Lucky Goldstar Factory (2001). (Pyeongtaek City) (Source: Pyeongtaek History (CD), Pyeongtaek Si Sa)

The West Coast of Korea contains the largest small- and medium-enterprise-specialized complexes of Banweol/ Sihwa National Industrial Complex and Seongnam/Songtan/Anseong 1&2/Pyeongtak Regional Industrial Complex. These serve as the largest base for small and medium enterprises in Korea accompanied with local economic development. Over 5600 enterprises in Banweol and Sihwa, the central areas in West Coast Industrial Belt -- together with over 500 enterprises in Seongnam; over 110 enterprises in Anseong complex No. 1 & 2; over 210 enterprises in Songtan Pyeongtak and Cheonan Complex Exclusive for Foreign Enterprises. (Source: E-cluster Information)


Songtan Industrial Zone (2001). (Pyeongtaek City) (Source: Pyeongtaek History (CD), Pyeongtaek Si Sa) Ssang Yong Pyongtaek Plant In 2004 Ssang Yong Motor, the nation's fourth-largest automaker, said it had begun construction to expand its plant with the intention of doubling its production capacity by 2007. Once the first-phase program costing 2.2 trillion won was completed by April 2005, the plant would be able to churn out 300,000 vehicles annually at its plant in Pyongtaek, about 70 kilometers south of Seoul. Its second-stage expansion plan was to be completed in 2007, raising its annual production capacity to 400,000. (Source: The Korea Times (Aug 11, 2004))

Ssang Yong is Korea's off-roaders specialist. Thanks to the technology transferred from Mercedes-Benz, it developed some good off-roaders from zero within a few years. In 1997, the Pyeongtaek plant opened a dedicated line for the Chairman sedan -- a luxury car.


Ssang Yong Pyeongtaek Plant

• Sales figure: Sold 126,000 units of off-roaders in 2001, nearly unchanged from the previous year.
• Location: Pyeongtaek - main assembly plant, head office and R&D center. Having capacity for building 210,000 units annually. Changwon - engine and gearbox plant.
• Brief History: The history of Ssang Yong started in 1954 when Hadongwahn Motor was founded. It was later renamed to Dong-A Motor. The company became a manufacturer of commercial trucks, fire engines and other special purpose vehicles during the 70s. In the early 80s, Dong-A acquired SUV maker Keowha, which made 4WD offroaders licensed from Jeep. The merged company was renamed to Ssang Yong in 1986 and started concentrating on SUVs.
  
  The turning point was in 1991, when it signed an agreement with Mercedes for transferring its engine technology and helped it developing light commercial vehicles. This is why you can see many Ssang Yong cars and SUVs are equipped with Mercedes straight-sixes. The Musso of 1993 and Korando of 1996 successfully opened the door of global SUV market for Ssang Yong. Later, Mercedes even helped Ssang Yong developed its first passenger car - the Chairman luxurious sedan.
  
  To produce the Mercedes engines, Ssang Yong built its second plant in Changwon. The aggressive expansion led to its bankruptcy during the Asian financial crisis in 1998. The company was bought by Daewoo in 1998 and its SUVs and Chairman were rebadged as Daewoo. The name Ssang Yong disappeared for a while until 2000, when Daewoo itself went into receivership. Ssang Yong, with its stronger basis in SUV business and the better prospect of global SUV market, received support from its creditors and spun off from Daewoo. Ssang Yong has been back to independent since 2000. Now run by creditors, Ssang Yong has regained stable sales and production. However, for a company this small, finding a stronger owner is just a matter of time. (NOTE: In 2004, the employees went on strike following an offer by a Chinese company to purchase the plant. The employees feared layoffs. The offer fell through.)
  
  The Ssang Yong sports utility lines, such as Musso, Rexton and Korando, plus the Chairman limousine show the technological standard that Ssang Yong have achieved, in addition, the light commercial vehicle line is built upon 40 years of Ssang Yong experience and 100 years of Mercedes-Benz's expertise, Ssang Yong's factory planning team are dedicated to develop ergonomically and technically sound vehicles.

Kia Motors Kia Motors Corporation exported its 5 millionth car in March of 2005 - emphasising its position as not just a major global manufacturer but also as the world’s most rapidly growing automotive brand. The 5 million mark comes just over a year after breaking the 4 million barrier but it was 10 years ago when Kia reached its first million exports. Kia marked the latest milestone with a special ceremony at its Pyeongtaek shipping berth in Korea. It is significant that in 2005 alone Kia expected to dispatch one million vehicles as part of its strategy to join the ranks of the world’s top automakers.

"For a company that began making bicycle parts in a small factory outside Seoul more than 60 years ago, we have come a long way. Not only has Kia led the rise of the Korean automobile industry but it has also made spectacular strides in overseas markets," said Euisun Chung, Kia's president and CEO. Kia Motors was clearly on the path to becoming a major automotive force with the establishment of the Sohari plant in 1973 - the very first fully integrated automobile production facility in Korea. The Sohari plant heralded the production of the Brisa sedan in 1974. A year later in 1975 Kia exported its first vehicle - the Brisa pickup - to the Middle Eastern nation of Qatar.

Kia reached a cumulative total of a million vehicle exports in 1995, two million in 1998, three million in 2001 and four million in 2004. Just a year later, the automaker is celebrating five million. Kia's exports have grown rapidly since the Hyundai-Kia Automotive Group was formed in 1998. Exports for 2004 totalled 330,707 units to North America and 264,412 units to Europe.

Kia Motors joined Hyundai Motor Company in 1998 to form the Hyundai-Kia Automotive Group. Since then the company has been on a mission to improve quality, strengthen overseas sales outlets, expand its product line-up and stabilise its business operations worldwide. As a result, Kia's export-to-domestic sales ratio has rapidly risen from 54% in 2001 to 75% as of the end of 2004. Kia now exports to 160 countries around the world and as well as its production facilities in Korea - where it is capable of building more than 1.3 million vehicles a year - it has overseas plants in a number of countries including joint projects in China and a new factory under construction in Slovakia in the EU that will come on stream before the end of 2006 and will ultimately be able to produce 300,000 cars a year.

Kia Motors set out on a new path in 2002 with the introduction of the Sorento SUV. Since then, Kia Motors has launched the A-segment Picanto, C-segment Cerato, and the all-new Sportage compact SUV. In 2005, Kia premiered two more new models - the totally redesigned Carnival MPV and the four and five-door Rio. The company’s aggressive expansion plan is based on further new models expected during the next 12-18 months including an all-new Rio to compete in the important B-segment and all-new replacements for the Sedona large MPV and the Magentis family saloon next year. (Source: Kia Exports.)

Foreign Parts Makers Move to Pyeongtaek BorgWarner Inc., a U.S. automotive component producer, plans to build its fourth Korean plant in Gyeonggi Province, promising further investment in the local economy. The parts maker will spend $10.5 million to build the turbocharger plant in Pyeongtaek. The turbocharger is a part attached to the diesel engine that improves fuel efficiency and reduces emission. The company said the facility is designed to meet growing demands for diesel-powered cars in the nation.

BorgWarner Chairman and CEO Timothy M. Manganello said in April 2004 that his company will build more production facilities around the plant site, suggesting further investment into the city. Maganello also said he will grow the Pyeongtaek plant as the export hub for the Northeast Asian region. Gyeonggi officials said the project also attests to the quality service of the local government for foreign companies here. The government’s investment agency provided free consultation and one-stop administration service for the parts maker. The plant site was offered at lower rent than other countries.

Outlook for Songtan By 2000, the ROK had dug itself out of its IMF Crisis and had repaid most of its IMF loans -- though there remained structural problems with the financial markets due to complaints of the lack of transparency in the financial sector. Once again the outlook appeared promising. By 2002, the population of Pyeongtaek stood at 336,199. (Source: City Population)

In 2003, domestic car sales continued to shrink. As local consumers tightened their purse strings amid a depressed economy, sales of mini-cars with engines smaller than 800 cc jumped 25 percent month-on-month during the 20-day period. Automakers also sold 9 percent more subcompact vehicles during the span than they did a month earlier. But sales of luxury cars tumbled 22.4 percent and those of mid-sized sedans declined 14.3 percent.

However, the prolonged recession from 2002 hampered the growth as consumer confidence remained low and purchases of durable goods stagnated. What created problems was the inability of the Roh Moo-hyun government to handle the problem with positive actions. In fact, from 2000 to 2002, the Roh government refused to admit that it was a "recession" though the rest of the world's economic experts termed it as such. Despite the incompetence of the Roh government in dealing with the problem, the Korean economy slowly continued to grow. Unfortunately the growth was primarily in the export markets and not in the domestic markets which stagnated. By 2004, many small businesses were in trouble and faced bankruptcies. Apartment sales dropped as money became tight. However, by 2005, the consumer confidence was slowly returning and businesses were again expanding -- but only at a modest rate.

By 2002, the population of Pyeongtaek had reached 362,507 (Source: Population: Korea) The Songtan population hovered around 110,000. (Source: Songtan)

In 2003, business prospects were looking up in Osan, Pyongtaek and Songtan after reports that South Korea and the U.S. agreed to relocate bases in Seoul and north of Seoul to the areas. Since then, apartment prices in the three areas have soared while an increasing number of retailers have moved from Uijongbu and Tongduchon to these areas, according to the National Statistics Office.

The construction of the Jungang area apartment complex was started. This massive apartment complex will have its own schools and business areas. 391,000 sq meters of space for 10,000 people was completed in December 2004. Other apartment complexes are still awaiting completion.

Across from the Osan AB Main Gate, the Shinjang Shopping Mall upgraded its image to a first-class shopping mall that offered goods at a much lower price than in the States. In the past you could barter and get a cheaper price on almost anything but now most store owners had a set price. However, some would come down a small amount.

Despite the fact that there has been a reluctance of foreign industries to invest in the area mainly due to the instability created by the North Korean nuclear crisis, government policies and labor problems, there was steady growth in the area.

However, the growth was not without growing pains. In 2004 after the SSyangang auto was once again independent (after the Hyundai bankruptcy). However, the workers were striking at the SSyangang auto plant fearing the sale of the company to a Chinese concern for fear of job losses. The deal ultimately fell through. In late 2004, the Chinese automobile manufacturer SAIC (Shanghai Automotive Industry Corporation) took a 51% stake of Ssang Yong Motor Company. In the end, the Chinese did acquire SSyangang and as feared, it looted its technology and failed to deliver on the promised investments in the company. The company seemed fated to head towards economic crisis in Korea.

Though exports were soaring, the local economy was in the doldrums. Companies nationwide reduced their hiring due to the protracted recession that started in 2003 and worsened in 2004 because of the government's refusal to officially accept that a "recession" even existed. Consumer confidence was down which meant that consumers were not buying as much which in turn impacted on the small and mid-sized factories whose products were geared for the local consumer market. In addition, the dual-edged sword of opening the doors of trade with China in 1992 started to haunt Korea. The Korean companies that sought to get in on the opening markets of China found that in 2004, Korea products on the shelves were mostly "made in China." Small and mid-sized companies were finding it hard to compete with the cheap Chinese imports.

But these hiccups were off-set by the opening of the Pyeongtaek Bridge, construction of interlinking roads, and the naming of Pyeongtaek Harbor as a national port. Pyeongtaek infrastructure received a big boost with the opening of the West Coast highway (Seohae) linking Incheon to Mokpo. A deep water harbor had been recently been completed at Pyeongtaek Harbor and it had been identified as one of three ROK harbors for international trade. The Pyeongtaek City was rapidly becoming a major port city and industrial complex on the West Coast of South Korea and a hub in the export area.

By 2005, these developments of "fixing" the long-standing infrastructure deficiencies in the area, suddenly made the future of Songtan and the surrounding areas bright and promising once again. The Pyeongtaek population stood at 379,161 in 2005. Major apartment construction was taking place in Songtan, Pyeongtaek and Anjung with completion dates running from 2006-2008. The Songtan-Pyeongtaek area had become a major industrial site and was home to many factories. The last of the industrial zones are nearing completion in 2006. The outlook remains bright.

---

SONGTAN HISTORY (PART I)

---