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1970s View of Osan AB (USAF Photo)
POLITICAL EVENTS
March 2007
GNP to soften stance on N.K. -- To attract the Progressive Vote (Mar 2007) The GNP has been the representing voice for conservative and right-leaning voters of the South. It has clashed with the incumbent government as well as the prior Kim Dae-jung administration for their engagement policies towards the North. "We will, from now on, condone and encourage various activities related to North Korea such as visiting Pyongyang, Gaeseong and Mount Geumgang for the exchange of business," Kim said. The GNP's announcement comes amidst rising speculation that the Roh Moo-hyun government is pushing for an inter-Korean summit this year. The GNP has been criticizing the move in the belief that a successful summit could steal the limelight from its currently popular presidential candidates. (Source: Korea Herald.) (SITE NOTE: It is election time. The GNP is looking to attract the progressive voters disenchanted with the Uri Party. In May the GNP backed the chaebols having their own banks. Again it's election time and the chaebols have the money to finance their campaigns -- just like it has in every election.)
April 2007
Han Duck-soo Named New Prime Minister (Apr 2007) The National Assembly approved Han Duck-soo, the former finance minister, as the nation's new prime minister on 2 Apr. Han was endorsed with a vote of 210 to 51 with nine abstentions. At a general Assembly meeting, the Grand National Party and Uri Party agreed to a free vote since there were no complaints about the candidate's morality or performance. Han previously served as Acting Prime Minister from 14 March 2006 to 19 April 2006. He was Finance Minister before his term as Acting Prime Minister, and presidential advisor between his two terms. (SITE NOTE: The toll continues -- 75 ministers in four years. Everyone gets to put something on their resumes. Han Duck-soo is another of Roh's cronies that gets to have an impressive title to use as a stepping stone. As Han's term in office, well...it's only for short time before the government changes hands -- so what harm can he do with a lame duck President as the head of government and the ruling party support which no longer has the majority.)
GNP Sacks Corrupt Party Officials and Liberals Unite (Apr 2007) The Grand National Party on 22 Apr sacked three officials for alleged misdeeds in nominations for the April 25 by-elections. The party's ethics committee decided to oust Chung Un-gyo, chief of the party's local chapter in Ansan, Gyeonggi Province, for allegedly receiving 130 million won ($147,000) from a man seeking GNP backing as a council member for the elections. The chapter's vice chief and secretary general were also dismissed. "Regardless of whether or not they accepted bribes, the committee agreed to expel the three members for damaging the party's reputation and authority by arousing public criticism," committee chief In Myung-jin told a news briefing. The three are under investigation by prosecutors. In said the decision had been endorsed by the party's supreme council. The worry was that the GNP's perfect record of sweeping the by-elections since April 2005 may come to an end. Only a few seats are at stack, but the image of the GNP is at stake. Recent corruption scandals have clouded the GNP's chances of sweeping the upcoming elections, which are for three legislators, six local chiefs and 37 local councilor members.
April By-Elections (Apr 2007) The Uri Party decided not to have candidates in two of the three regions, throwing its support behind contenders from minor parties -- the Democratic Party (DP) and the People First Party -- against their GNP rivals. The intent is to unite the Liberals against the GNP. The merger drive by the Uri, Democratic and People First parties was moving at a snail's pace due to a dispute over who should lead their envisioned new party. The move reached a deadlock last week when defectors of the Uri Party declared a decision to form a separate party after failing to agree on alliance with the DP. Given the urgency of winning parliamentary seats, however, the three parties united against their GNP rivals.
The GNP has won overwhelming victories in by-elections since 2005, while the Uri Party failed to win a single seat. With its lead in Hwaseong, the GNP may add one more seat to its 127 in the 296-member assembly. The Uri Party will likely keep its current 108 seats. The Democratic Party and the People First Party are seeking to add one more to their 11 and five seats, respectively.
In the end, the GNP, DP and PFP each won one seat. The media tried to make it a hype of foretelling the Presidential elections -- but that was just hype. All it proved was "favorite son" politics (regionalism) was still alive and well in the Cholla and Chuncheong provinces -- and the Uri Party is faced with a decision that it is no longer a power base. In Daejeon, Sim Dae-pyung (People First Party) 61.2% over Lee Jai-seon (Grand National Party) 37.1%. Shim Dae-pyung was the co-chairman of the PFP and a three-term governor of South Chungcheong Province. He defeated Kang Chang-hee, two-time legislator from the GNP. The GNP failed in its bid to increase its political stronghold in the region.
In Hwaseong, Gyeonggi province, Koh Hee-sun (GNP) 57.0% over Park Bong-hyeon (Uri Party) 30.%. This was considered a final defeat for the Uri Party.
In Muan-Shinan, South Cholla Province, Kim Hong-up (Democratic Party) 48.9% over Lee Jai-yeon (independent) 34.0%. The Muan-Shinan district is a traditional stronghold of the minor opposition Democratic Party. Kim Hong-up, former President Kim Dae-jung's son, ran on the DP's ticket. Early polls said Kim led the race. Kim had first planned to run as an independent, but the DP nominated Kim Hong-up as its candidate to run in the Muan-Sinan electoral district, even though there were four other applicants.
Some people and lawmakers said the nomination is a scheme to win the by-election in the district where Kim Hong-up's father was born. Kim Dae-jung was born on the remote Haui Island off Mokpo.
Election watchers, however, said the race became a tight contest between Kim and independent candidate Lee Jai-yeon, a former mayor of Muan. The party's selection of Kim caused a severe backlash from local democrats at the beginning of the campaign. DP leader Park Sang-cheon visited the southern city several times to appease the angry voters. There were 62 civic groups -- the Farmers Society in Muan and the YMCA Gwangju among them -- renowned Jeolla intellectuals and about 1,000 members of the Democratic Party in Muan and Sinan that felt Kim Dae-jung using his reputation to elect his son. Even his mother, the former first-lady, waded in to campaign for him.
In Nov 2002, former South Korean President Kim Dae-jung's second son, Kim Hong-up, was sentenced to three and a half years in prison by Seoul District Court on charges of bribery. Kim Hong-up was arrested in July 2001 for receiving about 2.5 billion won (2.08 million dollars) from companies and dodging taxes on some 2.2 billion won (1.83 million dollars) he took from Hyundai and other conglomerates as political donations. The court also ordered the 52-year old man to pay 500 million won (380,000 US dollars) in fines and an additional penalty of 560 million won (466,666 dollars). He served two years in prison and was pardoned in 2005. In 2007, President Roh pardoned him to return his full rights as a citizen. Two weeks later he announced his intentions to run for office. Unlike his brother Kim Hong-il (also convicted for bribery), Kim Hong-up was never a legislator. Incidentally, Kim Hong-il was also pardoned by Roh in 2007.
Running under the Democratic Party banner, he symbolized the "favorite son" politics (regionalism) at its worst. Kim Hong-up doesn't even live in the area. Even the Uri Party Chairman Chung Sye-kyun flew to the rural counties over the weekend. The Uri Party and other pro-government circles formed a united front against the GNP just to survive the political storm. In the end, regionalism won out over rational politics in electing a convicted criminal based without any prior experience as a legislator solely on his father's reputation. As for the criticism, Kim Hong-up said in a statement before his election, ``I will be reborn as one who serves the people, not as the son of the former president.''
In the end, the by-elections, marking the last before the December presidential election, saw 22 GNP members elected out of the 56 contested posts. Contributing to the lowly figure was the string of party candidates embroiled in election fraud involving bribery and blackmail. Executive GNP lawmakers have offered to resign to take responsibility.
Independents soared by recording 23 victories. The Uri Party secured just one out of the 16 seats it competed for. To Uri’s consolation, the Democratic Party and People First Party nabbed seven and three seats, respectively. Uri is keenly eyeing an alliance with these minority opposition parties.
May 2007
Balance of political strength in South Korea's National Assembly (May 2007) According to Yonhap News on 12 May the following are the number of seats that various political groups hold in the National Assembly as of Friday. Changes resulting from recent cross-party moves of lawmakers and by-election results are reflected.
Grand National Party 128
Uri Party 107
New Party for Centrist Reform and Alliance 20
Democratic Party 13
Democratic Labor Party 9
People First Party 4
Independents 18
------------------------------------------------------------------ --
Total 299
GNP Lawmakers charged in medical bribe case (May 2007) On 23 May it was reported that two Grand National Party lawmakers were indicted yesterday on charges of accepting bribes from the Korean Medical Association in return for influencing legislation. Ko Kyung-hwa and Kim Byoung-ho, both members of the Heath and Welfare Committee, were accused of violating the political fund law.
The Seoul Central District Prosecutors Office said Ko received 10 million won ($10,737) from Dr. Jhang Dong-ik, then-head of the Korean Medical Association, at the end of December in return for influencing the medical law revision bill. At the time, the legislature was considering changes to the medical law which the association, the largest doctors' group in the country, opposed. The prosecution said Kim also received 10 million won from Jhang regarding the same legislation. Both lawmakers have denied the bribery charges, claiming that the money was received as donations.
The two each accepted the money under the names of 10 different doctors, although the money actually came from the association, prosecutors said. They each filed receipts as if the money was given as a series of individual donations, the prosecution said, adding that such an act violates the law governing political funding. "Even if they were given as donations, Supreme Court precedents make it clear that they can be punished for receiving bribes when the money is related to their jobs," said Park Chol-joon, a senior prosecutor. "Some lawmakers on the health and welfare committee, who also received donations from Jhang, actually returned the money because they thought it was inappropriate."
The prosecution said it will also file an indictment against Jhang after investigating the lawmakers, but Jhang will not be jailed. The Seoul Central District Court rejected the prosecutors' request for a detention warrant on Monday, saying Jhang was not a flight risk. Jhang has also been accused of embezzling about 300 million won from the association's coffers.
Prosecutors have been investigating the Korean Medical Association for the last month, along with the Association of Korean Oriental Medicine and the Korean Dental Association, over allegations that lawmakers received bribes from the groups in return for influencing laws.
A leaked transcript of Jhang's remarks at a closed-door meeting with association officials prompted the probe. Jhang was quoted as saying that he had given money to lawmakers to influence legislation. Later, Jhang said his remarks were an exaggeration, but he still resigned from his post with the association. The Ministry of Health and Welfare has finalized the bill and it is pending in the assembly. (Source: Joongang Daily.) (EPILOGUE: Later Uri and DLP party legislators were also indicted, but by then the furor had died down and only the GNP was left tar with corruption mud stuck to its reputation.)
Recall of Local Officials Goes Into Force (May 2007) Recall rules enabling residents to oust local government chiefs or council members took effect on 25 May, when the one-year grace period for the Recall Act promulgated on 24 May 2006 expired. The recall has two stages, petition and vote. Petitions for the recall of mayors of metropolises and governors must be signed by more than 10 percent of local residents and submitted to local election commissions. Mayors of smaller cities and county chiefs would face a recall ballot after 15 percent of voters sign the petitions. Residents will be empowered to recall local council members if 20 percent sign a petition. Residents can gather signatures for petitions for the recall of mayors of metropolises and governors for 120 days, and for mayors of smaller cities, county chiefs or council members for 60 days.
If petitions are filed, the local election commission will study the legality of the signatures collected and announce the voting day. The official subject to a recall will be suspended the moment the vote is announced. If more than one-third of local residents cast ballots and a majority of the valid ballots approve the recall, the officials are dismissed the moment the result is announced.
To prevent the abuse, recalls are not permitted for officials who have been in office for less than a year or whose remaining term is less than a year, or if a similar recall vote has been conducted less than a year earlier. Residents will therefore be able to file petitions for the recall of incumbent local government chiefs or council members starting July 1.
Some civic groups and residents are reportedly considering recalling chiefs of seven district offices in Seoul who went on a junket to South America paid for by taxpayers' money. They are also considering ousting Hanam City Mayor Kim Hwang-sik, who has tried to attract a crematorium for the Seoul metropolitan area, Busan Mayor Huh Nam-sik, who has been accused of instigating illegal activities in redevelopment and reconstruction, and Jeju Governor Kim Tae-whan, who has pushed for the construction of a naval base on the island. It remains to be seen if enough residents can be persuaded to sign the petitions. (Source: Chosun Ilbo.)
June 2007
"Some Civic Organizations in Vanguard of Smear Campaign" (Jun 2007) On June 28, the Liberty Union released a book on the types of malicious propaganda and the problems involving civic groups which utilized propaganda in the run-up to the 2002 presidential election. Law professor Jeong Seung-yun of Busan National University wrote a book entitled, ‘Civic Groups & Political Maneuvering.’ And former student activist Lee Dal-won, who works for the Liberty Union and runs his own company, Kyungrim R&C, wrote a book entitled, ‘Co-failure, Civic Groups & the Participatory Government.’ The two authors combined their books into a single volume, which is entitled ‘Civic Groups, are they a hope or a drag?’
The Liberty Union came into being in 2004, claiming to stand for a new rights movement and setting its ideology as 21st century-style liberalism. Its president is Shin Ji-ho, executive director is Hong Jin-pyo, and Choi Hong-jae is a member of the steering committee; all of whom were student activists in the 1980s. Professor Jeong says in the book “Negative campaigning, an election strategy which shows opponents’ weak points, is different from malicious propaganda, which is the blatant telling of lies. In the 2002 election some civic groups acted as a vanguard for political maneuvering.”
Professor Jeong said “Malicious propaganda in the 2002 election was carried out in four steps.” The first step: spreading rumors through the Internet and minor news outlets; the second step: political parties and civic groups making rumors appear real and affecting public opinion; the third step: collective hypnosis meaning some mainstream media report rumors as established fact; the fourth step: civic groups aggressively incite voters.
According to the professor, the Kim Dae-up scandal started when an Internet website began reporting whatever Kim Dae-up said. The then Millennium Democratic Party criticized the then GNP candidate Lee Hoi-chang over 249 times, citing the report and even forming a sub-committee for investigating Lee’s son’s draft-dodging allegation. The allegations grew when some newspapers and media reported their suspicions. From July 2002, the People`s Solidarity for Participatory Democracy and the People’s Democratic Reform Association (PDRA), along with Kim, politicized the issue by holding press conferences in order to encourage a full investigation. After the election, Kim was sentenced to 22 moths in jail on libel charges. The Supreme Court ordered Kim and the media and newspapers that reported Kim’s statements to pay 160 million won in damages to the GNP. Professor Jeong said “Netizens who spread the rumors were punished for their actions but the PDRA, which supported Kim’s claim and amplified the rumors, went unpunished. After the case was closed the group disappeared and its members are in the current government.”
Lee Chang-bok was President of the group and was nominated by the Uri Party to become the governor of Gangwon Province. Pastor Lee Hae-hak and Buddhist monk Hyorim were co-executive directors of the group and they later became members of the National Human Right’s commission of Korea. Kim Man-heum was a member of steering committee of the group and later became a member of the National Human Right’s commission of Korea, too.
They are at it again. Professor Jeong said in a telephone interview, “Those who led the PDRA are trying to influence this year’s presidential election by forming the “Religious Association for reconciliation of the Korean People and Unification." This group insists that the overall ruling camp should field a single candidate. It even decided to write a book to influence the election.”
Lee Dal-won said, “Candidate verification for Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye, which is being pushed for by the overall ruling camp, is similar to the candidate verification of the 2002. This is because they learned from the last presidential election.
Accusations regarding former Seoul mayor Lee’s asset management company, BBK, and real estate speculations were first raised by some media and then the overall ruling camp, based on the accusations, attacking the candidate.” Regarding this matter, Professor Jeong said, “Civic groups want to get involved with smear campaigns because they know they will not be punished for their involvement. Those who spread malignant rumors should pay punitive damages. Those who violate laws regarding the presidential election should face stern measures. And the public, who are the victims of those rumors, should be able to claim for compensation,” Jeong said
Some civic groups are a mouthpiece of the government. Lee criticized in his book that civic groups were inconsistent in their behavior toward the government. He said “civic organizations were lax on their criticism and monitoring of the government. And at the same time, they either participated in or sympathized with the government. Civil groups keep silent about JU Group’s raising of slush funds and political lobbying, and the gambling scandal involving ‘Sea Story,’ which ruined some people’s lives via gambling addiction.
Following the book ‘Civic Groups, are they a hope or a drag?’ the Liberty Union plans to publish a series of books on biased broadcasting and problems of blogs in elections. It will check on the part civic groups will play in the upcoming election in December. President Shin Ji-ho of the Liberty Union said, “We need to do this in order to prevent civic groups from distorting public opinion as they did in the 2002 election. We want to let civil organizations know that if they participate in smear campaigns by holding debate sessions and mobilizing people, there will be legal consequences. (Source: Donga Ilbo.)
July 2007
Six Pro-Government Hopefuls Agree to Field Single Candidate (Jul 2007) Six pro-government presidential contenders on 4 July agreed to field a single candidate to beat the standard-bearer of the main opposition GNP in the Dec. 19 presidential election. In a meeting in Seoul, they also agreed to join an open primary race regardless of their party affiliation. The attendees were former Gyeonggi Governor Sohn Hak-kyu; former Prime Ministers Lee Hae-chan and Han Myeong-sook; former Chairman Chung Dong-young of the pro-government Uri Party; former Minister of Justice Chun Jung-bae; and Rep. Kim Hyuk-kyu of the Uri Party.
Lee Still Leads Park (Jul 2007) On 30 Jul it was reported that GNP members, who will cast vote in the GNP primary in Aug, support former Seoul Mayor Lee Myeong-bak over Park Geun-hye. 46.6 percent of members favor Lee, while 40.1 percent support Park. The GNP delegates show more support for Lee as well. 52.5 percent of delegates promise to vote for Lee, while 38.5 percent show loyalty to Park.
Among the minor presidential runners, former Gyeonggi Governor Sohn Hak-gyu ranked top with 8.9 percent approval, followed by former Prime Minster Lee Hae-chan (2.1 percent), Jeong Dong-yeong (1.9 percent), Kwon Yeong-gil (1.5 percent), Cho Sun-hyeong (1.2 percent), and former Prime Minister Han Myeong-suk (1.0 percent). (Source: Donga Ilbo.) (SITE NOTE: However in the UNDP primaries, Chung Dong-young came out on top.)
Polls (Oct 2007) In the survey by Gallup Korea at the request of the Chosun Ilbo on 15 Oct, Lee Myeong-bak had a 55.5 percent support rating, up 1.4 percentage points from Sept. 29. The opposition nominee remains some 40 points ahead of the runner-up. But after he was announced as the presidential candidate at the UNDP convention on Monday, Chung Dong-young saw his approval ratings rise to 16.2 percent, up 9.2 points from 7 percent before the primary. Moon Kook-hyun, a former chief executive of Yuhan Kimberly won 5.3 percent, a 1.6 percentage point rise from the previous poll. The support ratings of Rhee In-je grew 1.5 points to 3.0 percent after he was chosen as the presidential candidate of the Democratic Party. Democratic Labor Party Kwon Young-ghil also received 3.0 percent.
Polls (Dec 2007) Lee scored 43.9 percent in a 6 Dec survey, trailed by independent Lee Hoi-chang with 17.5 percent and Chung Dong-young of the United New Democratic Party with 16.1 percent. The Creative Korea Party’s Moon Kook-hyun scored 6 percent, the Democratic Labor Party’s Kwon Young-ghil 2.7 percent and the Democratic Party’s Rhee In-je 0.6 percent. The poll was conducted by Gallup Korea for the Chosun Ilbo. Lee surged ahead after being cleared by the prosecution of the BBK scandal, but 48.6 percent of respondents had no faith in the prosecutors’ findings, as against 46.4 percent who did. Some 47.2 percent supported the UNDP’s demand for a special counsel to look into the BBK scandal and Lee Myung-bak’s involvement again, while 44.4 percent were against.
PRESIDENTIAL HOPEFULS
 Presidential Poll (Korea Times) (30 Dec 2005)
The 20 May 2006 attack on Park Geun-hye benefitted not only the GNP, but pushed her to the lead of presidential hopefuls. In a 20-22 May 2006 survey conducted by MBC, Park placed first with 21.5 percent, followed by former Prime Minister Goh Kun with 21.1 percent. Seoul Mayor Lee Myung-bak, who ranked first after the successful restoration of the Chonggyechon stream in downtown Seoul late last year, placed third with 18.1 percent. Lee's approval rating plummeted after allegations were raised in March that he had the free use of a public tennis court in return for business favors, but he regained lost ground rapidly as people forgot about the incident.
In Jan 2006, Seoul Mayor Lee Myung-bak placed first in the survey with an approval rating of 23.3 percent, overtaking former Prime Minister Goh Kun, who had topped most of the recent polls, by a tantalizing 0.5-percentage point. Rep. Park Geun-hye, chairwoman of the main opposition Grand National Party (GNP), found her place at third (19.9 percent) and Unification Minister Chung Dong-young was fourth (6.4 percent).
Lee, former CEO of Hyundai Engineering and Construction, enjoyed strong support from residents in Seoul (33.8 percent), Inchon and Kyonggi Province (29.1 percent), business owners (31.1 percent) and those in their 50s (30.5 percent).... Goh's supporters are white-collar workers (28.4 percent), residents in the Cholla provinces (34.2 percent), Uri Party backers (32.5 percent) and Democratic Party supporters (41.3 percent). Park, the third-placed runner, is still considered a strong candidate, who enjoys overall support from the Kyongsang provinces. She draws support from those over 60 (25.7 percent), housewives (28.6 percent), people who finished middle school and below (31.8 percent).
In Apr 2007, a Dong-a Ilbo poll showed former Seoul mayor Lee Myung-bak ranked first with an approval rating of 45.6 percent, while former chairwoman Park Geun-hye of the major opposition Grand National Party (GNP) came in second place (20.0 percent).
Lee and Park as potential presidential candidates rose by 1.7 percent and 2.1 percent, respectively, from the previous survey on February 27. The two were followed by former Gyeonggi provincial governor Sohn Hak-gyu (6.0 percent); former chairman Chung Dong-young of the ruling Uri Party (3.0 percent); lawmaker representative Kwon Young-gil of the Democratic Labor Party (1.9 percent); former prime minister Han Myung-sook (1.7 percent); former justice minister Kang Geum-sil (1.5 percent); former Uri Party chairman Kim Geun-tae (1.3 percent); former president Chung Woon-chan of Seoul National University (0.5 percent); and GNP lawmaker Won Hee-ryong (0.4 percent).
In June 2007 it was reported that President Roh’s job approval ratings dropped by 6.1% to 28.7% in a month. The figures are the result of a survey commissioned to the Korea Research Center (KRC) by this newspaper of 1,000 adults on May 30-31 titled, “The 6th Public Poll Related to the Presidential Election in 2007.” In the fifth round of the survey on April 28, the approval ratings stood at 34.8%. The number of those who did not approve of the president’s job rose by 9.8% to 65.6%.
The top presidential hopefuls are Lee Myung-bak, with a 43.4% rating and Park Geun-hye with a 22.7% rating, both up slightly from 41.7% and 19.3% in the last poll. They are followed by Sohn Hak-gyu (6.7%), the former governor of Gyeonggi Province, Roh Hoi-chan (1.6%), a lawmaker of the Democratic Labor Party, Chung Dong-young (1.4%), the former chief of the Uri Party, Han Myung-sook (1.4%), a former prime minister, Kwon Young-gil (1.4%), a lawmaker of the Democratic Labor Party, and Lee Hae-chan (1.1%), a former prime minister. If Lee Myung-bak from the Grand National Party (GNP) and Sohn Hak-gyu, who split from the ruling party, ran for president today, Lee would capture 69.3% of the vote (21.1% would vote against him), while if Park Geun-hye from the GNP were to run against Sohn today, she would earn 56.7% of the vote (34.1% would vote against her) in a virtual presidential race. The survey was done on the phone and the sample error rate is ±3.1% point with a 95% level of confidence.
After the accusations over Lee Myung-bak's "hidden wealth" and possible land speculation on the part of his wife, there seems to have been an impact from the mudslinging both from the GNP and Uri Party. By mid-June, the approval-rating gap between former Seoul Mayor Lee Myung-bak and former Grand National Party Chairwoman Park Geun-hye narrowed to less than 20 percent for the first time since an opinion poll was carried out in December 2006 by the Dong-A Ilbo. In a survey conducted on 14 Jun by the Dong-A Ilbo with the Korea Research Center (KRC) of 1,000 adults in the country, Lee’s approval rating recorded 38.5 percent and that of Park reached 25.5 percent, suggesting a popularity gap of 13 percent. Lee’s approval rating dropped by 4.9 percent compared to that of the previous survey conducted by the Dong-A Ilbo on May 30 and 31, plummeting to below 40 percent for the first time since a survey was conducted by the paper last December. Park’s approval ratings rose by 2.8 percent compared to that of the last survey, earning 25.5 percent. The two rival GNP contenders were followed by former Gyeonggi Province Governor Sohn Hak-gyu (6.7 percent), Rep. Kwon Young-ghil of the Democratic Labor Party (2.2 percent), former Prime Minister Lee Hae-chan (2.0 percent), and former Uri Party Chairman Chung Dong-young (1.6 percent).
Korea Herald reported on 19 Jun that five presidential candidates of the conservative Grand National Party yesterday in a primary debate offered divided views on Seoul's engagement policy towards the DPRK and the alliance with the US. Two leading aspirants -- former Seoul mayor Lee Myung-bak and former GNP leader Park Geun-hye -- called for the adjustment of the ROK’s lenient stance towards its neighbor, chiding the Roh Moo-hyun administration for its policy of providing economic and humanitarian aid to the DPRK. "We had exerted our utmost effort, but (the North) returned with (the test of) atomic weapons. Now the nation should shift to a principled engagement policy so as to induce the North to reform and open up," he said at the discussion held in Daejeon. Park displayed more conservative color than Lee, calling for a "reciprocal approach based on principles." Underdog presidential hopeful Hong Joon-pyo was also critical of the so-called Sunshine Policy. "Shoveling unconditional aid to the North only resulted in (the explosion of) the atomic bomb," the outspoken politician said. Two other minor runners -- Won Hee-ryong and Go Jin-hwa -- advocated the engagement policy. All candidates except for Hong called for amicable relations with the US. "South Korea is the world's 11th largest economy in terms of gross domestic product. To befit the nation's status, Korea should strengthen its independent policy line on the United States," Hong said. Park underscored the importance of strong ties with the US. She called for "new security declaration" between Seoul and Washington in an effort to restore relations with the United States, which critics say have soured under the Roh administration.
Record Number of Presidential Candidates Registered (Nov 2007) A record 17 candidates registered for the 17th presidential election. Nine candidates registered on 25 Nov, the first day of registration, and eight more registered on 26 Nov. (NOTE: In the end, there were 12 candidates in the running with Chung Dong-young #1, Lee Myung-bak #2, and Lee Hoi-chang #12.)
The candidates already registered were Chung Dong-young of the United New Democratic Party, Lee Myung-bak of the Grand National Party, Kwon Young-ghil of the Democratic Labor Party, Rhee In-je of the Democratic Party, Sim Dae-pyong of the People First Party, Moon Kook-hyun of the Creative Korea Party, Chung Kun-mo of the True Owner Coalition, and Geum Min of the Korea Socialist Party.
Candidates registered on 25 Nov include Jang Seong-min of the People’s Choice Party, Huh Kyoung-young of the Republican Party, former prime minister Lee Soo-sung on the ticket of the People’s Coalition for Unity and Advance, and independent and twice-defeated presidential candidate Lee Hoi-chang.
They were to begin their formal 22-day campaign on 27 Nov. The competition will for the first time pit multiple candidates from the ruling against the main opposition camp, both of which have failed to produce single candidates on their own, promising pitched battles in the coming three weeks. The issue of producing single candidates between them could remain a variable until the last moment.
One key variable will be the ongoing criminal investigation of a former business of Lee Myungp-bak at the heart of the so-called BBK scandal. In 1997 and 2002, prosecutors also played a key role behind the scenes when they investigated scandals surrounding presidential candidates ? Kim Dae-jung in 1997 and Lee Hoi-chang in 2002.
This year, 19-year-old voters will go to the polls for the first time after the voting age was lowered. The embargo on opinion poll results has been shortened: where in previous years no polls could be published from the date of registration, this year they can be published until Dec. 12, a week before the election day. All candidates are free to advertise in the streets. In the past, all kinds of gatherings -- even school reunions were banned for fear of political controversy, but those bans have been abolished this time.
Field of Presidential Candidates Narrowing to Three (Dec 2007) Only a week after twelve presidential candidates, the largest number ever, registered their candidacy, it has become clear that the race is essentially between three of them. With 16 days left until election day, on 3 Dec there was a realignment of political groups when the influential independent lawmaker Chung Mong-joon, a scion of the Hyundai family, declared his support for Lee Myung-bak of the Grand National Party, while candidate Sim Dae-pyong of the People First Party decided to throw his weight behind the traditional conservative Lee Hoi-chang, who is running on an independent ticket, and former justice minister Kang Keum-sil came out in favor of Chung Dong-young of the United New Democratic Party.
At his own party headquarters, Sim Dae-pyong signed an agreement making Lee Hoi-chang the single candidate. "We should not entrust important state affairs either to irresponsible left-wing idealists who only have a sleek tongue or to the corrupt and immoral reactionaries who give preferential treatment to the wealthy," he said.
Kang, meanwhile, was attending a meeting of the UNDP campaign committee, where she said, "Candidate Chung Dong-young is the best choice with a legitimate mandate from the reform-minded forces in the broader ruling camp." She vowed to "tell the people of Chung's desire for peace on the Korean Peninsula and for the happiness of ordinary people."
THE PARTY NOMINEES
GRAND NATIONAL PARTY (GNP)
- LEE MYUNG-BAK (GNP): (WINNER IN GNP PRIMARY AND PRESIDENT-ELECT) Lee Myung-bak is the former Mayor of Seoul and member of the GNP. Checkered past with allegations of campaign abuse, but allegations appear as partisan bickering. Lee Myung-bak, a former Seoul mayor. Mr. Lee, called "The Bulldozer," has an image of a hands-on, bricks and mortar kind of fellow. He earned his spurs as an executive at the construction arm of the Hyundai Group; he was elected to the National Assembly in 1996 and cemented his no-nonsense city-builder image as mayor from 2002 until the middle of last year. Largest claim to fame is the restoration of the Cheonggyecheon Stream. He renovated the Cheonggye Stream in the city's center, turning it into an urban park, and reformed the city's public transportation system. He wants to bring on the bulldozers on a national scale as well, championing a canal to run the length of the peninsula.
- 1. Registered Residence: Pohang, North Gyeongsang province
- 2. Age: 65
- 3. Education: Dongji Commercial High School; Dept. of Business Administration, Korea University
- 4. Personal Assets: 18 billion won ($19.4 million)
- 5. Military Service: Exempted due to physical illness
- 6. Religion: Protestant
- 7. Family: Married with a son and three daughters
- Statement: I cannot give you the reasons why I should be president. Still, when I look around us, I cannot find a trace of hope anywhere. Lower-class people are suffering from unemployment, the high cost of housing and private education for their children. The order of this country is collapsing, and the foundations of national security are shaking. This unstable situation has continued for too long. The public now wants some changes and hope. I feel a heavy burden on my shoulders.
Former Hyundai President and current Seoul Mayor Lee is no stranger to controversy. True to his long-time nickname "bulldozer," Lee is well known for devising and implementing large-scale projects single-handedly. His landmark projects have generated much debate over their political purpose; they include restoration of the Chyeonggyechun stream to be finished this October, overhaul of the Seoul City bus system last July, and construction of an opera house that is still being discussed. Lee openly promulgates his intention to run for the presidency and has been speeding up his political moves recently by meeting members of his party, the GNP, and the media. He is acknowledged to be aggressive and realistic but critics say he lacks public friendliness. (Source: Asianews.net.)
Lee's childhood portrays Korea's turbulent modern history. His impoverished parents had moved to Osaka, Japan, during the Japanese colonial occupation of Korea which lasted from 1910 to 1945. Lee was born in the Japanese city in 1941, where his father worked as a herdsman. Following Japan's defeat in World War II and Korea's liberation in 1945, his family returned home, and Lee spent most of his childhood in Pohang, a port on Korea's southeast coast.
Looking back on his childhood poverty, Lee has often recounted how sternly his Christian mother raised her children to ensure their success. Lee's parents both died long ago.
"All of us started our day at 4 a.m. She woke us up at that hour and together we made our early morning prayer," he said in his 1995 autobiography titled "There Is No Such Thing As Legend."
One of Lee's two brothers, Sang-deuk, is now the vice speaker of Korea's National Assembly and a five-term lawmaker of the Grand National Party.
Lee attended Dongji Commercial High School in Pohang and went on to enter Seoul's Korea University, one of the country's most prestigious schools.
In or about 1964, Lee served six months in jail for student activities while at Korea University, reputedly for protesting against the upcoming normalization with Japan. Lee graduated subsquently in 1965 at the age of 24.
Lee collected garbage and sold rice snacks to put himself through university before gaining employment at Hyundai Construction and Engineering in 1965.
24 year-old Lee Myung-Bak had nowhere to go. He barely graduated, but due to student activities and prison stay, all his applications for jobs were turned down. Even good examination scores meant nothing. Hyundai Construction’s human resources representative told him bluntly that there is no possibility for an ex-convict. It was a difficult conundrum.
Lee Myung-Bak then wrote a letter to Chung Hwa Dae (the presidential Blue House): “The nation (alt. translation: the state) cannot obstruct an individual’s future. If it were to do so, it would owe an eternal debt to the individual.” Due to this “threat without a threat,” Chung Hwa Dae Deputy Assistant Min Jung-Soo changed his mind, and it was because of the letter that Lee was able to enter Hyundai Construction.
During the job interview, Hyundai Chairman Jung Joo-Yung asked “What do you think ‘construction’ means?” Lee replied “It means creation.” “Why is that?” “Construction is about creating something from nothing.” Jung said of him “This person speaks very well.” Thus began their first meeting. Chairman Jung liked Lee’s fortright and bold manners.
Many have called him a "legend of salaried men." Lee became the youngest professional (i.e. non-family) general manager of a major Chaebol company at age 35, a unique accomplishment in South Korea, particularly in that era. A diligent man quick to make decisions, he climbed the Hyundai ranks unusually quickly to become CEO at the unprecedented age of 36. Under Lee's tenure, Hyundai Construction and Engineering became Korea's export-based growth engine, raking in much-needed foreign currency from Middle Eastern countries in the 1970s and 1980s.
His story became a hit TV drama. He was portrayed as a heroic young man who challenged authoritarian then President Park Chung-hee and fought with foreign mobsters to protect his company's projects, though critics later said his role was much hyped and faked.
His career blossomed, but the workaholic husband had little time for his wife and four children. The man who married Ewha Womans University's "May Queen" -- the beauty queen of Seoul's most prestigious women's university -- spent half his time overseas during his years at Hyundai, he recounts.
Even on his own wedding day, he worked in the office in the morning.
Although Lee's wife, Kim Yoon-ok, made many sacrifices for her husband's career, "I'm now so proud of and grateful to my husband Lee Myung-bak," she wrote on her blog.
His years at Hyundai were not without their flaws. When an employee of the Hyundai firm was abducted while trying to establish a labor union in 1988, Lee was rumored to be behind the crime. But a senior executive came forward as the mastermind, and Lee denied involvement in anti-labor activities.
His decades-long relationship with Hyundai began to unravel when he set his sights on politics. He turned his back on his former boss, then Hyundai Group Chairman Chung Ju-young, who ran for president in 1992, and threw his support behind Chung's rival, Kim Young-sam, who went on to win the election.
"Some people think that I am deeply close to Chairman Chung Ju-young because we were together for a long time, but that's not true. We met for business, and we can separate for business as well," Lee said of his changed position in an interview with Sisa Journal in 1991.
Lee made his political debut in 1992 as a lawmaker with the then ruling New Korea Party, the predecessor of the Grand National Party. He won a second term in 1996, but had to resign shortly thereafter, when he was found to have violated election fund laws by trying to buy off a whistle-blower. His "legend" image was much tarnished.
Lee's fame rebounded in 2002 when he was elected mayor of Seoul. In the ensuing five years, Lee earned many fans and foes for spearheading ground-breaking projects such as the restoration of a downtown stream and the creation of bus-only traffic lanes, which dramatically changed Seoul's landscape.
The restoration of the 6-km-long Cheonggye Stream, which was covered by asphalt roads during the industrialization era, initially provoked massive protest from environmentalists, historians and street vendors who worked along the stream.
But "The Bulldozer" went ahead anyway, and in 2005, the stream was re-opened. Lee's controversial project became Seoul's most beloved new tourist attraction, while Time Magazine called Lee a "hero of the environment" in a recent issue.
"I met people 4,200 times to persuade them to support the Cheonggye Stream project. There is no government office that makes so much of an effort for a project. There's nothing that can't be done if you meet your opponents 1,000 times," Lee, known to be a devout Christian, said in a recent speech to his Somang Church.
The popular mayor then moved on, winning the presidential nomination of the popular Grand National Party in August by beating Park Geun-hye, a fixture of the conservative party as its former chairperson and daughter of late President Park Chung-hee. With most voters wanting to end 10 years of liberal rule, polls have consistently given Lee an overwhelming lead.
However, much as his successful past has been plagued by rumors and criticism, his presidency also looks likely to be haunted by allegations of ethical lapses.
Lee may have to face questioning by the prosecution before he takes office on Feb. 25, as an independent investigation into his financial past will kick off soon. Lawmakers voted to launch the probe on the eve of the election following the disclosure of a controversial video clip of Lee, in which he appears to say in a college lecture that in 2000, he established BBK, an investment firm that was later used by his alleged business partner for stock manipulation and embezzlement.
The footage is a stark contrast to his earlier claim that he had no involvement whatsoever with BBK. The prosecution had earlier dismissed all charges against him. Lee will be the nation's first president-elect to face a probe.
Amid the financial scandal, the wealthiest politician in the country has pledged to donate all his assets to the needy, saying "All I need is a house." His assets were worth 35.3 billion won (US$37.6 million) as of the end of last year. Critics say he is buying votes.
It remains to be seen how the business legend will transform himself into a head of state, but one thing seems to be sure in voters' minds: He will get things done at any cost. He is a man who worked in the office on his own wedding day. (Source: Yonhap News and DPRK Studies.)
In Mar 2006, Lee's approval rating plummeted after allegations were raised that he had the free use of a public tennis court in return for business favors. Though the fees were paid by an anonymous donor, the cloud lingered over Lee's head over this seemingly trivial affair. Despite the affair, Lee still was well-thought of by constituents because of the Chyeonggyechun Stream project that has brought so much media attention to the area.
For the 31 May 2006 elections, Lee stepped down as Seoul mayor paving the way for his run for the presidency. In May 2006, he had fallen from the front-runner amongst presidential hopefuls to third.
In July 2006, after Park Geun-hye had stepped down as Chairman and replaced by Kang Jae-sup, the Lee Myung-bak faction saw the Party Presidential Nomination process to their disadvantage and attempted to change the rules. Although Park Geun-hye, former chairwoman, won the competition for the "supreme manager" of the presidential candidate race, the committee, whose role is to check and balance, was still left to be constituted. Lee Jae-oh, GNP supreme council member and Floor Leader, complained of the fairness of the presidential candidate race. Lee argued, "There was a structural limit to a fair party convention as one person had been controlling the party and the supporters in charge of the central party and local branches for a long time. We first need to constitute a fair competition committee with those we can trust." His underlying intention is to transfer the authority of presidential candidate race management to the committee -- instead of Park Geun-hye. It means that the "rules of game," including how to organize the electoral group, can be changed through the fair competition committee. According to the current party rules, the electoral group is constituted with 20 percent delegates, 30 percent party members, 30 percent general people, and 20 percent poll results. The ratio of party members and general people is half and half. Kang Jae-sup argued it was not the right time to change the rules and viewed a change in the constitution of the party was needed instead..
Members close to former Seoul Mayor Lee Myung-bak stepped up calls to allocate more votes to general public outside the party. They want "an open primary," in which all voters are eligible to cast ballots regardless of their party affiliation. Under the party's statutes, party delegates and registered members account for 50 percent of the voters, while the other half are non-member ballots. Lee's rival, Rep. Park Geun-hye and her supporters wanted to retain the current rules, which were revised last year under her leadership.
 Seoul Mayor Lee Myung-bak
In Jan 2007, things started getting nasty within the GNP ranks as Lee Myung-bak stated that anyone without children should not be President -- aimed at Park Geun-hye who is not married and without children. (SITE NOTE: Of course, this is patently ridiculous as Presidents throughout the world have been without children -- and what does having no children have to do with education or anything?) In response, Park Geun-hye fired back that people who have "evaded" serving in the military should not be President. Lee did not serve as he was exempted due to a respiratory condition. (SITE NOTE: Again what has this to do with qualifications to be President?) The mud-slinging had begun in earnest as the Uri Party was on the verge of dissolution and Goh Kun had dropped out of the race in Jan 2007. At that point, Lee held the lead in the popularity polls -- but so did Goh when he entered in 2006.
In Feb 2007, the allegations made by a former legal advisor to Rep. Park Geun-hye against former Seoul Mayor Lee Myung-bak was swept off the table as not worth investigating. Park claimed that she told Chung not to pursue the matter several times. But Chung claimed the people needed to know of Lee's lack of ethics. Chung In-bong, a lawyer and former GNP lawmaker, submitted to the party's organizing committee for the primary election documents -- mostly newspaper clippings -- that raised questions about the integrity of Lee Myung-bak. The documents showed Lee violated the Election Law in the 1996 National Assembly elections. Lee was elected as a lawmaker in 1996. His aide at the time, Kim Yu-chan, said Mr. Lee spent more in campaign funds than he reported. Mr. Lee then urged Mr. Kim to flee to Hong Kong. The Supreme Court convicted Mr. Lee of election violations in 1998. Mr. Kim was also convicted in a separate case on the same election violation charge. Mr. Lee was fined 7 million won ($7,500), and Mr. Kim was fined 3 million. Neither served time in jail. However, Mr. Lee lost his Assembly seat in 1998 after the Supreme Court convicted him of the election law violation and of urging Mr. Kim to flee so he could avoid the charges.
The party decided not to conduct an investigation into Chung's allegations as it had already been investigated with a conviction. Lee's side stated that even knowing about the 1996 case, the public still elected Mr. Lee as mayor of Seoul in 2002. However, it took back its initial response after Kim Yu-chan, a former aide to Mr. Lee in 1995 and 1996, came forward and admitted Lee had bribed him to perjure himself.
On 20 Feb, Kim Yu-chan claimed he took 125 million won ($135,000) to lie during an election violation case. (NOTE: The Korea Herald said he received 120 million won ($128,000) from Lee in exchange for perjuring himself in the trial in 1997 and 1998.) Mr. Kim said he took the money in payments, starting in 1997, in return for perjuring himself on the stand. Mr. Kim himself originally brought forward the election law violation case, making the surprise revelation then that Mr. Lee had spent more campaign funds than he publicly reported in his 1996 National Assembly election race. Shortly after making the revelation, however, Mr. Kim left for Hong Kong, leaving behind a note saying his comments about Mr. Lee's violations were untrue. Mr. Kim said last Friday that he left for Hong Kong because Mr. Lee urged him to do so -- after he received $18,000, according to court transcripts. He returned the next year, in 1997, for the trials. Mr. Kim that Mr. Lee's aides arranged the perjury. "Mr. Lee's aides told me to say this and that at court for Mr. Lee," Mr. Kim said. "I know I am responsible for the perjury, but now I am telling the truth." Mr. Kim said he was planning to make more revelations soon against Mr. Lee in a book that he has tentatively called the "Lee Myung-bak Report." He plans to reveal details of Lee's morally questionable relationships with women and his acquisition of property, in the book to be released late February or early March.
Former Seoul mayor Lee and former GNP chair Park showed a 2.9 percentage point drop and 2.5 percentage point drop in Feb 2007, respectively. Gallup attributed the drops to the recent spat between the two over alleged wrongdoings.
(NOTE: Though no action was taken by the GNP because of the damage it would do to its image, the act has placed the fact before the public as the media reported it widely -- though initially NOT mentioning anything about the conviction in their coverage of Lee's campaign. This says something of how the media views politicians as corruption is accepted -- but only becomes interesting when mud is being flung. Chung initiated the allegations of Lee's "lack of morality" with the purpose publicizing Lee's ethical suitability for President. Lee and Park have been competing to win the GNP's ticket to run in the Dec. 19 presidential election. Since last October, Lee has topped polls with a more than 40 percent approval rating followed by Park with about 20 percent.)
In Apr 2007, with Lee ahead in the polls, the sniping between Lee and Park heated up. The GNP tried to change the rules of the nomination process for the GNP with both Lee and Park proposing different processes. After the chairman of the GNP backed Lee's proposal, Park hinted that she may remove herself from the nomination process -- an indication that she might run as an independent -- though she denied this. On 11 May 2007, Lee became the first of the GNP to officially his running for the presidency.
Lee Myungbak criticized the current administration's unconditional economic and humanitarian aid and claimed the ROK must help the economic development of the communist nation instead of providing exhaustive support. He suggested that if DPRK abandons its nuclear weapons, the ROK would help them achieve a national per capita income of $3,000 within 10 years. He claimed that it would be possible through aggressive aid in collaboration with the international community; once Washington first remove Pyongyang from its terror-sponsoring nation; but Park criticized this plan that, in order to receive the help of international community, the DPRK must recover its trust from the international community, but it would be very difficult. Lee added that the DPRK had asked to reach $5,000 and stressed the fact that DPRK has shown interest in this plan. Lee also stated he would make a meeting place for dispersed families at the DMZ since this way, DPRK would not need to feel uncomfortable for coming down South, it would save a lot of costs, and more people would be able to meet their separated families.
Lee's Canal Plan Ridiculed In May 2007, there was opposition to Lee's canal plan to construct a canal to run the length of the peninsula. Park Geum-hee attacked the plan as a waste of money. In June 2007, with Lee Myung-bak refusing to accept Park Geun-hye's demands for Lee to withdraw his pledge for a cross-country canal, which is a key plank in his campaign platform, debate over the proposed canal was heating up. The Park faction states that such a cross-country canal is not needed and it would take 60-70 hours for cargo to travel from Seoul to Pusan. The Lee faction states it would take 24 hours and would greatly enhance the economy.
The government issued a report against such a canal, but it was held up from public release for unknown reasons in May 2007. Then a "draft" of the government report was leaked in June that claimed the project was not economically feasible. Lee's faction immediately pointed the finger at the Roh administration as Roh was still attacking Lee despite a ban from NEC. The NEC launched an investigation. The revision report on the Seoul-Busan canal from the Korea Water Resources Corporation is identical to the 37 page document disclosed by the press except in the name of writer on the cover and a line in the conclusion written by the Ministry of Construction and Transportation..
Lee Suspected of Hidden Wealth On 5 Jun 2007, a rumor by a GNP lawmaker circulated that Lee Myung-bak had created a trust fund of some 800 billion won (about $850 million) in the name of his relatives. Rep. Kwak Sung-moon said in a radio interview that he had received such information which he claimed was ``valid.'' However, Kwak had no evidence to substantiate the rumor. Park Geum-hee supporters stated that it had nothing to do with the rumor, but since the financial status of Lee will come out in the campaign, he should make his finances clear. The GNP is accusing Lee of double-talk when addressing the questions. Lee stated he had no land under other people's names, but the GNP stated he didn't say if he had land under his family or relatives names.
By 6 Jul the rumors of Lee's land speculation with his brother and brother-in-law were rampant. Though he has repeated denied any wrong doing, he continues to remain under attack. Further accusations have been made that Lee used his power as governor of Kyonggi Province to increase the value of his real estate. Though Park Geum-hee does not support these rumors, she stated that Lee should reveal his finances -- which in turn continues to fuel the controversy. Lee asked his brother to reveal his finances, but his brother stated that his finances had nothing to do with politics. Lee has accused President Roh of releasing information to inflame the accusations. Most of the attacks by the Uri Party legislators appear unfounded.
Lee Myung-bak's brother-in-law Kim Jae-jeong (58) filed a libel case against GNP lawmakers Yoo Seung-min and Lee Hye-hoon, former lawmaker Seo Cheong-won, and the Kyunghyang Daily newspaper, which said he was involved in real estate speculation. Former GNP Chairwoman Park Geun-hye declined on 11 Jul to offer an apology for raising suspicions over her rival Lee Myung-bak's link to dubious property deals. Park confronted Lee with her suspicions that he is the true owner of lucrative property that was registered to his brother-in-law, Kim Jae-jeong. In return, Kim filed defamation suits against Park Geun-hye. He refused to drop the case even though the GNP and Lee camp demanded him to do so.
On 12 Jul, the Seoul Central District Prosecutors` Office investigated the defamation suit over leaked government documents detailing Lee`s real estate practices. On July 11, it said that the Prosecutors' Office found that 10 people accessed Lee's personal information by analyzing information given by the Ministry of Government Administration and Home Affairs, the Ministry of Construction and Transportation, National Tax Service and the Korean National Policy Agency. The information accessed for the last three years was mostly Lee's criminal records. The prosecution is investigating who accessed them and why, and if any of them were leaked outside. The prosecution is considering asking the National Intelligence Service to submit related information in order to get to the bottom of the so-called 'Lee Myung-bak X-file leakage.'
Prosecutors said proceeds from the sale of land in Dogok-dong, southern Seoul linked to Grand National Party frontrunner Lee Myung-bak were invested in a company he also has ties to. Lee has been accused of concealing his assets by registering the land in the names of his brother and brother-in-law, but Lee Sang-eun and Kim Jae-joung insist they were the actual owners and purchased and sold it together. But prosecutors on Wednesday said they have evidence that a man named Lee Young-bae, an asset custodian both for the presidential hopeful and his brother, put the brother's share of W10 billion (US$1=W932) from profits of W26.3 billion from the land sale in a low-interest long-term insurance policy in December 1995 and provided the principal as collateral to borrow several billion won. The loans then went to a company linked to Lee Myung-bak, according to prosecutors. However, Lee Young-bae, the custodian, refused to appear for questioning on a summons and the investigation stalled. By releasing the interim results, the Prosecutors have seriously impacted on Lee's campaign.
In Aug, Park's camp was focusing on the land issue, believing that the investigation results will corroborate their own allegation that Lee is a less-than-solid candidate and the matter could prove an eleventh-hour variable in the primary. Lee had a 10 percent lead in opinion polls.
Prosecutors said proceeds from the sale of land in Dogok-dong, southern Seoul linked to Grand National Party frontrunner Lee Myung-bak were invested in a company he also has ties to. Lee has been accused of concealing his assets by registering the land in the names of his brother and brother-in-law, but Lee Sang-eun and Kim Jae-joung insist they were the actual owners and purchased and sold it together. But prosecutors on Wednesday said they have evidence that a man named Lee Young-bae, an asset custodian both for the presidential hopeful and his brother, put the brother's share of W10 billion (US$1=W932) from profits of W26.3 billion from the land sale in a low-interest long-term insurance policy in December 1995 and provided the principal as collateral to borrow several billion won. The loans then went to a company linked to Lee Myung-bak, according to prosecutors. However, Lee Young-bae, the custodian, refused to appear for questioning on a summons and the investigation stalled. By releasing the interim results, the Prosecutors have seriously impacted on Lee's campaign.
In Aug, Park's camp was focusing on the land issue, believing that the investigation results will corroborate their own allegation that Lee is a less-than-solid candidate and the matter could prove an eleventh-hour variable in the primary. Lee had a 10 percent lead in opinion polls.
Cheong Wa Dae Files Libel Suit (Oct 2007) Cheong Wa Dae continued "waging a war" against Lee Myung-bak. In regular daily briefing sessions Cheon Ho-seon, Cheong Wa Dae spokesperson, criticized the former mayor for the Lee camp's accusations regarding the government's political maneuvering and his campaign pledges on taxation -- calling it "Imprudent political libeling."
On 20 Oct the Seoul Central Prosecutors' Office issued a subpoena to Lee Myung-bak and three other GNP party leaders for questioning as part of a libel investigation. Many experts say the prosecution's measure may spark political conflicts between the GNP and the prosecution since it is rare for the prosecution to summon a presidential candidate of the opposition party ahead of the presidential election. President Roh Moo-hyun`s secretaries filed a suit on 7 Sep against Lee Myung-bak, Chairman Lee Jae-oh, floor leader Ahn Sang-soo, and senior party member Park Gye-dong over the GNP`s allegations that the presidential office was masterminding a scheme to damage Lee`s campaign. The prosecution also summoned an administrator of the presidential secretariat as the representative of the accuser on 28 Sep. The GNP position is that the party already handed in a request to probe the National Intelligence Service, the National Tax Service, and Cheong Wa Dae, which allegedly collaborated to raise suspicions over Lee's real estate transactions. As the investigation is underway, the libel case (proposed by the presidential office) should be dealt with after the ongoing investigation. Thus the GNP has in effect refused the prosecution's request to question Lee.
Political In-fighting Damages GNP (Jul 2007) In Jul, the infighting between Park and Lee continued. As allegations of Lee's involvement in land deals continued, his lead in the polls started to slip -- narrowing the margin between he and Park to under 20 points.
Lee Wins Primary Presidential hopeful Lee Myung-bak defeated rival Park Geun-hye by a narrow margin on on 20 Aug to win the Grand National Party's nomination to run for the 2007 presidential race. Following the results of the vote, the "battle" between Lee and Park, which has dragged on for over a year, came to an end, while the GNP geared itself up for the presidential race. But the fact that Lee defeated Park by a mere 2,452 votes (1.5 percentage point difference) may serve as an obstacle in uniting the two rival camps within the GNP. The GNP presidential candidate selection procedures included a vote of some of its party membership and the factoring in of a public opinion poll. Park Geun-hye won the party vote, but was held back by the opinion poll, and so Lee Myung-bak emerged as the winner. Park congratulated Lee on his win and vowed to return to being a GNP party member working to bring about a change in government -- BUT she did not openly support Lee Myung-bak's campaign.
The progressive ranks were in disarray, and Lee enjoyed a commanding lead. However, in October the progressive strategy seemed clear. They were going to attempt the same smear campaigns that led to the defeat of the GNP candidate in 2002 -- along with alliances at the last minute to increase their share of votes. However, this time they chose the "BBK" scandal as their rallying point. To an outsider this smacked of government interference as a special effort was made by the government agencies to investigate -- including illegal search of documents -- wire-tapping and other means to find dirt on Lee Myung-bak. The investigation still was on-going as the presidential elections neared.
In addition, the progressives drew the battle lines based on ideological lines painting the GNP as the party of the rich and business. Even President Roh -- who had been censured twice for electioneering -- reentered the fray in Oct to make disparaging remarks against Lee. Candidate Chung Dong-young is attempting to turn the campaign debate into an ideological battle, and President Roh seems to be trying to back him up. However, Roh's choice was Lee Hae-chan, the man previously hand-selected to succeed him, but who failed in the UNDP primaries. Along the way Chung Dong-young alienated himself from Roh -- calling for Roh's resignation from the Uri Party and distancing the Uri politics from Roh -- and there were hasty attempts at fence-mending. In Oct Roh finally endorsed Chung for the presidency.
Chung and Lee differed on support of Chaebol's operating their own banks and views of economic growth. Lee was for the chaebol's entering the financial markets, while Chung was opposed. The Korean Chamber of Commerce and Industry (KCCI) stated that the separation of financial and industrial capital is a policy that restricts industrial capital, including that of conglomerates, from being invested in a bank for ownership. The separation of financial and industrial capital should be relaxed, and a growth-oriented policy should be implemented. Meanwhile, the Bank of Korea is opposed to the idea.
Lee Myung-bak dismissed Chung Dong-young's proposal for a public debate on key national issues and values. Ex-Seoul Mayor Lee, is well known for his blunt word choices, while Chung, a former MBC anchor of the nightly news, is widely known for his political rhetoric. The GNP stated that Chung still is only one of three progressives vying for the presidency so it would be inappropriate at this time. Observers note that Chung is attempting to push Lee around through a series of debates, in turn building an image of himself as a qualified leader with vision and specific plans for the economy.
Previously, the former unification minister characterized his rival Lee as an advocate of the upper class and a ruthless neoliberal pro-business candidate. Lee responded that Chung is a candidate of rhetoric with no content. GNP spokesman Park Heong-joon said that Chung was attempting to divide society into two opposite groups to unify liberals and to motivate undecided voters to join an ideological debate.
Chung Dong-young said he is the candidate for low-income families and for peace on the Korean peninsula. Chung continued to focus on his slogan regarding the ``upper 20 versus the lower 80'' as his key campaign issue. The Chung said his rival Lee Myung-bakwas a candidate for the top 20 percent of the population, while he represented the remaining 80 percent. He portrayed the GNP as "brutal conservatives" versus the UNDP as "peace-loving progressives."
On 25 Oct, Lee Myung-bak slipped slightly -0.2 percent to 50.1, while the progressives except Rhee In-je moved up slightly. In order to blunt comments of his contributions to the demise of the Uri Party, Chung admitted that he bore some responsibility for the failures of the Uri Party. Of course, as he resigned after the defeat of the Uri Party in Apr 2007, he has to do so -- especially since he's trying to take the bows for the Kaesong Industrial Park creation.
A last minute worry for the Lee Myung-bak camp was the persistent rumors that Lee Hoi-chang would reenter the race. A group of supporters for Lee Hoi-chang planned to hold a rally calling for Lee's run for the Dec. 19 presidential election on 23 Oct -- though Lee Hoi-chang stated that his position was as before that he was not running. The move comes amid speculations that Lee, former chairman of the GNP, could participate in the presidential race as an independent if Lee Myung-bak becomes crippled by the BBK scandal. This would effectively split the vote and weaken Lee Myung-bak's position. In order to attempt to offset Lee Hoi-chang's potential bid, Lee Myung-bak offered an olive branch to Park Geum-hee to solicit her support. However, Park refused to meet with Lee. Though Lee Myung-bak still has the lead, the 20 percent support for Lee Hoi-chang has cut into his commanding lead. There is a quandary over how Lee Myung-bak will solve this crisis. Lee offered to share the power with Park on 12 Oct -- meaning the selection of candidates for the April 2008 elections -- as a peace offer.
On 8 Oct, Lee Myung-bak won approval ratings of 37.9 percent, late entrant Lee Hoi-chang 24 percent and United New Democratic Party's Chung Dong-young candidate 13.9 percent in a survey conducted immediately after Lee Hoi-chang announced his third presidential bid. Lee Myng-bak's approval ratings were practically flat since the last poll on Oct.31, when he scored 38.7 percent. Chung witnessed a 3.2 percentage point drop in his support ratings, while Lee Hoi-chang saw a surge from 19.1 percent to 24 percent.
Korea Herald reported on 12 Nov that Park Geun-hye, former GNP chairwoman, offered her support to the party's
candidate Lee Myung-bak -- sort of. "I remain unchanged in my view that the party must win the election, and I will do my best to help," Park told reporters. She added "it is not right for Lee Hoi-chang to compete again." Park stopped short of using the term "support" for Lee Myung-bak and appeared negative about Lee's earlier offer of regular three-way meetings with her and GNP chairman Kang Jae-sup -- a proposal that appeared to assure her of the party leadership if Lee is elected. She also appeared to blame Lee Myung-bak at least in part for Lee Hoi-chang's defection from the party. It seems the ex-party chairwoman, Lee Myung-bak’s arch-rival in the party primary, wanted to leave herself room for maneuver depending on whether the suspicions are cleared and what the candidate’s camp does next to seek party unity and reform.
BBK Scandal (Oct-Dec 2007) SEE Lee Denies Involvement in BBK (Oct-Dec 2007) for details on the mudracking saga on Lee Myeong-bak being accused of involvement in the BBK scandal as well as the appointment of a special counsel to reinvestigate Lee after he was cleared by the Prosecutor's Office. The politics of the UNDP and DP -- along with Lee Hoi-chong -- were certainly questionable throughout the process and will extend into 2008 with the special counsel appointed by President Roh before he leaves office. The special counsel investigation may prove unconstitutional -- and the GNP and Lee after his election "hinted" that reprisals may be coming once Lee is cleared after Lee takes office.
The independent probe is scheduled to be carried out for up to 40 days and be completed before Lee's inauguration on Feb. 25. Even if the independent counsel finds Lee involved in any wrongdoing, the counsel is not allowed by law to indict the president-elect after he takes office unless he is accused of treason.
ELECTION DAY (19 Dec) Simmering grievances over economic woes under liberal President Roh Moo-hyun galvanized conservatives and a last-minute political offensive by liberals backfired to produce Lee Myung-bak's apparent massive victory. With 56.8 percent of the votes counted as of 9:57 p.m. (local time), Lee of the main opposition Grand National Party (GNP) secured 47 percent support, or 6.3 million votes, far ahead of his closest contender, Chung Dong-young of the pro-government United New Democratic Party (UNDP), who got 27.5 percent, or 3.69 million votes. "People want to see Lee revive the economy rather than face a probe before his February inauguration," said Kim Sung-joo, a political scientist at Seoul-based Sungkyunkwan University, agreeing that the probe bill backfired and prompted conservative voters to mass their support behind Lee.
Voter turnout was tallied at a record low of 62.9 percent of 37 million eligible voters, down 7.9 points from the 2002 polls and 17.8 points from the 1997 election, the National Election Commission said, attributing the general voter apathy to excessive smear campaigns over Lee's alleged involvement in a financial scandal, as well as his overwhelming lead throughout the campaign.
Lee is to become the first South Korean president to win a majority vote amid mounting public grievances over skyrocketing property prices, widening economic polarization and rising unemployment under the presidency of liberal Roh Moo-hyun. If officially confirmed as winner, Lee will be inaugurated on Feb. 25 to replace Roh. (Source: Yonhap News.)
As of 11.55 p.m. on Wednesday, with 92.8 percent of the votes counted, Lee had won 10,578,817 votes or 48.3 percent, outdistancing his closest rivals by a margin of over 20 points. Chung Dong-young of the United New Democratic Party won 5,810,857 votes or 26.5 percent, and second runner-up Lee Hoi-chang, the breakaway conservative candidate, landed 3,315,617 votes or 15.1 percent.
The US and other nations were swift to send their congratulations. However, the one item deals with the tranisition of military wartime control to the ROK that Lee stated he would "renegotiate." Ambassador Vershbow was quick to point out that the date has been set and irreversible. Korea watchers here agree that Lee is right of center, but not an ideologue. In addition, as a pragmatist trained by his years in the business community, his presidential theme is seen as the economic advancement of his nation. They don't see his North Korea policy veering away from that of the Roh administration, as he seeks to continue to engage Pyongyang through the six-party talks. It was anticipated that Lee would attach more conditions to giving incentives to the North -- and the North is eager to maintain inter-Korea relations.
Transition Team (Dec 2007) It appeared that Lee prefered "civilian" members on the transition team instead of politicians. The key pending issues with the new administration will be the same as with the outgoing government -- resolving the North Korean nuclear issue, passing the bilateral free trade agreement (FTA) and completing the alliance transformation. Sookmyung Women's University President Lee Kyung-sook was appointed on 26 Dec to head the Transition Committee -- the first women appointed since such body was set up in 1998. Kim Hyong-o, a four-term Grand National Party lawmaker and former floor leader, becomes vice chairman. The president-elect named GNP lawmakers Yim Tae-hee and Joo Ho-young as his chief secretary and spokesman.
When President-elect Lee appointed Lee Kyung-sook as the committee chairman, the GNP saw her as a figurehead. Particularly, when Kim Hyung-o, the four-time lawmaker, was selected as the vice-chairman of the transition committee, many people speculated that Kim would actually lead the committee. As it turned out, Lee took aggressively took control of all the meetings. Lee said, “Above all, we have to hold the higher moral ground for the activities of the transition committee. Based on the framework of leadership for serving people, like the president-elect said, we should set specific policies.” She added, “ We should develop policies that can protect the socially marginalized and ordinary citizens, that can wipe away people’s tears, and that can fit the standard of the public. In the center of those policies stand people.”
The Transition Committee consists of one special committee and seven subcommittees. Under the chairwoman, the special committee is tasked with boosting national competitiveness and comprises six taskforces in areas like government reform and deregulation and inviting investment. The working-level subcommittees will deal with planning and coordination; political affairs; foreign, unification and national security affairs; public administration; economic affairs 1 and 2; and social, education and culture affairs. (SITE NOTE: The one thing that Lee will have at least is no outlaws on his transition team like Roh had when one wanted "student dissident" wanted by the police turned up on his transition team.)
The presidential transition team has set its agenda for eight policies, including a speedy reorganization of government offices. The eight policies are bread-and-butter issues for low-income and middle-class citizens; restructuring the public sector and government reorganization; attracting foreign investment and promotion of domestic investment; education reform; stabilization of real estate prices; anti-corruption; increasing youth employment; and childcare and welfare for senior citizens. However, foreign and security affairs, including the North Korean nuclear issue and inter-Korean relations, are excluded from the agenda.
Transition and GNP On top of Lee Myung-bak asserted that the GNP policy of the President not interfering in the GNP internal politics (exerting influence in the selection of candidates, etc.) needed to be changed. Lee also seemed to be strengthening his position that as the President wanted to be the head of the party. The biggest loser in such a move would be Park Geum-hee's move to secure her position in the GNP leadership.
Lee and his key aides are apparently contemplating a massive change in the GNP's parliamentary makeup in the general election in April next year. The incoming president sent a chill down the party's collective spine on 27 Dec, when he stressed "sacrifice" at a meeting with GNP lawmakers and representatives of ordinary party members. "The GNP should approach closer to the public," he said. "In the process, you may be required to make personal sacrifices." He criticized factional maneuvering by some lawmakers, saying, "Forming factions based on the result of the party presidential candidate nomination, which is a bygone, is anachronistic. You shouldn't think that you can hold on to your post if you join a specific faction or group." A lawmaker close to Lee said his remarks were a warning against factional demands for a place at the feeding troughs. "Some 40 percent or more of current party lawmakers will not win a candidacy nomination again," he added.
Transition Team and Streamlining Government President-elect Lee Myung-bak's transition team is planning to work out by mid January a blueprint for streamlining government organizations, which critics say have become bloated during the 10-year liberal rule. New Cabinet ministers have to undergo parliamentary confirmation hearings before Lee is sworn in on Feb. 25.
The overhaul of government ministries and agencies, including abolition and merger of organizations, will be "completed on the basis of national consensus" in the nearest possible future. But the transition team will also pay attention to the morale of government officials, because stability in public officialdom matters. However, it did admit that some public sector jobs will be lost. In this regard, the transition team will begin screening five different reports on the reform of government organizations compiled by scholars and experts.
The common point of the reports is to drastically reorganize and integrate government ministries and agencies by their functions, according to other members of the transition team. One possible example is the merger of the Unification Ministry and the Foreign Ministry, transition team officials said, noting North Korea has become the centerpiece of the nation's foreign policies.
Also being considered is streamlining the Finance Ministry, the Planning and Budget Ministry, the Fair Trade Commission, the Financial Supervisory Commission and the Financial Supervisory Service. The Commerce, Industry and Energy Ministry and the Communication and Information Ministry are also being considered for a major change, and the merger between the Health and Welfare Ministry and the Gender Equality Ministry is also likely. The number of government committees has increased by 156 since Roh took office in early 2003 and the number now totals 416. The figures show that an average 2.6 committees have been established per month during the incumbent government. (SITE NOTE: Lee also appointed the first foreigner, David Eldon, chairman of the Dubai International Finance Authority, to his transition team as co-chairman for strengthening national competiveness.)
Kim said the committee is also concerned because some government agencies continue to increase their personnel. “We expect the current government to use prudence in reshuffling senior officials who will continue to work under the next government. We also hope that the government will discuss with us the reshuffling of officials whose terms are guaranteed by law, with less than two months remaining before the presidential term expires."
On 2 Jan 2008, Lee hinted as slimming down the Finance Ministry. "I was impressed by the way Japan restructured its Ministry of Finance,” Lee said, from the old Okurasho, sometimes described as the hub of real bureaucratic power in Japan's economy, and an intellectual and political force as well as an economic one, to the modern Zaimusho. In the process of restructuring central government agencies in 2001, Japan replaced the Okurasho that had controlled all functions of budget, finance, taxation, monetary policy, planning, audit and supply, with the Zaimu-sho, a ministry handling only finance, taxation and monetary policy.
Lee told committee members to think again if they were planning to promote only the interests of certain government agencies. Some government officials wonder whether that forebodes massive restructuring of the economic ministries. Nothing concrete has been reviewed” in terms of restructuring Korea’s Ministry of Finance and Economy. But another committee member said Lee “is paying attention to what success Japan achieved in government restructuring by drastically downsizing the Okurasho and reorganizing the Ministry of Education into the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, and in abolishing the standardization policy for high schools." He said it was highly likely there will be restructuring in key government sectors such as economy and education, and the new government will downsize agencies, ease regulations, and transfer some functions to the private sector.
Transition Team and Incumbent Government President Roh Moo-hyun will delay the replacement of ranking government officials whose fixed tenures are due to expire before the inauguration of President-elect Lee Myung-bak on Feb. 25. The outgoing president's appointments of officials to ranking government posts with fixed tenures have been traditionally regarded as a transgression of political etiquette against the incoming leader. In a media interview in Sep 2007, Lee Myung-bak opposed the appointment of a prosecutor general and chairman of the Board of Audit and Inspection by the current government, but Roh Moo-hyun did it anyway. (SITE NOTE: The Roh administration cannot be trusted on this. A Cheong Wa Dae official said, "We have not heard any word from the PTC yet. If personnel movement is inevitable, we will consult with the PTC. Otherwise, we will postpone personnel movements." He added, "In the case of senior officials of state-owned enterprises, they are publicly hired. So personnel management of those enterprises can be done independent of the request. But we can have words with PTC." In other words, we are going to do as we damn well please until we are forced from office.)
The Transition Committee on 27 Dec urged Cheong Wa Dae to hand over all administrative records intact. Committee Vice Chairman Kim Hyong-o, in an apparent warning against the temptations to destroy files, said, "We expect the current government to preserve records of all activities it has carried out and faithfully cooperate with the Transition Committee in submitting data the committee will request in the future."
A committee official said, "There is a chance that Cheong Wa Dae and government agencies will attempt to destroy data of their policy failures, or that the National Intelligence Service and the National Tax Service will attempt to systematically cover up how they leaked personal information of president-elect Lee Myung-bak." (SITE NOTE: It appears that the Lee Administration is preparing to do some "payback" once in office. The plans are in the works to indict the Roh administration and call it the "will of the people.")
Transition Team and Canal Proposal The committee hosted a breakfast meeting for the CEOs of five major local builders on Dec. 28 to give them a detailed briefing on the cross-country canal project. It asked them to give positive thought to whether to join the project. The committee asked them to study the feasibility of the canal project “based on business principles, given that it is an investment project led by private businesses." The CEOs were from Korea’s five largest construction firms -- Daewoo Engineering and Construction, Samsung Corporation, GS Engineering & Construction, Daelim Industrial, and Lee’s own old stomping ground Hyundai Engineering & Construction. The CEOs reportedly signaled their willingness to take part. One executive with a construction firm said, "Though nothing has materialized yet, we will give serious thought to the feasibility of the project if we are formally asked to."
The president elect’s cross-country canal project is a fait accompli and will start even before the general election on April 9, lawmaker Lee Jae-oh, a Lee Myung-bak loyalist, told the Chosun Ilbo on Tuesday. He confirmed that the project will start shortly after the president is sworn in on Feb. 25. Lawmaker Lee revealed a detailed timetable for the canal project, saying that the groundbreaking work for a Honam canal will begin at the Youngsan River in southwestern Korea in February 2009. The Honam canal is the first phase of the project along with a canal linking Seoul and Busan. Lawmaker Lee is an advisor to the taskforce overseeing the canal project at the transition committee.
This controversial plan may stir up further calls for research as environmentalists and transportation experts question the need for such a canal.
Transition Team and Economic Policy The Presidential Transition Committee is set to announce a series of policies and amendments in an effort to lay the ground work for the revitalization of the economy before President-elect Lee Myung-bak takes office on February 25. “In line with the road map concerning the economy (revision of the financial industry restructuring law, tailored measures for small and medium-sized companies, plans to lift unreasonable regulations and reform of the public sector, as well as measures to reinvigorate the traditional markets and to assist the self-employed and small business owners), these details will be announced by January 18 before President-elect Lee is sworn in,” said a transition committee official on Tuesday. The transition team will first release a draft of the revised financial restructuring law, which would limit the commercial industries’ investment in the financial sector by January 18.
In addition, the team is aiming to announce the details of the so-called “Tailored Measures for Small and Medium-sized Companies.” According to the measures, the Korea Development Bank will be split into a monetary policy institute and an investment bank while the money acquired in the process of privatizing the investment bank will be injected to support small- and medium-sized firms.
The transition committee is also planning to announce deregulatory measures, such as the abolishment of restrictive shareholding regulations currently imposed on domestic conglomerates as well as replace the Monopoly Regulation and Fair Trade Act with the introduction of the Competition Promotion Act.
The committee will focus on the “Six Major Policies,” and the “Declaration on Korea’s Advancement” from January 20 to February 24. The six policies aim to establish a science and technology powerhouse; the research and development of new growth engine; energy conservation and procurement of natural resources; the development of strategies and promotion of exports for the environmental industry; and a government-led promotion of Western and Korean medical industries.
Transition Team and New Administration Lineup President-elect Lee is also planning to complete the selection of the prime minister and the heads of each ministry by January 16. According to sources, the Ministry of Government Administration and Home Affairs recently requested the transition committee submit a list of cabinet members for the new administration by January 16.
UNIFIED DEMOCRATIC PARTY (UNDP)
- CHUNG DONG-YOUNG (URI/UNDP): (SECOND PLACE IN UNDP FIRST PRIMARY, BUT FIRST PLACE IN SECOND UNDP PRIMARY VOTE AND ULTIMATE VICTOR IN THIRD) Chung Dong-young had been groomed for the Presidency by being appointed Unification Minister and Chairman of the powerful National Security Council (NSC). The National Security Council and the Ministry of National Defense are the primary executive bodies responsible for military affairs. The former, comprising the prime minister, the director of the Agency for National Security Planning (ANSP), and the ministers of national defense, foreign affairs, home affairs, and finance, is responsible for advising the president on security issues and was convened at the pleasure of the president. In this position, he was able to affect the domestic policies dealing with the North while at the same time dealing directly with the North internationally. From a conservative standpoint, he can be criticized as fostering "left-leaning" policies for the ROK in neutering the National Intelligence Service (NIS) and attempts to eliminate the National Security Law (NSL) -- which so far have been unsuccessful. However, he did succeed early on in making domestic surveillance a Korean National Police investigative function -- for which it is not funded or manned adequately -- while the NIS would handle external espionage. He has also been sent on international trips to meet with foreign political leaders to foster his image as a statesman on the international stage -- mostly to the US to explain the South's actions that have strained US-ROK relations. Chung Dong-young is listed as being "Imprisoned for Involvement in Mincheong Hakryeon Case" in 1973 -- two years after he graduated from Jeonju High School. (Source: Korea Net.)
- 1. Registered Residence: Sunchang, North Jeolla
- 2. Age: 53
- 3. Education: Jeonju High School; Dept. of Korean History, Seoul National University
- 4. Personal Assets: 943 million won
- 5. Military Service: Completed mandatory Army service
- 6. Religion: Roman Catholic
- 7. Family: Married with two sons
- Statement: I succeeded in the policies for inter-Korean peaceful cooperation for the last 10 years, and I have the experience and the philosophy to take the initiative to solve a plethora of problems, including the North Korean nuclear issue and the alliance with the United States. I have worked as the unification minister and as the chief of the National Security Council. I come from the background of an average officer worker, treading a normal path of life. I am the best person to speak for the lower and middle classes.
Chung Dong-young is a former TV journalist and ex-leader of the Uri Party. He is widely credited for his gentlemanly manner and public-friendly image, as well as his exceptional speech-making talents. He successfully led the Uri Party though the victorious April general elections in 2005 by riding on the bandwagon of the public's anger over the Roh impeachment. Chung is currently refraining from making political statements and is concentrating instead on improving his diplomatic image both internally and externally. He recently made a well-publicized surprise visit to the Korean Zaytun troops in northern Iraq. (Source: Asianews.net.)
After leaving his Unification Minister job, he garnered the position as head of the Uri Party -- a position he held before becoming the Unification Minister. He continued to attempt to build his international image by visiting the Kaesong Industrial Zone and making visits to international capitals to meet with heads of ministries there.
 Chung Dong-young
Prior to the 31 May elections, Chung Dong-young's future lay in the balance. For the 53-year-old Chung both his and Uri's political career were on the line since polls indicate that the ruling party could win only two of the 16 key seats in the upcoming elections. With the exception of North Jeolla Province and possibly Daejeon City, the entire nation appeared to be leaning toward the Grand National Party. There was speculation that the Uri Party after facing a defeat could join the Democratic Party, but given the severe distrust the DP harbors, experts warned that even if an alliance was produced, much bickering was expected over who would obtain the upper hand in the presidential ballot.
After the 31 May elections where the GNP swept the elections, Chung Dong-young accepted responsibility for the Uri Party defeat at the polls and resigned. With his resignation, his chances for running for the Presidency was severely diminished. He suddenly "went abroad" and disappeared from the political scene. In Nov 2006, he again reappeared to test the waters, but the Uri Party was in disarray -- with suggestions that the party either (1) disband (2) change its name or (3) form an "alliance" with the DP. He remains a much diminished presence in the 2007 Presidential elections.
In Dec 2006, he along with Kim Tae-geun announced that they were breaking away from the Uri Party and forming a new party called the "People's Party." Support for the Uri Party's most popular politicians, chairman Kim Geun-tae and former chairman Chung Dong-youn, was a poor 1 percent and 1.6 percent in a New Year Gallup poll.
After the mass defection of Uri lawmakers on 6 Feb, Chung Dong-young, expressed the hope of ending up reuniting with the defectors. Chung, head of the party's largest faction, said he would not leave the party before the Feb. 14 convention.
On 20 Feb, the approval ratings of former ruling Uri Party chairman Chung Dong-young also showed a slight increase from 2.4 percent to 2.9 percent.
Chung came in second in first UNDP primary vote, but first is second UNDP primary vote. There were immediate claims that the UNDP had returned to old-style politics (driving people to the polls, etc.) and regionalism involved. The United New Democratic Party (UNDP)'s primary race has become increasingly chaotic as candidates called for the frontrunner's resignation amid disputes over illegal campaigns. Former Gyeonggi Province Governor Sohn Hak-gyu and former Prime Minister Lee Hae-chan urged former Uri Party Chairman Chung Dong-young to stop his campaign for the presidency, saying yesterday that police investigation confirmed a member of Chung's camp from the former Uri Party directed a registration of an electoral college by surreptitiously using President Roh Moo-hyun's name. The prosecution started an investigation into Chung's camp illegally mobilizing voters, but were prevented from entering Chung's Seoul headquarters by his supporters when they attempted to raid the facilities to seek evidence.
Chung was seeking an alliance with the minor progressive candidates, Rhee In-je and Moon Kook-hyun, by mid-November. However, faced with GNP's Lee's 56.2 approval rate compared with his 15.7 percent, the chances of winning seem very dismal. Chung hopes the alliance will be the same as when Roh Moo-hyun formed an alliance with Chung Mong-jun (MDP) who withdrew at the last hour in 2002 that led to the defeat of Lee Hoi-chang of the GNP who had held a 35.2 percent approval rate up till then.
The progressive ranks were still in disarray, and Lee Myeong-bak enjoyed a commanding lead. However, in October the progressive strategy seemed clear. They were going to attempt the same smear campaigns that led to the defeat of the GNP candidate in 2002 -- along with alliances at the last minute to increase their share of votes. However, this time they chose the "BBK" scandal as their rallying point. To an outsider this smacked of government interference as a special effort was made by the government agencies to investigate -- including illegal search of documents -- wire-tapping and other means to find dirt on Lee Myung-bak. The investigation still was on-going as the presidential elections neared. In Oct, the party politics over the BBK scandal spilled over into the National Assembly during the annual audit proceedings.
In addition, the progressives drew the battle lines based on ideological lines painting the GNP as the party of the rich and business. Even President Roh -- who had been censured twice for electioneering -- reentered the fray in Oct to make disparaging remarks against Lee. Candidate Chung Dong-young is attempting to turn the campaign debate into an ideological battle, and President Roh seems to be trying to back him up. However, Roh's choice was Lee Hae-chan, the man previously hand-selected to succeed him, but who failed in the UNDP primaries. Along the way Chung Dong-young alienated himself from Roh -- calling for Roh's resignation from the Uri Party and distancing the Uri politics from Roh -- and there were hasty attempts at fence-mending.
In Oct, Roh finally endorsed Chung Dong-young -- sort of. By not coming out for Independent Moon Kook-hyun, he effectively supported Chung who he has not seen eye-to-eye on many issues.
Lee Myung-bak dismissed Chung Dong-young's proposal for a public debate on key national issues and values. Ex-Seoul Mayor Lee, is well known for his blunt word choices, while Chung, a former MBC anchor of the nightly news, is widely known for his political rhetoric. The GNP stated that Chung still is only one of three progressives vying for the presidency so it would be inappropriate at this time. Observers note that Chung is attempting to push Lee around through a series of debates, in turn building an image of himself as a qualified leader with vision and specific plans for the economy.
Previously, the former unification minister characterized his rival Lee as an advocate of the upper class and a ruthless neoliberal pro-business candidate. Lee responded that Chung is a candidate of rhetoric with no content. GNP spokesman Park Heong-joon said that Chung was attempting to divide society into two opposite groups to unify liberals and to motivate undecided voters to join an ideological debate.
Chung Dong-young said he is the candidate for low-income families and for peace on the Korean peninsula. Chung continued to focus on his slogan regarding the ``upper 20 versus the lower 80'' as his key campaign issue. The Chung said his rival Lee Myung-bakwas a candidate for the top 20 percent of the population, while he represented the remaining 80 percent. He portrayed the GNP as "brutal conservatives" versus the UNDP as "peace-loving progressives." He said the five values of growth, opportunity, peace, family and integration were core elements of his vision for the economy.
On 25 Oct, Chung Dong-young moved up slightly by +0.7 percent to 17.9 percent, while Lee Myung-bak slipped -0.2 percent in the polls.
On 30 Oct, Chung said in an interview, “I can dare to say that I commanded trust from Washington when I was the unification minister in 2005. As the minister, I shared all core information on North Korea with the United States in a frank way. This led to the upgrading of our mutual confidence.” Immediately, every English blog on the Korean situation burst out laughing. His stance on Tokdo and the Pyeongtaek relocation project siding with the leftists are widely publicized. At the same time, the GNP was releasing news of how 13 of 16 companies at Kaesong were losing money -- after being subsidized by the ROK government. This undermines Chung's book which takes credit for forming Kaesong while he was Unification Minister.
On 8 Oct, Lee Myung-bak won approval ratings of 37.9 percent, late entrant Lee Hoi-chang 24 percent and United New Democratic Party's Chung Dong-young candidate 13.9 percent in a survey conducted immediately after Lee Hoi-chang announced his third presidential bid. Lee Myng-bak's approval ratings were practically flat since the last poll on Oct.31, when he scored 38.7 percent. Chung witnessed a 3.2 percentage point drop in his support ratings, while Lee Hoi-chang saw a surge from 19.1 percent to 24 percent.
Korea Times on 12 Nov reported that the UNDP and the minor opposition Democratic Party have agreed to merge
and pick a unified candidate to stand against conservative candidates in the race. Chung Dong-young, the pro-government party candidate and former unification minister, is favored to become the unified party's standard-bearer over Rhee In-je of the DP, sources said.
ELECTION DAY (19 Dec) With 56.8 percent of the votes counted as of 9:57 p.m. (local time), Lee of the main opposition Grand National Party (GNP) secured 47 percent support, or 6.3 million votes, far ahead of his closest contender, Chung Dong-young of the pro-government United New Democratic Party (UNDP), who got 27.5 percent, or 3.69 million votes. Presidential candidate Chung Dong-young of the pro-government United New Democratic Party on 19 Dec accepted defeat in his presidential bid, saying he would abide by the people's choice of president-elect Lee Myung-bak.
The next step was to find who will accept responsibility for the defeat of the liberals -- and to plan for the next elections in April 2008 which will be a disaster if the results of this election is a harbinger of things to come. The mandate seems clear that the liberals have not delivered on the economic promises of the past and the voters turned their shoulders on the liberal parties.
INDEPENDENT
- LEE HOI-CHANG (INDEPENDENT: FORMERLY GNP) (NEVER ENTERED IN GNP PRIMARY -- BUT NEVER DISAVOWED RUNNING EITHER The former Grand National Party chairman Lee Hoi-chang, a former presidential candidate against Roh Moo-hyun, was to come out of retirement early in 2007 to form an "anti-left" coalition of conser
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