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This page is graphically intense with long load times due to photos. However, the photos and narratives by the men who served at Osan Air Base makes the wait well worthwhile. The opinions expressed are those of the author and in no way represents any official statement of Osan AB or the USAF.

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If you wish to listen to some golden oldies from 1940s-1990s, click on the selection on the list below. There are about 80 full-length songs to choose from. (NOTE: Song audio degraded due to space limitations, but adequate for computer listening.) Click For Music 1940s: Billie Holiday_As Time Goes By 1940s: Kate Smith_God Bless America 1940s: Mills Brothers_Glow Worm 1950s: Big Bopper_Chantilly Lace 1950s: Bill Haley Comets_Youre Never Too Old To Rock 1950s: Coasters_Yakety Yak 1950s: Danny And TheJuniors_At The Hop 1950s: Del Shannon_Handyman 1950s: Doris Day_By The Light Of The Silvery Moon 1950s: Fats Domino_I Hear You Knockin 1950s: Freddie Canon_Palisades Park 1950s: Nat King Cole_Ramblin Rose 1950s: Pat Boone_Love Letters In The Sand 1950s: Red Skelton_Pledge Of Allegiance 1950s: Ricky Nelson_Listen To The Rhythm Of The Falling Rain 1950s: Ritchie Valens_Boney Maronie 1950s: Ritchie Valens_Donna 1950s: Ritchie Valens_LaBamba 1960s: Beach Boys_Surfin USA 1960s: Beach Boys_Barbara Ann 1960s: Beatles_Strawberry Fields Forever 1960s: Bobby Vee_Go Away Little Girl 1960s: Chubby Checker_The Twist 1960s: Chuck Berry_Johnny Be Good 1960s: Crosby Stills Nash_Teach Your Children 1960s: Dean Martin_Make The World Go Away 1960s: Elvis Presley_Blue Suede Shoes 1960s: Elvis Presley_Love Me Tender 1960s: Harry Belafonte_Day O 1960s: James Darren_Goodbye Cruel World 1960s: Johnny Mathis_Chances Are 1960s: Kingsman_Louie Louie 1960s: Marcels_Blue Moon 1960s: Marvin Gaye_Lets Get It On 1960s: Paul Anka_Put Your Head On My Shoulder 1960s: Harry Belafonte_Day O 1960s: Righteous Brothers_Youve Lost That Loving Feeling 1960s: Johnny Mathis_Chances Are 1960s: Peter Paul Mary_The Marvelous Toy 1960s: Roy Orbison_Only The Lonely 1960s: Roy Orbison_Pretty Woman 1960s: Sam The Sham_Wooly Bully 1960s: Shirelles_Soldier Boy 1960s: Silhouettes_Get AJ ob 1960s: Simon And Garfunkel_Bridge Over Troubled Waters 1960s: Thunderbirds_Hippy Hippy Shake 1960s: Tony Bennett_San Francisco 1960s: Ventures_Apache 1970s: Bette Midler_The Rose 1970s: Cher_If I Could Turn Back Time 1970s: Commodores_Three Times A Lady 1970s: Crystal Gayle_Ill Do It All Over Again 1970s: Dione Warwick_Ill Never Love This Way Again 1970s: Engelbert Humperdink_Release Me 1950s: Fleetwoods_Mr Blue 1970s: Lovin Spoonful_Rain On The Roof 1970s: Mamas And Papas_Age Of Aquarius 1970s: Mamas And Papas_California Dreaming 1970s: Mamas And Papas_Monday Monday 1970s: Tina Turner_Whats Love Got To Do With It 1970s: Tony Orlando And Dawn_Tie A Yellow Ribbon 1970s: Troggs_Wild Thing 1980s: Aaron Neville Linda Ronstadt_All My Life 1980s: Bruce Springsteen_Born In The USA 1980s: Kenny Loggins_Footloose 1980s: Kim Carnes_Betty Davis Eyes 1980s: Kris Kristofferson_Loving Her Was Easier 1980s: Lee Greenwood_God Bless The USA 1980s: LindaRonstadt_Desperado 1980s: Linda Ronstadt_Thatll Be The Day 1980s: Marie Osmond Dan Seals_Meet Me In Montana 1980s: Michael Jackson_Billie Jean 1980s: Michael Jackson_You Are Not Alone 1980s: Michael Jackson And Friends_We Are The World 1980s: Michael Jackson_Ill Be There 1980s: Phil Collins_In The Air Tonight 1980s: Ricky Nelson_Garden Party 1980s: Ronnie Milsap_Lost In The 50s Tonight 1990s: Kenny G_Auld Lang Syne 1990s: Luther Vandross_Id Rather 1990s: Ricky Martin_Livin La Vida Loca Free JavaScripts provided by The JavaScript Source

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ROH MOO-HYUN, RADICAL REFORMIST OR ANTI-AMERICAN

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1970s View of Osan AB (USAF Photo)

Roh Moo-Hyun: Anti-American or Radical Reformist?

Anti-US Seoul Protest (31 Dec 2002)

When he was swept into office on his anti-American platform in 2002, we thought him an opportunist politician as the anti-American protests ceased on 1 Jan 2003 with only a word from him. Then he laid out his platform in Feb 2003 and we thought he was a radical reformist.

Roh Inauguration

Then the scandals, promises and tantrums and direction he was taking the country showed him to be a "leftist" -- a term that is just shy of "communist." (His supporters prefer to call him a "progressive.") The MDP (Millinieum Democratic Party -- later to become simply the Democratic Party) were sore enemies as Roh had used the party to gain the Presidency and then immediately abetted the split away to form the Uri Party. Once it was established, he joined the Uri party. He was impeached by the combined might of the GNP (Grand National Party) and MDP in Mar 2004, but it back fired as they used the flimsiest of excuses to attempt to impeach him. Roh likely could have derailed the impeachment process and prevented the accompanying domestic crisis by issuing an apology or mea culpa, but he didn't.

Roh Moo-hyun (Dec 2002)

The impeachment was a disaster -- for not only the GNP and MDP, but also for the country. The GNP & MDP politicians had no idea how any country will rally around their President when he is under attack -- even if they hate his politics. It cost the GNP and MDP dearly in the Apr 2004 election that swept the Uri Party into a majority in the National Assembly, though by a slim margin. Luckily the government had Goh Kun at the reins for the 64 days that Roh was out of office. Goh deftly calmed the people and prevented the country from disintegrating into anarchy. Later the Supreme Court ruling over-turned the impeachment (in a split decision) -- and Goh resigned. Roh taking the victory of the Uri Party at the polls, Roh announced the he had a "mandate" from the people. He started to make his changes.

By Aug 2004, he was making his moves to change Korea in a direction that certainly was to become a slippery slope. His lack of effective economic policies has led the country into a recession that three years later is still trying to "turn the corner." The best that could be said of the Roh administration is that it was "government run by amateurs." It has turned into a government of "cronyism" where loyalists to Roh are rewarded -- while those who speak out against him are branded as evil-doers, such as the conservative newspapers called the "Gangster Press." They are "punished" through the use of the National Tax Service (NTS) audits and Fair Trade Commission (FTC) crackdowns on alleged "monopolies."

Although he gained a short-lived resurgence of popularity in response to his 2003 call for a referendum on his presidency and the electorate backlash against the 2004 impeachment, his approval ratings have steadily declined. Shortly after assuming office, Roh alienated his critical political base of young, liberal voters by abandoning several progressive campaign pledges. By the 100th day of his presidency, his approval ratings had fallen to 50%, way below the 60-80% ratings of predecessors Kim Dae-jung and Kim Yong-sam at the similar mark. In the by-elections of April 2005, the main opposition Grand National Party (GNP) won five of six seats in the National Assembly while the Uri Party won none -- dealing a blow to the Uri Party "mandate." However, it appears the move was not so much a support of the GNP but rather the people's disaffection with the Roh policies. A 12 July 2005 poll by Munhwa Daily and the Korea Society Opinion Institute (KSOI) showed only 25% of the public approved of Roh's handling of the presidency. Support for the ruling Uri Party was down to 19% and less than 20% of survey respondents said the party has a chance to win the 2007 presidential election. Most troubling for the Uri Party was that several surveys showed it losing support among young voters, one of its key constituencies and previously staunchest supporters.

Roh emerged from his 2004 impeachment saga with a legislative majority, a severely weakened opposition, and a popular mandate that provided a honeymoon period in which the electorate was generally supportive of his progressive policies. Roh was unable to press his advantage to push reform legislation through the National Assembly. The president's inaction caused public support to dissipate and eventually resurrected criticism of his policies and leadership. The level and ferocity of acrimony within the National Assembly resumed, impairing the legislature's ability to reach consensus on domestic reform bills. (Source: Nautilus.)

Roh's presidency has been a disaster. Both Korea’s economic growth and income distribution index dropped below average after the Roh Moo-hyun administration, which promised more of both, took power. That is the first time since 1980.

The Citizen’s Coalition for Better Government released the results of a survey of 426 professionals, including civil servants, professors, and businessmen at a forum evaluated the Roh administration’s performance over its first three years on 17 Feb 2006. The adequacy of government personnel management, and the level of the government’s democracy, efficiency, and credibility of governance were areas in which the administration got lower marks than last year. The government did not receive a single “average” score (3.0 points) in any evaluation area. Professor Park Hyo-jong of Seoul National University evaluated the past three years as a period where the government had determination, but lacked know-how. He added that the government’s low approval ratings are due to its appointment of certain like-minded people to the cabinet, obsession with the past, and lack of comprehensive leadership. (Source: Donga Ilbo.) The approval ratings of Roh has declined in 2006 -- but it has been consistently around the 30 percent mark. His approval rating was 31 percent in Feb 2004; 38.4 percent in 2005; 30.9 percent in Feb 2006.

A report titled “New Visions and Strategies for Balanced Growth” published by the National Economy Advisory Council says the Korean economy recorded average annual growth of 6.9 percent since 1982 and an annual average income distribution index of 0.7 (the closer to 1, the more equally wealth is distributed). But growth has been well below that for the last three years, standing at 3.1 percent, 4.6 percent, and 4 percent since 2003, when this government took power. The income distribution index also slipped slightly below average in the same period to around 0.69. (Source: Chosun Ilbo.)

We would like to repost here what we wrote in August 2004 about his presidency in order to compare it to what is happening today in 2006. When seen in retrospect, the grand "vision" of Roh becomes clearer -- but it is NOT a pretty picture. We have added our commentary item by item. Excerpted from President Roh Moo-hyun: Anti-American or simply a Radical Reformist?.

Roh Makes His Move to Turn the "Reformist" Government into "Leftist" (Aug 2004) In July Roh Moo-hyun was under attack for his Truth Commission having former North Korean spies as investigators; the commissions attempts to make convicted spies into "fighters for democracy"; and then the commissions attempts to make the assassin of President Park Chung-hee into a "fighter for democracy." He stated that an attack on the Truth Commission was a personal attack on him. He then went before the National Assembly and asked for increased powers to investigate past wrongs.

(SITE NOTE: In February 2005, the National Intelligence Service (NIS) Development Committee for Clarifying the Past, or "Truth Committee," led by Rev. Oh Choong-il, began to reinvestigate seven suspicious cases from past authoritarian regimes, including Inhyoktang. Roh defended it as a matter of utmost importance to redress the past wrongs that had been hidden in secrecy. The history law passed in May 2005 under the mantle of righting past wrongs will obviously play a key role in portraying privilege and former governments as enemies of the nation and the state. (See Roh to "Correct" History by looking into Past Wrongdoings of NIS for recent events.)

In Nov 2005, the "Truth Committee" issued its findings on the Inhyoktang and Mincheong Hangnyon organizations. The committee alleged that the Park Chung-hee regime had no evidence other than the forced confessions to prove that Inhyoktang was linked to North Korea. In addition, its structure was not coherent enough to be called a party and it did not officially adopt a manifesto, pledging loyalty to Kim Il-sung, founding father of North Korea. The committee said the Inhyoktang was a small gathering-level organization rather than a party, and that there was no proof that the gathering had any intention to overthrow the government. It also said that Mincheong Hangnyon was an organization of students fighting for a democratic government, and that there was no evidence of it having received any directions from North Korea. Investigators said the government should compensate the victims of the dictatorial regime and seek ways to redeem their honor. But what stands out was that there were no confessions, no revelations, no proof -- despite the 20 "investigators" (activists hired to pursue their agenda). It was all circumstancial evidence and speculation. (Source: Korea Times, 7 Dec 2005 and Korea Herald, 8 Dec 2005.)

The agenda of the "Truth Committee" is very plain to see. Its purpose is to provide ammunition for the repeal of the National Security Law by focusing attention on the "evils" done by this law -- without addressing the security concerns the NSL covers. (NOTE: The majority of Koreans feel the NSL needs to be amended, but retained.) In addition, it seeks to elevate the status of the former activists in the Roh cabinet to the level of "freedom fighters" while painting as a demagogue Park Chung-hee and discredit his daughter, Park Geun-hye of the GNP by extension. Lee Hae-chan, Prime Minister, is listed as being "Imprisoned for Involvement in Mincheong Hakryeon Case" in 1974-1975. (Source: Korea Net.) Chung Dong-young, former Unification Minister, is listed as being "Imprisoned for Involvement in Mincheong Hakryeon Case" in 1973. (Source: Korea Net.)

See State Ordered to Pay 1.5 billon won for Professor's Death (Jan-Feb 2006) for details of how the Supreme Court used the findings of the 2002 Truth Commission to overturn the lower court ruling that the statute of limitation had run out on prosecution of the "unsolved death" -- and then went further to fine a former KCIA investigator, Mr. Cha, 20,000 million won for "defamation" in the "unsolved death." In its ruling it held the government liable for the KCIA tortures and would open the door to future suits dealing with "torture" that have passed the five-year statute of limitations. (NOTE: The point is that the Supreme Court did not change over-rule the statute of limitations, but instead said the "probable" torture and death was an "exception.") This fits perfectly in the Roh agenda -- but we question how the courts now define "most likely" and "probable"

(NOTE: As Park Chung-hee is considered a folk-hero because of his contributions to the "Miracle of the Han," any action to bring him down elevates the activists such as Chung and Lee to "freedom fighter" status. The same tact is used for Chun Doo-hwan. Kim Geun-tae, former Health Minister, was a noted activist imprisoned and allegedly tortured during the Chun Doo-hwan administration. Chun Doo-hwan was stripped of his medals by Roh in 2005 to humiliate Chun -- and by the same stroke elevate those who fought against his regime to "freedom fighters.")


Former President's at Roh Inauguration (SITE NOTE: Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo would continue to feel the wrath of the "progressives" under Roh as they were stripped of their medals and any property that they had.)

In addition, Roh has also used the National Human Rights Commission (NHRCK) as a tool to also push his "leftist" agenda -- even over items that Constitutional Courts have ruled as constitutional such as mandatory military service. In Jan 2006, it released its National Action Plan (NAP) that contained recommendations that alienated conservatives and the business community. The Roh administration stated it would "filter" the recommendations only after it started to become controversial. (See NHRC Action Plan Controversy (Jan 2006) and Backlash on NHRC Ruling of Riot Police Abuse (Jan 2006).)

He then turned to the various ministries to do a "self-examination" and to voluntarily "confess" their past ills. Of course, the first to jump on the bandwagon was the newly "reformed" NIS -- formerly the KCIA with which all past violations were aimed. Other Ministries were not so enthusiastic, but the heads promised to look into the actions.

(SITE NOTE: The NIS did not look hard enough. In July 2005 local television station MBC reported the contents of an illegally wiretapped conversation by the National Intelligence Service (NIS) between Ambassador to the US, Hong Seok-hyun, then the chairman of the JoongAng Ilbo, which was formerly affiliated with Samsung Group, and Samsung vice chairman Lee Hak-soo discussing to provide slush funds for presidential candidates ahead of the 1997 elections. The 1997 scheme by Samsung was to influence various politicians including GNP leader Lee Hoi-chang, by providing financial support to them in the presidential election of 1997. Hong resigned on July 26, 2005.

The NIS wiretap scandal implicated both the Kim Dae-jung and Kim Young-sam administrations by a special wiretapping unit of the NIS called "Mirim." In concluding its lengthy probe on the wiretapping scandal, however, the prosecution decided not to take legal action against high-ranking executives of the conglomerate, including Hong and the group's chairman Lee Kun-hee, citing lack of evidence. (Source: Korea Times.))

Roh launched a personal attack on Park Chung-hee claiming his Japanese collaborator as a lieutenant in the Japanese Army. Understandably, the GNP chairman and Park's daughter, Park Geun Hye, did not take this lying down. Roh was asked to clarify his "ideology" as it affected the nations plans. More and more people were starting to question his intentions in pursuing this tact. In fact, his strategy backfired when Rep. Shin Ki-man, chairman of the Uri Party, said in August 2004 that he was likely to announce his resignation from the ruling party's top post, taking responsibility for his father's alleged collaboration with Japan during the 1910-1945 colonial period. He looked more and more out of control. Park's daughter Park Geun Hye apologized personally to Kim Dae-jung for her father's actions against him -- and at the same time to thank him for his fostering the Park Chung-hee Memorial in August 2004. The move was blatantly political -- but it thwarted Roh's thrust to use Kim Dae-jung in his plans to justify the Japanese collaborator investigation.

(SITE NOTE: After Park Geun-hye outmanuevered Roh on the Memorial, the Roh administration cut off funding for the Park Chung-hee Memorial project citing the fact that the promoters came up with only 50 percent of their promised share. The promoters took the matter to court and in 2005 won the decision that the government would have to fund the project. Though Roh continues to target Park Chung-hee as a tyrant, most Koreans still consider him a hero as the architect of the "Miracle of the Han" who brought prosperity to Korea.)

Roh continued his "witch hunt" but it soon became clear that the targets were selective. The agenda of the Roh administration was to foster "egalitarianism" -- taking from the rich and giving to the poor in Robin Hood fashion to close the gap between the haves and have-nots. The persons on the "list" of 1300 persons from a 'progressive" activist group targeted the elite of Korean society -- most of whom are dead and unable to defend themselves. The criteria for being a "collaborator" is that one profitted during the Japanese occupational period -- but this is a form of revisionist history in applying present standards to come up with judgements of past events.

After approval by the National Assembly the plan to relocate the Capital from Seoul continued -- though there were various attempts to foil the move. Prime Minister Lee Hae-chan came out in favor of the capital, but forces were mobilizing to thwart the move. Despite the costs that many Koreans feel Korea can't afford, Roh has pressed forward with his campaign promise. Calls for a national referendum has been heard, but the courts overruled the effort. By August 2004 the site for the new administrative capital had been selected at Yongi-Kongju in South Chungchong Province and a massive push on the part of the administration to get the move to a point of no return. The GNP on the other hand is in the way of making it an easy process. The Seoul City Government on 14 Aug 2004 presented a written opinion to the Constitutional Court to demand the court rule against the President Roh Moo-hyun administration's plan to move the nation's capital out of Seoul. The Seoul city government submitted the 2,300-page document at the request of the court, which made similar requests to the ministries of construction and transportation and justice.

(SITE NOTE: The Constitutional Court ruled against the move of the capital out of Seoul using a curious justification that Seoul was the "traditional capital" of Korea. However, the Roh administration used a different tact and passed a law for the creation of an "administrative city." On 24 Nov 2005, the Constitutional Court rejected the petition against the special law and the court's judges ruled 7-2 that the special law was constitutional citing, "The special law on a new administrative city is not regarded as a division of the capital." By doing so, the court ruled the government could move two-thirds of its ministries to a proposed administrative area about 160 km (100 miles) south of the capital Seoul. Under the plan, 12 of the government's ministries and 30 state-run organisations will move by 2012. Under the special law, the presidential office, high courts and legislature would remain in Seoul along with the foreign, defence and unification ministries. The ministries and agencies that do move will go to the same initially earmarked province. Roh ordered the project to start and Park Geun-hye, leader of the GNP, said on her party's Web site she respected the ruling.


Administrative City Residents Battle over Land Prices for Administrative City (19 Dec 2005)

However, Roh is playing with a stack of mirrors. The Ministry of Finance and Economy estimates a total of 45 trillion won will be spent until the whole project is completed by 2030 -- BUT the special law stipulates that no more than 8.5 trillion won should be spent on the construction of new ministry buildings and roads and other infrastructure of the city. The groundbreaking for the project is expected to be done in the latter half of 2007 after the government confirms more specific development plans. However, owners of the land openly protested the meager monetary compensation in Dec 2005 and battles with riot police. In Jan 2006 the residents refused to sell their lands to the government because the money offered would not pay for land replacement. Speculation -- that Roh had promised to stop -- had driven the land prices up in the affected areas.)

Then in August 2004 Roh made his moves to change the Ministry of Defense into a civilian controlled operation. In addition Roh told the military to get used to the idea of his rapprochement. He urged the military to try to adjust to the changing security environment on the Korean Peninsula given the reconciliatory mood in inter-Korean relations. The remark comes following the dismissal of Defense Minister Cho Young-kil in July, when controversy erupted over the misreporting of radio communications from the North at the inter-Korean maritime border on the Yellow Sea. There was a lot of disgruntled military over the treatment of senior generals for past practices. Military commanders complained of what they called the harsh punishment given to the four-star general Shin, deputy commander of CFC, saying the embezzlement should be seen as a "customary appropriation" of funds for the operation of Army units. Rumors abounded at the time that Shin's arrest might signal the beginning of Roh's reshuffle of the military.

(SITE NOTE: Many military positions in the Ministry of Defense have been eliminated under a reorganization plan completed in 2005. The reorganization appears to be aimed at consolidating the power in the Ministry of Defense -- and subordinating the Joint Chiefs of Staff control of the services. However, what may be happening is a plan to install "progressives" into the key positions -- to ensure their power into the next administration.

Though we can't say for sure, the impression we have is that the military establishment is taking a "bide-your-time" attitude in cooperating with the Roh "self-reliant" policies, but at the same time working within the realities that the ROK doesn't have the monies nor the resources (tax base) to fund the new "self-reliant defense." While Roh takes an in-your-face confrontational style with the US, the MND has cooperated for the most part with the USFK. (NOTE: The result was Roh firing the chief negotiator with the USFK in 2004 for what he considered "giving away the farm" during the Future of the Alliance (FOTA) talks.) The current Minister of Defense is a retired admiral who knows well the reality of the military, but he is also a politician who has survived repeated calls for his resignation to take responsibility for events over which he had no control. His actions to walk the political tightrope while preserving the military capabilities seems consistent with the role of a dedicated servant who must follow his master's wishes -- but has the intelligence to know how to impede abhorent actions in bureaucratic red tape, while supporting positive ones with the limited resources that is available. The MND has worked with industry to foster an indigenous defense industry -- but has to find the cheapest solutions for foreign buys because it is always underfunded. Its percentage of the GDP pie has been promised to be increased for years, but consistently remained around 2.8 percent of GDP. The MND announced in 2004 that after years of making projections of increases that it was going to have a budget around 2.8 percent of GDP until the end of the Roh administration. The conflict is that the US wanted the ROK to shoulder defense spending at 3.2 percent of GDP -- and invested $11 billion in upgrading its USFK forces. The foot-dragging on the Camp Humphreys relocation (cost-sharing and pollution claims) are instigated by National Assembly and NGO activist groups (i.e., Green Korea). The procurement of lands is under the Korea Land Development Corporation -- not the MND. Overall, we view the MND as a "friend" and "partner" of the US -- while we view Roh as an reluctant "anti-American" ally.

Roh also urged the military to reform itself by volunteering to bring light to its past wrongdoing so it could regain people's trust. This statement unfortunately is based upon the premise that the military did wrong -- and is the basis of the Truth Commission mandate. "We can get fresh trust only if we shed light on past irregularities," he said. "We've yet to clearly shed light on the unjust history under past military governments."

On 13 Aug 2004, Roh ordered Unification Minister Chung Dong-young to head the standing committee of the National Security Council (NSC) so that the minister can deal more effectively with national security issues. Chung will head unification, foreign affairs and security issues. The NSC was asked to assist Chung in his tasks on security. However, according to political observers, the move also may also be part of a strategy to nurture prominent figures within Roh’s administration as potential candidates for the 2007 presidential election. Chung is the former head of the Uri party who kept shooting himself in the foot during the by elections of 15 April 2004 -- and resigned to take a position under the Roh administration.

(SITE NOTE: In April 2004, Chung Dong-young stated that the elderly did not have to vote in the upcoming election causing a flap that ended up in his losing his post as chairman of the Uri Party. As is now the pattern of Roh's administration, Chung was given the job of Minister of Unification. As the "chosen one" he was allowed in 2005 to have face-to-face negotiations with Kim Jong-il; vist the Zaytun troops in Iraq; and visit Washington to explain the ROK position on North Korea dealings. All of this was to give the former Uri Party Chairman the credentials as an international statesman in his run for his presidency candidacy in 2007. In Jan 2006, Chung Dong-young resigned as Unification Minister to run for the Uri Party leadership -- and ultimately the nomination for President in the 2007 elections.

However, Chung also illustrates a practice that Roh has put into effect since he entered Cheong Wa Dae -- "Government Spoilage." Just as Chung was "promoted" after he lost the Uri Party chairmanship, others have also benefitted from the Roh method of rewarding loyalty. In Nov 2004 it was reported that 61 politicians and 84 public servants had been rehired in affiliated organizations of the government. In particular, all 61 politicians were from the Presidential Election Management Committee, the Committee for Undertaking Presidency, and the ruling Uri Party. This practice continued into Jan 2006 when Roh nominated Lee Sang-soo as labor minister after serving a year in jail and being rejected at the polls by his constituents. Only under the Roh administration can a corrupt politician who was sentenced to prison be given a cabinet minister's job. In March 2004, Lee was sentenced to one year in prison for masterminding illegal political fundraising from local corporations to finance the election campaign of President Roh Moo-hyun, then the ruling Millennium Democratic Party (MDP)'s presidential candidate. Lee was arrested for receiving W3.2 billion (US$3.2 million) in illicit funds and sentenced to a one-year prison term by the Supreme Court in November 2004. In August 2005, Lee was pardoned and had his civil rights restored by Roh --- and in Jan 2006, he was appointed by Roh as Minister of Labor.

Another problem Chung has been in the center of is the "giveaways" that have been taking place with the North. Despite $3.5 billion in South Korean aid during the past decade, Seoul has achieved little change to North Korean behavior or the nature of its regime. The rising cost of Seoul's engagement policy is starting to concern the public -- especially since Roh has unwisely chosen to weaken the US-ROK alliance in favor of his "self-reliant defense" forcing the ROK to modernize its defenses at rates it cannot afford. The ROK budgeted W620 trillion (US$620 billion) for the military reorganization plan -- assuming prospects for the inter-Korean relationship remain rosy. In addition, the ROK must also foot other Roh pet projects such as the relocation of the "administrative city" that are going to cost more than has been allocated. In Jul 2005, South Korea's proposal to provide two million kilowatts of electricity to the North would cost $11bn through 2018 and was predicated on being in lieu of Seoul's obligation to 70% of the cost of the KEDO $4.5bn LWR project that is now defunct. In Jan 2006, the public was starting to question whether Roh's concern for the welfare of the North was more important the welfare of the South suffering from a prolonged recession and joblessness. Then in Jan 2006, Roh announced that there simply was not enough funds to support the long-range programs that he had committed the nation to -- meaning that a tax increase was imminent. (See Roh Administration Seeking to Find New Tax Funding (Jan 2006) for details.))

At the same time, President Roh announced his intentions to share his workload with the prime minister whose role has so far been seriously restricted. "In that sense, the change should be seen as establishment of a system in which the prime minister is responsible for state policies rather than politics," Prime Minister Lee Hai-chan said at a luncheon meeting. After Prime Minister Goh resigned following the overturning of Roh's impeachment motion, Lee's position has been severely limited. However, there are concerns that Roh is using Lee as a lightning rod to take the blame if things go wrong, while Roh still controls the action from the background.

(SITE NOTE: As it turned out, Roh has been the lightning rod and Lee Hae-chan has turned into the real power behind the formulation of domestic policy -- much to the consternation of conservatives. Roh has made blunder after blunder that his staff has had to "explain." His unusual public displays of self-criticism and off-the-cuff policy statements have unnerved the populace and raised concerns over his aptitude as president. His constant tact to "mobilize the people" instead of using the political arena to further his programs has started to wear thin. Roh has vacillated on his policies towards the US and the economy, sending conflicting signals on the importance of the alliance and the government's attitude towards foreign direct investment. He has implemented a series of inconsistent policies that have often been withdrawn when confronted by opposition by the public, the Uri Party or advocacy groups. As a result, he has alienated both conservatives and liberals, undermining his political base and constraining his influence.

Policymaking hampered by amateurism and government infighting. Roh's implementation of a decentralized, non-hierarchical governmental structure has led to a dysfunctional policymaking structure marked by confusion and animosity amongst the Blue House (presidential office), the prime minister, the ruling Uri Party, and the legislature. He exacerbated the chaos by an over-reliance on politically inexperienced aides and delegating extensive power to 23 presidential committees. Prime Minister Lee Hae-chan warned against the "domination of presidential aides and private organizations." According to a World Bank report, the quality of South Korea's governance ranking fell measurably during the past two years in several categories, including: political stability, effectiveness of civil servants and administrative service, quality of regulation, and corruption control. (Source: Nautilus.)

The status of South Korea's long-awaited national economic recovery is foremost on the electorate's mind, more so than the North Korean nuclear threat or ideological differences between political parties. Despite the president's repeated promises to focus his attention on improving the economy, he is perceived as having expended his political capital on peripheral issues, such as relocating the national capital from Seoul, rescinding the National Security Law and probing into historical issues. Economic indexes for the first half of 2005 were adjusted downward in July to 3%, lower than last year's growth and contrary to Roh's promises of 7% growth, raising public and investor concerns. The government front-loaded government spending in the beginning of the year in an attempt to jump-start the economy, though to little avail. (Source: Nautilus.)

Consumer and investor confidence in South Korea's economic recovery has remained tenuous and volatile due to domestic and international events. The rising price of oil has undermined hopes of improved economic status by year's end. The deputy premier for finance and economy recently assessed that the economy "may fall into a long-term recession like that of Japan." As of Jan 2006, CEOs of the major corporations were still split evenly over whether the ROK had "turned the corner" on coming out of the prolonged recession or was still in the midst of it though it had bottomed out.

Scandal after scandal amongst his cabinet members have entailed replacements like a revolving door. However, most admit that he is a better Prime Minister than he was an Education Minister under Kim Dae-jung. In that position, he tried to implement the ridiculed "egalitarian" education movement -- that has been repackaged and reissued as school reform in the Roh administration.

Despite a campaign pledge to eliminate government corruption, throughout his presidency Roh has been beset by scandals involving close aides. Although there have not been any credible accusations against Roh personally, the scandals provide fodder for political opponents to criticize the president and derail his policy initiatives. The latest series of allegations involve Representative Lee Kwang-jae, a long-time aide to Roh, who has been accused of orchestrating the National Railroad's misguided investment in a Russian oil project, which resulted in a multi-million dollar loss for the company. Two Roh aides, former presidential Secretary for Economic Affairs Chung Tae-in and former Chairman of the Presidential Committee on Northeast Asia Cooperation Initiative Moon Chung-in, were indicted in August 2005 for exercising undue influence in support of the Haengdam Island development project. (Source: Nautilus.))

The US was forging ahead with its reduction in forces moves while Roh still clung to his "self-reliant" defense ideas to unrealistically have the ROK able to maintain its own defense by 2010. This is a pipe-dream which all state is impossible -- especially since the Roh administration and Uri Party will not increase the military budgets significantly. It will take a minimum of a 3.2 percent of GDP -- which Seoul promised in 2003, but only delivered a 2.9 percent budget. Add in the massive expenditures needed to relocate the capital of Seoul south, this idea of military upgrades is threatened from the start.

(SITE NOTE: Roh's dreams of his "self-reliant" defense is coupled with the demand in Oct 2005 to control the ROK troops in time of war has added headache after headache to the USFK. The alliance has been strained to the limit -- and now things are awaiting the signing of the Japanese Restructuring and Reorganization Treaty in Mar 2006 to see what future actions the US will take. There appears to be moves to allow the dissolution of the CFC which in turn will free the US from "joint defense" of the ROK -- but rather become the "supporting partner" in case of attack. For its part, the Roh has had to face the reality of his decision as the cost is astronomical -- and now that the US has declared that it will not be the "patron" of the ROK, the contracts are being let to other countries -- but at a cost to the US-ROK alliance. The ROK budgeted W620 trillion (US$620 billion) for the Military Reorganization Plan -- assuming prospects for the inter-Korean relationship remain rosy. However, in pursuing its upgrade to high-tech weaponry, the ROK finds technology transfer -- to build its indigenous arms manufacturing capability -- more important than national defense.)

The US is firm on its reductions of 12,000 by 2005 -- while the ROK continues to try to hide the anti-American demonstrations that are on-going in Korea. The move out of Yongsan now moved to 2008 still remains threatened by a "reformist-minded" Uri Party controlled National Assembly.

(SITE NOTE: In 2004, the protestors stopped using English on their signs to say "Yankee Go Home." They found that these drew international attention. Instead, protestors now say "Yankee Go Home" -- or the more generic "American Soldier (Migun) Go Home" in hangul to prevent the bad press. As the USFK pulls out of the camps along the DMZ, much of the ammunition against the USFK has been eliminated.

Declining public support led Roh to pursue increasingly nationalist policies. His strident rhetoric against Japan in response to the Dokdo Island and Japanese textbook issues led to a short-term response in public support. His position over the Yasukuni Shrine visits by Japanese Prime Minister Koizumi has been used by Roh to derail any Japanese summit -- though it is to the benefit of the country. The ticklish problem is that large segments of Roh's political base support stronger anti-American statements and policy. In 2006, anti-Americanism is still alive and well in Korea.

In 2004 the cause celebre was the oft-heard phrase: "Tokdo is OURS!!!" When his approval ratings plummeted, Roh cranked up the nationalistic fervor. From school kids to grandmas, everyone beat their chests that the Japanese were out to again "take" what was rightfully Korea's. The truth was that the rock called Tokdo is "disputed." The Japanese said that they were willing to take the case to the World courts, but it was KOREA that refused. Both the Japanese and Koreans had previously agreed to allow the area to be a "joint fishing zone." However, soon the Koreans simply crowded out the Japanese -- and when the Japanese complained, the Korean gunboats showed up to "protect" Tokdo.

In 2005, the whole situation under Roh was out of hand. Instead, Roh tried to play the case in the media -- and hyped up the feelings of the people in a nationalistic frenzy. Things got so heated that people burned themselves to death and a mother and son chopped their fingers off. The hysteria was pumped up over the middle school history book in Japan that "distorted" history -- but it hadn't even been accepted by the schools yet. Later Koreans were also angered last year when the Japanese authorities approved a new line of schoolbooks asserting Japan's sovereign claim to the rocky islets. Then the visits of Koizumi to the Yasukuni shrine became the next sore point in both Korean and Chinese affairs. Politicians flocked to have their pictures taken on the rock -- and long-distance swimmers swam to the island from the mainland. Moves were taken for tours to be made to the island. In all, 2005 which was supposed to be the "Friendship Year with Japan" turned into a year of national hatred fostered by a President out to divert attention away from his failed programs.

In 2006, the Tokdo cries continue starting with the symbolic overfly by the USAF chief of staff in a F-15K accompanied by F-16s in Jan 2006. Despite strong protests in Feb 2006, Japan's Shimane Prefecture said it would push ahead with celebrations of the country's claim to a set of Korean islets. The Shimane Prefecture government was to mark the first Takeshima Day on 22 Feb 2006 after the local assembly passed a bill last year authorizing the celebration. Takeshima is the Japanese name for the Dokdo islands. Korea has demanded that Shimane Prefecture retract the designation of the day and cancel any commemorative events, but the prefecture will proceed as planned.


Kim Sung-do, who moved into Dokdo with his wife on 19 Feb 2006, examines his 1.3-ton-boat at a port in Ullung-do before sailing it to his new home hours later. (19 Feb 2006)

On 20 Feb it was announced two of the three Koreans who are registered residents of Dokdo islet, Kim Seong-do and Kim Shin-yeol, moved back home after 10 years. The couple moved to the islet in 1991 and left the islet in 1996 after their house collapsed in a storm and the dock became non-functional. The couple have been living on a neighboring island, Ullung-do, ever since. With its political tension with Japan over Dokdo escalating, the Ministry of Maritime Affaires and Fisheries spent 1.7 billion won ($1.75 million) to build a four-room house and repair the port facilities to lure civilian residents to the islets. The Maritime Ministry has "repaired" the couple's home, and private groups raised funds to buy a new fishing boat for them. The couple will soon have a neighbor in Pyung Bu-kyung, a 55-year-old poet, who plans to move to Dokdo sometime in April. (NOTE: These "residents" are "political pawns" as the ROK allowed people to register as residents to attempt to support their sovereignty case. As far as we know, prior to the 1990s, there were only fishing huts used for temporary shelter by fisherman, but no regular residents because of the lack of fresh water. The outpost is guarded by a lighthouse manned by maritime police and equipped with a helipad. Concrete docks were constructed after the old docks fell into disrepair in the late 1990s.)

Father and Son Purchase Tokdo Stamp (17 Jan 2004) (NOTE: Korea printed a stamp of Tokdo -- but denounced the Japanese when they did the same. (NOTE: The South was silent when the North Koreans did the same for a Tokdo stamp, but very vocal when the Japanese prefecture issued a Tokdo stamp.)

The fact that Roh tried unsuccessfully in 2005 to remove the "outlawed" status of the Hanchongnyeon, the National Federation of Student Councils, one of the most violent anti-American groups speaks loudly of his position. (NOTE: In 1997, the ROK Supreme Court ruled that Hanchongnyeon was an "enemy-benefiting group" and an anti-State organization under articles of the National Security Law (NSL). The group's reform was part of the unsuccessful push to eliminate the NSL.) This group was responsible for the violent attack on Camp Humphreys in Jul 2005. On the second point of the "Uri Party controlled National Assembly" has changed. The Uri Party no longer has a majority after election violations or convictions caused the party to lose many seats -- and in by-elections never recovered them. In the Apr 2005 by-elections, the Uri Party received NO seats -- a public humiliation of the party and Roh.)

The troops to Iraq promised in June were still awaiting movement to Iraq in August 2004 -- though everyone has thanked them for their "support." What makes this whole move ridiculous is that the 3,600 troops of the 2d Bde 2d ID was notified AFTER the ROK approved their 3,600 troops for Iraq in MARCH 2003 ... and then went into denial and stalls. Only a blind idiot cannot see that the US pulled out their troops because the ROK was not a reliable ally. And they moved a brigade with more than 1,800 vehicles out in less than two months...while the ROK is still fumbling. (See Relocation of USFK (2004).)

(SITE NOTE: The 2d Bde 2d ID departed Korea -- and did not return to Korea. The ROK Zaytun unit did not go to Iraq until Dec 2004 after much hassling to be in a "safe" location in the Kurdish held territory at Irbil. While over 2000 American troops have been killed, not one ROK has been injured or killed. The only person hurt was when a ROK soldier accidentally killed an Iraqi soldier with his K-2 rifle. In 2005, the passed legislation to reduce its troops by about 1000, though it did extend them for a year. However, the point has been made to the ROK that the US is capable of relocating out of Korea in a VERY short time -- if it so desires.

Currently in 2006 the units from Yongsan were supposed to start the relocation process to Osan AB and Camp Humphreys, but the ROK still has not procured all the land. The foot-dragging continues, though the ROK is making lots of PR noise. But the USFK has also started to downsize to "units of action" (UA) and reposition units to Pyeongtaek -- and switching its rear echelon units to Camp Stanley and Red Cloud. There is a lot of behind the scenes actions that are taking place to relocate the US troops off the DMZ in a very low-key manner.)

Roh who was swept into office on his America Go Home plank, is now asking the US to delay its timetable for troop reductions. However, it is probably too late. They have stalled and "renegotiated" at every turn to the point that the U.S. does not believe that they will negotiate in good faith. The ROK continues with its rapprochement stance and has gone into face-to-face negotiations on Kaesong over the export of certain prohibited technologies.

(SITE NOTE: Currently the topic of pollution of the camps being returned under the 2001 Land Partnership Plan is a stall by the ROK to try to keep the USFK on the DMZ. However, this will most likely NOT work as the LPP is a separate topic from the relocation. The camp can be empty and the relocation can still take place. The US stated that the ROK is using a different standard than what was agreed upon in the SOFA negotiations on the topic. It is a legal matter at this time.

However, on the topic of cost-sharing for the relocation, the ROK is backed against a wall. If it does NOT provide funding for the relocation as agreed upon, then it will have reneged on an binding agreement. As to the additional $500 million to be used as fill for the area near the Anseong River, that is another story. This "requirement" was surfaced in 2004 and the ROK refuses to consider the matter. This will be a long and dragged out process.

On the topic of technology transfer, there was a great stall by the US over the use of telecom switch units using American technology in a "terrorist" nation. Finally in Dec 2005, it was approved for use at Kaesong -- though it seemed curious that Korea Telecom immediately started talking of providing service to ALL of North Korea -- and later it again stated that Kaesong would be the central hub, but what about the other nodes??? Another curious fact is that the US approved the purchase of an Unmanned Air Vehicle (UAV) for Japan in 2005, but refused the request from the South Koreans. In 2005, the Koreans attempted to switch bids on its AWACS aircraft buy from the US to Israel, only to discover that the US had the communication patents on the radio gear...and was not going to open the door on them.)

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Roh Moo-hyun: A Left-leaning President

(See Roh Moo-hyun Profile from Cheong Wa Dae site.)

In early 2002 -- prior to Roh's election -- most conservatives viewed Roh as an anti-American radical leftist. However, after he won the election in December 2002, he was viewed only as a liberal reformist as Roh sought to change his image away from being a rabid anti-American. After he took office in Feb 2003, he started to project the Presidential image speaking of partnership and alliance with the USFK, but still mouthing anti-American sentiments to his supporter base groups. He portrayed himself as a defender of Korea forced to bend to the will of the U.S. to prevent a war on the peninsula. Then in May 2003 after the US-Korea summit, Roh sought to reinvent himself again as a political realist who sided with the U.S. stance -- simply because there was no other choice. Each of these stances had consequences. The first started the anti-Korea backlash. The second upset the governmental structures in an attempt to "reform" them in the left-leaning liberal mold. The third cast him in a position of a untrustworthy politician who talked out of both sides of his mouth. The fourth may cost him dearly with his primary support group of the college students and youth groups who viewed him as selling out to America.

In 2002 as Roh Moo-hyun campaigned for office, there were claims that he was anti-American -- especially from his campaign rhetoric to gain the presidency. The violent anti-Americanism was being backed by the "386" generation -- those from the March 86 "democracy" movement -- in the 20-40 age group...and he played up to this group. At one point during his campaign, Roh actually boasted with pride about never having visited the United States, implying that Koreans who had done so were somehow less patriotic. Roh was viewed as a radical leftist leader with a definite anti-American bent. Following a U.S. military vehicle accident in May 2002 that resulted in the deaths of two Korean school girls, Roh took every opportunity to capitalize on the xenophobia and hatred focused on the U.S.

Owen Rathbone wrote in the American Daily.com: "He also raised eyebrows by stating that in the event of a conflict between the U.S. and North Korea he would not get involved except to "mediate" between the two warring parties — despite the fact that the U.S. would come to his country's aid in the event of a crisis with the North. Roh also hinted at the possible withdrawal of American forces from Korea. Above all, he promised he would not "kowtow" to Washington, but rather put the U.S. and South Korea on an "equal footing."

However, in all fairness, every politician did the same thing by jumping on the bandwagon as the fashionable thing to do. Anti-Americanism was out of hand and Roh rode into office on its coat tails. Only after the students started into more fire bombings and violent attacks on USFK servicemen did President Kim Dae-jung break his silence on the anti-Americanism and come out against the violence that he had allowed to proceed unchecked.

In a 24 Dec, 2002 article in the International Herald Tribune, "In the campaign, Roh hinted that South Korea would remain neutral if war broke out between the United States and North Korea. Is he so confident of Chinese strategic protection that he believes he can discard the U.S. alliance? If so, the tangle of great power interests on the Korean Peninsula is about to undergo a profound shift. The election outcome means that South Korea is set for another five years of appeasement of North Korea, even though North Korea behaves ever more outrageously. Pyongyang has admitted to a clandestine nuclear enrichment program, has threatened to end its self-imposed moratorium on missile testing, and has threatened to resume plutonium production at its Yongbyon plant. South Korea's appeasement policy has also served the interests of the North by stirring up anti-U.S. nationalism in South Korea."

Before the election, Roh positioned himself on a head-on collision with the U.S. (See Roh Moo-Hyun President Elect & Road to Confrontation Set:.) Even after he was elected then President-elect Roh was generally considered by many Americans as a radical reformist with a strong tendency toward anti-Americanism, Roh was urged to try to do something about the anti-American situation in Korea. However, he knew well from where his support sprang from and was cautious in not alienating the 20-40 age group which are at the core of the anti-American movement. Public warnings against anti-Americanism in Korea was gaining momentum, especially in the media circles.

Roh Election Victory (19 Dec 2002)

Once elected Roh told the NGO groups to be quiet because there was a growing economic backlash from the anti-Americanism. On December 31-Jan 1, tens of thousands sang "F _ _king USA" and shouted "Yankee Go Home," but the next day suddenly there was no anti-Americanism reported. Did anti-Americanism disappear? No, it was alive and well...just muffled -- and also the winter is not a good time for protests. However, Roh also turned around and told the Seoul Police not to harass the protestors.

Anti-US Seoul Protest (31 Dec 2002)

Worried about his potential anti-American image, Roh started to say nice things about the USFK talking about the "alliance." Unfortunately, his remarks to other Korean groups, he voiced his real agenda to gain control of the USFK and portrayed the U.S. as a "necessary evil." Basically he viewed the U.S. military relationship with Korea as horizontal -- with the U.S. on top. He publicly voiced his opinion that the relationship should be vertical -- as equals. However, it is hard for the U.S. to stomach a vertical relationship as it spends $20 billion on Korean defense along with providing all the high-tech weaponry (i.e., Patriot missiles, Aegis destroyers, tomahawk cruise missiles) to the mix.

Roh Inauguration

Through out the initial days of his Presidency, the world press questioned whether he was anti-American. His image of his being anti-American was cemented by his interviews with a British magazine and then with Newsweek Magazine. Roh's vision of where Korea should head was not in the best political interests of the U.S. is the kindest remark that could be said.

There was growing concern that his political stance put him on a collision course with America. To offset this image, he sent a special envoy to Washington from his transition team who made the unfortunate gaffe of saying to a number of senior U.S. officials that given the choice between North Korea collapsing and its possessing nuclear weapons, the South prefers the latter. People shook their heads and started to say that the Roh administration might be starting with diplomacy by amateurs. This seemed to set the tone for his administration of a group of reformist amateurs with all the good intentions to change Korea to their vision.

Roh Moo-hyun (Dec 2002)

Reformist Policy: President Roh is a reformist -- that is not in doubt. In Feb 2003, his cabinet was made up of reformists breaking all the rules of seniority or qualifications or experience. The majority of his group were in their 40s-50s with the oldest being his Premier Goh at 65. The Ministers seemed to be selected on their espoused vision of how to change the institutions -- without regard to any real experience in government or high-level leadership positions. For example, he appointed a popular movie director as the head of the Ministry of Tourism and Culture.

Following his successful election on Dec. 19, 2002 as the next President of Korea, he declared an ambitious 10-point government policy vision as head of the new government to be formed. They consisted of the following:

1. A nation divided cannot stand. Korea must initiate a new era of regional reconciliation and national unity. (SITE NOTE: The reunification of Korea is priority-one with the continuation of the Sunshine Policy. As to regionalism, there were early signs of discontent from the South Cholla area that gave him 98 percent of their vote in the Presidential election, but did not receive their "fair share" of political appointments.)

2. We must advance our nation with key emphasis on fair principles and justice. (SITE NOTE: The reforms he had in mind was to gut the NIS and National Security Law, bring the Ministry of Justice prosecutor office to heel under the thumb of the President; and foster chaebol reforms in favor of the unions. As to the U.S. military presence, this meant restructuring the relationship with America from a vertical relationship (big brother) to a horizontal one (equals). Unfortunately, the U.S. is going to restructure the relationship in the form of "my way" or "no way." The outdated cold war positioning of forces in Korea is about to come to an end.)

3. Korea must play a leadership role in the reshaping of the Northeast Asian order and take a new leap higher in the world arena. (SITE NOTE: The first attempt was the failed intermediary mission to North Korea. This bold approach unfortunately has not received the welcome response anticipated from its neighbors. Instead Korea has shifted its emphasis to making Korea a internet business hub of the future. Unfortunately, most investors have shunned Korea. The Korean government talks about Korea as a "business hub of Northeast Asia," but after dealing with Korean bureaucrats, foreign investors generally concur that civil servants here are in dire need of an attitude adjustment.)

4. We must nurture our society to be a sound healthy economy, with plentiful job opportunities, and where hard-working people can enjoy economic well-being. (SITE NOTE: His first acts appeared to be conciliatory actions to the union demands in the national railway strike and soon followed by the trucker strike. More were expected to follow and hospitals and health services.)

5. All citizens are entitled to their constitutional rights to pursue happiness and have their fundamental human rights protected. We must create a society with a warm heart. (SITE NOTE: Roh seems to head his reforms to rid itself of the National Intelligence Service; free dissident activists from prison (including North Korean spies and student activists); and gut the National Security Act. In his reforms, Roh sought to pardon the North-Korean supporters of Hanchongnyeon student union.)

6. We must encourage a national culture that boosts its people's pride, a well-educated nation where all reach their full potential, and a Korea all wish for their descendants to inherit. (SITE NOTE: The Ministry of Education NEIS plan to standardize national education has faced strong opposition from teachers' unions nationwide.)

7. Digitalization and the IT revolution are can't-miss opportunities for Korea. We must harness these tools to become a global benchmark and digital powerhouse accessible to all. (SITE NOTE: Roh knows the importance of this element as it by most accounts is what assured him his election. In March 2002, Roh set out his vision to make Korea number one in computer linkages and to turn Korea into a internet business hub.)

8. We must continue political reform that returns politics to the people, the National Assembly to the lawmakers, and the party to the party members. (SITE NOTE: By May 2003, the honeymoon was over. The majority opposition was vowing to make his life hell and young rebels in his ruling party was setting up the formation of a new party. In July 2003, the idea of a new party collapsed as the reality set in that they could never win the elections in 2004.)

9. An approachable President and humbled power will make Korea strong. Revive the concept of accountability in the posts of Prime Minister and Ministers as stated in the constitution. Realize an administration that caters to the specific and broader needs of the people. (SITE NOTE: This is Roh's vision of a "participatory government." Roh has started his style of town meetings to make himself appear more accessible to the people. He knows the value of the internet and has actively promoted it as the medium of the future. He started a bulletin board on the Blue House website, but soon delegated the responsibility for fielding the questions to the separate miinistries. Roh prefers the television medium and has openly debated rebellious prosecutors -- and in May 2003 sat down for a televised question and answer show from a panel of journalists. The response has been positive to his approach. The pattern was obvious -- Roh would make a statement and he then would blame it on a misinterpretation by his Blue House spokesperson. He fired the first, then in June 2003 Roh Moo-hyun said that he had indicated to Japan's Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi that the ROK would REJECT any other course than dialogue in the North Korean nuclear crisis. "During my visit to Japan, I conveyed a strong intention that we exclude use of force and other means that heighten uncertainty, and that we use dialogue to resolve the North Korean nuclear crisis," Roh told Blue House secretaries and aides, according to Yoon Tai-young, the Blue House spokesman. Yoon later said Roh's statement was "misinterpreted" because he spoke so fast. A more famous gaffe came during the Iraq War when Roh went to the National Assembly to tell them he was "forced" to send the troops in order to protect Korea...meaning the U.S. strong-armed him. They rewrote the text three times before they had the innocuous version now on the Blue House archives. )

10. Reforms must succeed. Failed reforms cannot be called reforms. Our leadership will systemize open participation and dialogue. (SITE NOTE: This will be the biggest challenge as he is taking on the chaebols, the government bureaucracy and entrenched conservatives. He is attacking the established power structure.)

Former President's at Roh Inauguration

Roh Starts His Term in Office with a Lead Foot

Alienates Career Bureaucrats: Roh alienated a large group of career bureaucrats by overruling the promotion system. He appointed a woman to the Ministry of Justice and immediately the prosecutors attacked back and Roh had a televised public debate with the junior prosecutors to defuse the matter. Roh won as he placed his sympathizers in key positions in the prosecutors office -- most obvious being the key Seoul prosecutor's office. However, the expected resignations of senior officials were not forthcoming -- as they simply took the position to bide their time.

Then he announced that he was going to grant amnesty to the radical students and North Korean spies jailed under the National Security Law. This alienated the National Police which has battled these groups on the streets for thirty years. Suddenly the outlawed student union was ok because it wanted to reform its organization, though the law nor indictment had not been rescinded. The Supreme Court reconfirmed Hanchongnyeon, the association of college student councils, was an organization benefiting the interests of South Korea's enemy, North Korea, although the illegal organization recently made efforts to soften its radical stance with the launch of the Roh Moo-hyun administration. Following this lead, a Seoul court convicted the 2002 Hanchongnyeon acting President to 18 months in jail. These troubles with radical student group issues would crop up when a former student activist who was on the wanted list by the NIS was discovered working on Roh's transition team in Jan 2003. Despite this fact, the Roh administration has continued to support the Hanchongnyeon legalization -- even after elements broke into a USFK Firing Range near the DMZ and vandalized the Corps of Engineers buildings in Seoul in August 2003. The police are starting their investigation into the radical student organization and arrests were being made in August 2003.

Roh's alienation of the Prosecution office is shown by the fact that the prosecution quickly took over the Kim Dae-jung pay-for-summit case after the mandate of the independent counsel lapsed. The scandal is a major thorn in the MDP's side. In addition, it was revealed that the video tape of one of Roh's aides being wined and dined was taken by someone from the Prosecutor's office -- then released to the press to embarass him.

The alienation of career bureaucrats continued as more and more saw that the reformist agenda was taking Korea on an uncomfortable course. Early on, Roh attempted to gag his administration from talking to the press stating that "anonymous sources" would not be allowed and that all information had to be attributed to the source. "Anonymous sources" died out for a while, but soon resurfaced in most of the major newspapers. Most of the "leaks" came from the Ministry of Justice in identifying high-profile advisors to Roh. (See Political Scandal)

On 12 Jan 2004, President Roh Moo-Hyun's office launched an investigation of foreign ministry officials accused of criticising his foreign policy agenda. According to NAPSNET, "An investigation is under way into the allegations that some foreign ministry officials made inappropriate and intolerable remarks and leaked information about their business to the media in an inappropriate manner," Roh's spokesman Yoon Tai-Young said. An official at the ministry said Foreign Minister Yoon Young-Kwan had convened a meeting of top officials. "The atmosphere is grim," he said. "The term 'investigation' is unfortunate. We are not criminals." The investigation reflects a rift between top bureaucrats in charge of policy towards the US at the foreign ministry and key advisors to Roh, according to media reports. A group of advisors led by DPRK expert Lee Jong-Seok, number two on the National Security Council, are known to ministry officials as the "Taliban," after the fundamentalist Islamic group which sheltered Osama bin Laden in Afghanistan prior to their overthrow by US-led forces in 2001, the reports said.

Roh use of "frank expressions" of distrust of the Foreign Ministry's American policy line indicated mass personnel shakeups at the ministry's North American desk were expected. Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade Yoon Young-kwan resigned a day later on 15 Jan. Yoon Young-Kwan was replaced by Roh's foreign policy adviser Ban Ki Moon. According to the Choson Ilbo on 15 Jan, "Discussing policy toward the United States, the President said that from time to time, there were leaks of information aiming to change his foreign policy, and after policies had been decided, there were leaks designed to influence the details of those policies. He called attention to this several times, he said, and requested that officials follow his directions, but a few people objected and went as far as making insulting remarks. The information leaks Roh spoke of appear to refer to the prior reports in the media of the government's position on the six-party talks, Iraq, the Yongsan Garrison move, and other issues. For the President to say this in a room where even foreign correspondents were sitting leads some observers to predict that full-scale changes in the system by which American policy is reached will take place."

Chung Chan-yong, senior secretary for civil affairs at Cheong Wa Dae, stated, "A certain few individuals at the foreign ministry have been unable to grow beyond the dependent foreign policy of the past. They have been unable to adequately carry out the independent foreign policies of the Participatory Government. These individuals repeatedly spoke in a manner that is outdated in public and private contexts, leaked sensitive information, and in doing so caused confusion in foreign policy. Then, in the course of an inquiry, information about the inquiry itself was leaked, a willing upset of official discipline." Top diplomats abroad were also axed amid the public row over foreign policy and relations with the US.

On 30 Jan 2004, it was reported that President Roh had replaced his top defense and national security advisors in a cabinet shake-up. The former deputy head of the National Intelligence Service, Kwon Chin-Ho, took over from Ra Jong-Yil as national security advisor and Yoon Kwang-Ung, a retired admiral, succeeded Kim Hee-Sang as adviser for national defense. Some analysts linked the new shake-up to an effort to reduce pro-US influence in Roh's inner circle. Kwon, a 63-year-old retired three-star army general, is an expert in security and international affairs. He was in charge of security during the 2002 football World Cup co-hosted by the ROK and Japan.

Continuing Education Problems over NEIS: The Ministry of Education and Human Resources' (MOE) has always been a thorn to previous administrations. His is no different. The ministry continues to be embroiled in controversy with the teachers union posting anti-American lesson plans on the internet and a principal committing suicide over pressure from the union. The progressive Korea Teachers' and Educational Workers' Union (KTU), or Jeongyojo, provided downloadable anti-war lesson plans; provided photographs for class use of the mangled bodies of the two schoolgirls killed in the armored vehicle accident; provided materials claiming the U.S. was responsible for keeping Korea divided. Roh promised to look into the matter, but then backed down, claiming that the lessons were not as offensive as claimed. In truth, Roh did not want to alienate the KTEWU as a political power base. Counter claims of the unions abuses in the suicide of the principal again was swept under the carpet.

There is a major controversy of an National Education Information System (NEIS) that the Ministry of Education has injected 52.1 billion won to implement the NEIS early this year. In May 2003 the government agreed to re-examine the planned introduction of the NEIS as an integrated Internet database of school information amid a controversy that the envisaged system might violate human rights. A state human rights panel recommended the Education Ministry scrap three key parts of the NEIS - students' medical history, their individual records on school entrance and school affairs. At the center of the conflict is a choice between a promise of enhanced convenience in information sharing and a perceived potential risk to privacy. The convenience in accessibility of information was claimed to result in 1.4 trillion won savings during the next five years.

The recommendations of the human rights commission caused numerous problems in educations circles as many schools had already scrapped the present "client-server" (CS) system, believing that they would be equipped with a new NEIS system. Under the CS system, a larger, faster personal computer called "server or workstation" controls smaller, slower desktop computers. The left-wing KTU warned that if the government pushed forward with the NEIS its 90,000 members would wage protest activities, such as taking coinciding sick days or boycotting the new system. On May 28, 2003 the KTU decided to schedule a "collective annual leave" -- effectively a strike. If the union had made good on its threat, the most immediate effect would be impaired operations for this year's university entrance exams, which the system handled. By contrast, the larger and more moderate union, the Korean Federation of Teachers Associations, which has 170,000 members, said that if the government returned to the old CS information system it would boycott it or possibly strike as well. (See KTU for Hangul homepage.)

As is becoming typical of the Roh administration, the Minister of Education contributed to the mess with his waffling on his position. Shortly after he assumed his post in March 2002, he claimed there were problems with NEIS and that he would suspend it for improvement. Several days later, he stated the problems were not so serious and it would proceed. When the human rights commission issued its recommendation, he said he would respect it, then he hinted that he might rule against it.

In the end, the ministry reversed its position to implement the system by force if necessary and accepted the KTU's position that the NEIS be canceled and the former CS system be used for the three sections in question. The system would be implemented for graduating seniors, but those below the 11th grade would be "temporarily" placed under the old CS system until February 2004.

In response, the moderate Korea Union of Teaching and Education Workers (KUTE), Council of Local Education Commissions and several parent organizations called for the resignation of Minister of Education Yoon Deok-hong. In addition, the Workers Council at the ministry is also balking at the decision in a rare move that publicly denounced the "unilateral" decision as "self-serving." The education superintendents, education committee members, school principals, information system teachers, the KUTE and the Korea Federation of Teachers Associations (KFTA), are now vehemently opposed to the decision.

Then Minister Yoon waffled again and said that the announcement was falsely conveyed, and that the new system would not be scrapped but would be reconsidered over the next six months. This kind of response is typical of the Roh administration that when they get in trouble they state they were misquoted or misunderstood.

The Education Minister flip-flopped again and announced it would allow schools to operate the NEIS, despite progressive KTU teachers' threat to boycott classes in protest against the system. Under the guidelines, schools are required to keep the data manually in principle pending a final decision on the new system by an expert committee to be launched this month. In response, the KTU said they would take a collective leave on June 20, 2003. The Education Ministry stated that "the collective leave" would be considered a strike. The KTU is not allowed to strike under prevailing law. The Education Ministry said that those who participated in the protest would be subject to warnings, reprimands, and reduction of wages -- though the degree of punishment would be decided by heads of municipal and provincial offices.

The Seoul courts reacted quickly to set an example and sentenced six former KTU officials to prison over a 2001 incident -- though with a two-year stay of execution in the sentences it amounts to nothing more than a symbolic action. The court ruled that if students' rights for studying and learning were violated by teachers' collective move to take leave, that constituted the obstruction of the school administration.

According to the Korea Herald, "Of the 27 NEIS fields, only these three contain students' personal records on their health, grades and school entrance and transfers. Human rights advocates argued the three parts should be scrapped as they might violate students' human rights and privacy. In contrast, NEIS proponents say without these three elements, it is "meaningless" to adopt an NEIS that is aimed at integrating information from all primary, middle and high schools and making them available at students' homes. The conservative Korean Federation of Teachers' Association said they would not revert to the previous "client-server" system, saying 97 percent of 10,950 schools across the nation have already begun using the NEIS. They noted the "complete" return to the CS system could potentially cost the Education Ministry up to 2.2 trillion won, adding the government has already injected 52.1 billion won to the establishment of the new network system."

Attacks on the "Gangster" Press: He then attacked the "gangster press" -- the big-three newspapers: Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo and Donga Ilbo. Roh's first action was reforming the press system at Cheong Wa Dae (Blue House) to eliminate the White House-style press corps and substitute a daily briefing system. Officials were told that they would not grant interviews unless authorized and that newspapers must cite their sources for quoted material from officials. These measures were aimed directly at big three conservative newspapers which voice opposition to Roh's programs.

From September 2003, journalists from foreign news organizations, Internet-only newspapers and other non-conventional media firms will be able to attend press briefings provided by six government ministries and agencies located at the Central Government Complex building in central Seoul. To date, those government offices had been providing briefings only to each ministry's press corps, which mostly consists of major Seoul-based news organizations.

The FTC has launched investigations against the three newspapers. In the mean time, the Roh support group (Nosamo) showed up in front of the Independence Hall Museum with a crane to yank out the press donated by the Chosun Ilbo as an exhibit of the olden days press in Korea. Intimidated, the museum removed the display.

In March 2003 Roh then appointed a reformist to the KBS (nationalized TV station), but the union refused to let his appointee enter the office. His appointee resigned and a new appointee, Jeong Youn-ju, took office. Unfortunately, his only credentials were that he was the head editorial writer for the Hankyoreh, a liberal news source that is currently Roh Moo-hyun PR newspaper source that is also in the feud with the conservative Choson-Ilbo. Roh is stacking the government-controlled news agencies with HIS reform-minded men and attempting to muzzle the conservative newspapers with veiled threats of tax investigations. On 12 Jul 2003, the Chosun Ilbo published an article about the politically-biased KBS programs that appeal only to the Roh supporter viewpoints -- alienating the other half of the viewers.

New Shows at KBS Called Biased

by Eo Su-ung (jan10@chosun.com)

The so-called "reform programs" promoted by the new president of the state-funded TV network KBS, Jeong Youn-ju, are being attacked by critics, who say the shows are politically biased.

Jeong recently introduced a group of new programs, three of which are especially controversial: "Modern History Through Biography," "Media Focus" and "Citizens Project - Please Come Out."

"Modern History Through Biography" was slammed by the opposition party even before its first episode, because its host, the actor Moon Sung-geun, is a fervent supporter of President Roh Moo-hyun.

The first three episodes of "Modern History Through Biography" featured the mother of Lee Han-yol, a student demonstrator who died after being hit in the head by a tear gas shell in June 1987; Jeon Tae-il, a labor activist who burned himself to death to protest the government's failure to enforce labor laws; and Yun Sang-won, the Citizens Army spokesman during the Gwangju uprising who was shot to death by the military.

A professor at Kookmin University, Lee Chang-hyun, pointed out that the selections have been considerably political so far, as Lee, Jeon and Yun represent the democratic campaign against Chun Doo-hwan's military regime in the late 1980s, labor suppression in the 1970s and the 1980 Gwangju uprising.

Because public channels should appeal to all citizens regardless of their ideological stances, such biased programming is inappropriate, Lee said. KBS needs to serve as the pivotal point that includes a wide spectrum of various ideologies, he said. Critical viewers have written KBS's Internet bulletin board that the Roh Moo-hyun government seems to want to justify its legitimacy by exploiting the names of the activists who sacrificed themselves for democratization.

"Media Focus" debuted with a confessional by KBS in which it repented of past sins and promised to reform. A KBS executive pointed out that reporters in the 1980s were forced to write pro-government stories. The episode got mixed reactions. While some appreciated KBS' will to reform, others pointed out that the self-reproaches were limited to the past. Others said it lacked objective standards and was created from a certain political perspective.

"Citizens Project - Please Come Out," which debuted by sending a TV van to former President Chun Doo-hwan's residence and demanding that he appear on the live show, has been attacked for dealing with serious issues by embarrassing the concerned parties.

A professor at Hanyang University, Kang Nam-jun, said that the second episode dealt with day-to-day issues such as credit cards and sanitary napkins, and observers say the producers used the first episode to promote the program by making it a sensational event.

A professor at Sookmyung University, Park Chun-il, said that if a public broadcasting agency focuses on disclosure programs or enlightenment campaign programs, the entire nation could lose its center of gravity. The media needs to propose an agenda indirectly through stories and reports, not in a direct manner, he said.

At MBC, another public TV station, a documentary program, "PD Notes," had an episode called "Korean Newspapers: the Power above the Power" on July 8, 2003. The show limited its criticism of newspapers to Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo and Donga Ilbo, and reiterated the anti-Chosun rhetoric from the Kim Dae-jung Administration by interviewing government officials and former journalists.

Professor Kang Hyung-chul of Sookmyung University says that the public broadcasting stations are pandering to the views of only half the voters - those woo supported Roh Moo-hyun in the presidential election - and will alienate the other half in the long run. Pointing out that the British Broadcasting Corporation begins its programming by saying that it has no political policy, Korea's public television networks do not need to editorialize.

On 2 Apr 2003 President Roh said, "A few newspaper companies run by clans have relentlessly assailed former President Kim Dae-jung's administration. I have been attacked in the process, the fallout of which is indescribable. The pain is still continuiing." He vowed to take criminal and civil action against "incorrect" reporting.

According to the Joongang Ilbo, "Mr. Roh then abolished the existing press rooms at government ministries, barred journalists from visiting government officials during working hours, and cancelled subscriptions to early-edition newpapers, whose articles had been published the night before. In the past, government officials would call newspaper editors to request them to drop unfavorable articles from later editions. He then issued an order to officials to divide newspaper articles into four categories. They included a "malicious criticism" category, and Mr. Roh urged the government to take action on articles in that group."

On Newspaper Day, 7 April 2003 Roh said, "Neither the government nor the press can win by testing who is more powerful... I propose that we shake off bygones, and propose cooperation and reconciliation." But the press felt that this was a one-sided response as there was no conciliatory stance toward the press on the part of the Blue House.

On 28 May, 2003 the members of the Korea Newspaper Fair Competition Committee issued a statement saying that government intervention into the newspaper market had become institutionalized, making the committee's role meaningless. As a result, they said, they decided to resign en masse, expressing deep regret for the "hastiness and unreasonableness" the government exhibited in the process of revising the code.

On 20 Jun 2003, According to the Chosun Ilbo, "the deputy director at the Government Information Agency, Cheong Sun-kyun, who used to be a reporter at the JoongAng Ilbo, harshly attacked the Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo and Dong-a Ilbo during a speech Saturday to 30 high-ranking officials of the Supreme Public Prosecutors Office. Cheong said that the domestic media market was almost monopolized by the three newspapers. These newspapers report news in the same way, and thereby fix public opinion, preventing the formation of normal public opinion, he said. He took issue with the Chosun Ilbo's critical editorials about Roh Moo-hyun's recent visit to Japan, saying that the paper hastily presumed that the summit in Tokyo was a failure. He also complained that all three newspapers had reported a claim by the opposition lawmaker Kang Seong-ku, who said that fools always blame the media, and called the quote and subsequent reporting "coordinated." "This is evidence that whenever they find a story that fits their ideas they all carry it, as if uniformly," he said."

The government has adopted a new standard for reporting. The first was that there would be no more "anonymous sources" and such articles using such unidentified sources would be subject to legal action. This smacked of intrusions on freedom of speech. It also implemented five classifications for article-grading. On 13 Jul 2003 the Chosun Ilbo reported, "The Seoul District Civil Court on Friday ruled against 11 prosecutors from its office in their slander suit against the Chosun Ilbo. The prosecutors, who were asking for W1.1 billion ($930,000) in damages, had taken issue with a September 2001 article in which the Chosun Ilbo said prosecutors were skirting legal requirements when tracing bank accounts, such as by going through the Financial Supervisory Service. The court said in its ruling that the media should be granted latitude when reporting about violations by prosecutors because prosecutors, when conducting their investigations and releasing their conclusions, have enormous influence on the private lives and human rights of the people involved. The court concluded that the Chosun Ilbo's report, which was based on fact, appeared to have no malicious intent, and amounted to appropriate criticism from the media. The court also said that it agreed that prosecutors, by tracing accounts with the help of supervisory body, were dodging the requirement to get a warrant, which is called for by several laws." This is an extension of the Roh policy to sue newspapers/magazines that the administration feels has filed a erroneous report. These allegations have been made by the newspaper against the Prosecutors' investigations up to the present day in many high profile cases such as the SK Global scandal investigation.

In July 2003 Roh was very thin-skinned, especially since some foreign press releases and magazines have printed articles unflattering to his administration and classified as "malicious" by the Roh article-grading system. For example, after the 14 July 2003 edition of Newsweek hit newsstands with a story called "Is Korea Socialist?" the Roh administration protested -- demanding a retraction and apology. The article took aim at the Roh Moo-hyun government's labor policies, but also used the world "socialism" to describe the Roh Korea. The person quoted by Newsweek as saying, "Now Koreans are saying that Korea is more socialist than China," was reportedly the Chinese ambassador to Korea, Lee Bin. However, the Roh government can't do much except grin and bear it as they could not question a diplomat without causing a international hubbub. The Roh government demanded an apology and retraction from Newsweek, but none was immediately forthcoming.

In August 2003 Roh was under constant attack and vowed to take his fight against the three major conservative newspapers to court. On 2 Aug 2003 Roh said the media was abusing their power "to trample [on the government], trample again when you protest, try to dig up dirt on your family, try to nail you." In frustration, he even stated that he might create his own internet newspaper to get his side of the story out. On 2 Aug 2003 the Information Service stated that the government might take action against editorials and columns "if the opinion pieces carry false facts." The Blue House was contemplating setting up a specific organization to file suits against press companies, without going through the usual procedure of bringing its complaints before the Press Arbitration Committee first. The Fair Trade Commission launched a study into free gifts and promotional copies distributed, illegally, by newspaper companies. Roh dismissed the rancor as part of a shifting change to a relationship between the government and the press. But members of the opposition and media scholars worry that it may lead to oppression of the press.

On 13 Aug 2003 he filed a libel suit against an opposition party lawmaker and four major Korean newspapers "a suit that was unprecedented for an incumbent president." He filed a libel suit against Representative Kim Moon-soo, an opposition party lawmaker who had raised rumors of Roh Geon-pyeong, the president's elder brother, being involved in property speculation. Mr. Roh sued the nation's four major dailies the Chosun, Dong-a, JoongAng and Hankook (Korea Times) Ilbos for libel for reporting on the claim without examining it closely. However, on 27 Sep 2003 President Roh requested the Seoul District Court temporarily suspend procedures for a lawsuit he filed last month against four domestic newspapers and an opposition party legislator until he left office in Feb 2008. Supposedly the plaintiff's status as a sitting president might trouble the court and trigger further political debate on the issue.

When the Asian Wall Street Journal published an editorial on criticizing President Roh Moo-hyun for filing a lawsuit against the four major press companies (the "gangster press"), the Korean Information Service (KIS) told Jeong Soon-gyu, deputy chief of the KIS, to write the article, "Standing Up to the Press in Korea." Jeong defended the action as necessary to "rectify these wrong practices as well as establish a new wholesome relationship between the government and the press." The response was printed in the ASWJ on 21 Aug 2003 and immediately roused controversy, as its contents seemed to defame all Korean reporters -- though Jeong claimed it was a mistake in translating the article. It stated that government officials "have maintained a select group of supposedly influential reporters at each government agency, wined and dined them, and regularly handed them envelopes of cash." He stated that the offensive passage referred to the practices in the past. It also stated, "Many Korean reporters tend to file reports without first checking and confirming important points." Though Jeong said he would resign and apologized for the corruption statement, he said he had no intention to apologize for saying that Korean reporters do not check basic facts. Jeong said he was referring to reporters' notion of thinking "nevermind if it's wrong." The Korea Reporters Association criticized Jeong, saying that it had to doubt his ability to perceive reality and common sense.

In 11 Oct 2003 the Chosun Ilbo reported that members of 40 civic groups demonstrated in Youido to attempt to abolish the mandatory monthly fees households pay for the Korean Broadcasting System (KBS). Activists said that KBS had broadcast a program that falsely embellished exile Song as a democratic leader -- when in fact he was the 23rd ranking member of the North Korea Politburo. The controversial program that featured Song, "Talking About Korea - Political Exiles Return," was broadcast without a proper preliminary review, which is a mandatory procedure for all programs made, insiders said recently. The program was an inappropriate action for a nationalized broadcasting company. German human rights activist Norbert Vollertsen said, KBS should not stand for the "Korean Broadcasting Service," but for the "Kim Jong Il Broadcasting Service."

By April 2005, the Korea Journalists Club, a group of retired journalists, claimed the freedom of the press in South Korea shrank in 2004 due to new press laws, a journalists organization said Friday. "The country's press freedom index last year stood at 54.6 out of 100, down from the previous year's 60," said a report by the Korea Journalists Club. The group said passage of the new press law in 2004, which "curbs the freedom of the press from all directions," substantially narrowed the scope of government critics, "and the freedom of news gathering and publication is now subject to legal sanction." President Roh Moo-hyun maintained a negative attitude to traditionally conservative papers like the DongA and Chosun Ilbo, which was directly linked to a "closed press policy of the incumbent administration," the report added. The Korea Journalists Club set up a team of six mass communication scholars to assess the nation's press freedom in 30 items.

The Roh administration's Fair Trade Commission has pressed forward with an investigation of 17 newspapers for "illegal" practices of free subscriptions and "freebie" giveaways in Apr 2005. However, the investigation is specifically targeting the major newspapers that Roh had labeled the "Gangsta Press." Some of the techniques of obtaining newspaper mailing lists and using them to mail out questionaires verged on being illegal itself.

Environmental Policy and Saemangeum Project: He offended some environmental groups when he announced that he would follow Kim Dae-jung's environmental decisions. Key among them was the arbitrary restarting of the Saemangeum project in the Kunsan-Changhang-Puan area. A local environmental group asserted the nation would reap benefits of 8.1 trillion won (US$6.76 billion) if the government halted the controversial Saemangeum reclamation project at the current phrase, but there will be a loss of 4.1 trillion won if it continued. The claim was made by the Korea Society for Ecological Economics (KSEE).

Saemangeum Project Map

Add to this mix the confusion caused by various ministries with conflicting stances. In April 2003, Environment Minister Han Myung-sook and Fisheries Minister Huh Sung-kwan encouraged NGO environmental groups' religious leaders who were carrying out an elaborate protest against the Saemangeum land reclamation project. Then a few days later Agriculture Minister Kim Young-jin said that the project should go forward. The conflict is that the environmental impact studies were claimed to be incomplete and threatened to disrupt the wildlife habitats, local fishing and seafood industries. However, the land reclamation would provide more farmlands and industrial areas.

The protest against the Saemangeum tideland reclamation project in Chollabukdo reached its climax as the sensational "three steps, one bow" procession led by a group of clergymen reached Seoul 57 days after they departed Buan 310 kilometers to the south. While the march was inching toward its destination, the National Assembly in Yeoido, the procession grew in length with the participation of conservationist citizens. However, the residents at the project site were holding equally agitated rallies calling for an early completion of the project. They asserted the Saemangeum was the only opportunity for the underdeveloped Cholla region to build its economy to the level found in other parts of the nation. (See REAL AUDIO VIDEO for video of the march.)

After a long delay, and under pressure from opposition parties, President Roh Tae-woo ordered the launching of the dike construction in November 1991, to fulfill a campaign pledge to garner votes in the region. Work was suspended in 1999 by the courts, but resumed two years later when the government of Kim Dae-jung arbitrarily restarted the Saemangeum Project in 2001. Immediately, more than 3,500 residents and environmentalists filed a lawsuit against the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry and the prime minister in 2001, claiming that the Saemangum development project is unjust and that the environmental survey of the area was falsely drawn up. Upon his election, President Roh opted to continue with Kim Dae-jung's environmental policy. (NOTE: Kunsan AB's perimeter is directly affected by the Saemangeum Project and was signed off on over three years ago by the base.)

Saemangeum Protest (6 Jun 03)

Opponents claim that the 33-kilometer dike, supposedly the longest in the world, will remove an ecological treasure house from the face of the earth. Claims are that the migratory bird habitats surrounding Kunsan will be destroyed. Aside from its environmental value, the purely economic contributions of the wetland, with its natural shellfish and sea laver and the products of many marine farms, will be double what project administers promise for the future, they argue. The devastating failure of the Sihwa area in Gyeonggi Province gave environmentalists firm ground for their case.

Saemangeum Construction of Dike (2003)

Researchers at the Agricultural and Rural Infrastructure Corporation deny this claim, quoting different figures, and the controversy is endless. The economic fruits to be gleaned from the reclamation project, according to the corporation now conducting the work, include 180,000 tons of rice a year from 70,000 acres of new farmland, a large industrial estate, artificial lakes containing over 500 million tons of fresh water and port facilities that will handle huge volumes of cargo to and from China

Major construction firms have continued work to build floodgates and parts of dikes spending over one trillion won so far. The project's justification is dwindling, considering that the government has decided to idle farmland four times as large as the projected Saemangeum field. Anti-Saemangeum activists are demanding a decision by President Roh Moo-hyun to halt the project, at least until after a special panel of experts, proposed by the Environment Ministry, has completed its review of all environmental and economic aspects.

For Roh this is another difficult choice that is destined to have immense repercussions, whichever side he may lean toward.

Environmentalists March Against Saemangeum

Saemangum Dispute Pitches Up

by Kim Chang-gon (cgkim@chosun.com)

The fight over the Saemangeum Project, a land reclamation project in North Jeolla province, is heating up, with environmentalists on one side and local residents on the other.

A group of protesters just completed a march from the province to the capital. They left on March 28 and arrived at Yeouido Park on Sunday, after walking 310 kilometers by taking three steps and then prostrating themselves, then repeating the process, the entire way. At the park they held a rally to stop the Saemangeum project. The group of more than 300 people, including religious leaders, released a declaration, urging a resolution to the issue. They will conduct a march next Friday in front of Seoul City Hall and another one the following day at Gwanghwamun.

Down in Jeolla province, meanwhile, ralliers are demanding that the project continue. A group of 140 backers of the project were demonstrating in front of the North Jeolla Provincial Office last Thursday and at Gunsan Station Plaza on Friday. "The government must clearly state its will to pursue the project and put an end to these harmful disputes," a leader of the rally said. Another rally will take place on Monday in Jeonju, led by the union of civic groups for Jeonju's development. They are also preparing events that stand against the "Three steps, one bow" march.

An environmental activist spoke out against the projedct. "We see decreases of 20,000 hectares of rice fields every year," he said. "If the government is paying people to not plant rice, why is it making more farmland?

The opposition is also worried that if an embankment is built to close off the freshwater lake, the pollutants entering the lake will make it into another Sihwa Lake (a representative example of polluted lakes). Moreover, the financial value of the estuary silt is $23,000 dollars per hectare, so the value of the Saemangeum silt is over $500 million dollars, and thus should be preserved, they say. <