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This page is graphically intense with long load times due to photos. However, the photos and narratives by the men who served at Osan Air Base makes the wait well worthwhile. The opinions expressed are those of the author and in no way represents any official statement of Osan AB or the USAF.
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![]() F-117A at Kunsan (12 Jan 07) (Chosun Ilbo) (SITE NOTE: The F-117As were part of the RSOI last year, but stayed afterwards indicating their mission was NOT the RSOI. The F-117As have been TDY to Kunsan AB in past years from 2003-2005, but did not come in 2006 as the US did not want to make any threatening moves as it tried to coax the North back to the negotiation table. Then the Oct 2006 nuclear test blew that strategy away. It is further interesting that 12 F-22As arrived at Kadena AB for an unspecified period with 250 personnel on 12 Jan -- similar to when the Elmendorf's F-15Es were at Kwangju in 2003. It was also announced that the USS Ronald Reagan would takeover from the USS Kitty Hawk as it standsdown for maintenance -- but still remains in the area -- similar to what happened in 2003 when the USS Vinson spelled the USS Kitty Hawk for drydock in Japan. The 7th Air Expeditionary Wing with the 5th Bomb Wing (B-52H) and 7th Bomb Wing (B-1B) like in 2003 still are postured at Guam. (Source: Global Security Org.)The 49th Fighter Wing at Holloman Air Force in New Mexico announced the deployment of about 20 F-117A Nighthawk Stealth fighters to the Korean Peninsula as part of a training mission under cold weather conditions. It can carry a range of tactical ordnance in its weapons bay, including BLU-109B low-level laser-guided bombs, GBU-10 and GBU-27 laser-guided bombs and Raytheon AGM-88 HARM air-to-surface missiles. This is the fourth time since 2003 that the 49th Fighter Wing has been deployed to the region. North Korea has denounced previous deployments as preparations for invasion. (Source: Korea Times.) (SITE NOTE: One interesting -- but probably sensational journalism -- was a Chosun Ilbo comment on 11 Jan that "The Japanese press reported last year that F-117 deployed in Gunsan air base in 2005 flew to Teukgak, where North Korean leader Kim Jong-il is believed to live, to practice aerobatics." The F-117 was to be phased out in 2008 so this is the "last Hurrah" for the special warrior.) ![]() Protest outside Kunsan AB (24 Jan 2007) (Tongil News) USFK Denies Troop Transfer to Iraq (Jan 2007) The USFK on 12 Jan 2007 stated that the United States has no plan to transfer troops in South Korea to Iraq under the U.S. government’s new Iraq policy. ``As far as I know, the new plan for Iraq will not affect the USFK presence,’’ Kim Yong-kyu of the USFK’s public affairs office, told The Korea Times. He dismissed media reports that the number of U.S. troops here could be further scaled back below the agreed 25,000 because of the augmentation of troops in the war-torn country. After President George W. Bush announced on 10 Jan that the US will gradually send about 21,500 extra U.S. forces into Iraq, some ROK military experts and lawmakers questioned whether part of the USFK would be sent to Iraq, taking advantage of the ``strategic flexibility’’ of the U.S. military in South Korea. According to the media, "Seoul agreed last January to allow the United States to deploy troops stationed in South Korea to other parts of the world where the United States faces conflicts." (SITE NOTE: However, the only agreement was that the ROK publicly stated that it "understood" the US position BUT never gave its approval of the use of USFK troops. It holds to the line that the ROK must approve the use of any USFK forces outside of Korea -- a position the US finds untenable.) Rep. Choi Jae-chun of the governing Uri Party on 12 Jan said, ``The transfer of U.S. troops in South Korea to Iraq is highly possible given there has already been a system that allows Washington to use its troops on the Korean Peninsula to deal with conflicts in other regions. ``Washington now has limited options because it faces difficulties finding soldiers to be sent to Iraq in their homeland. The U.S. military in Europe also has problems in transferring its troops to Iraq,’’ Choi said in a radio interview. Choi argued that Bush’s ``rare’’ phone call to President Roh Moo-hyun on 10 Jan could be a sign of the transfer of U.S. troops to Iraq. During the 10-minute telephone conversation, Bush explained to Roh his new strategy in Iraq and Roh expressed support for the plan for an additional troop dispatch, Chong Wa Dae said in a statement. ``When U.S. troops in South Korea were deployed to Iraq last time, the U.S. government didn’t notify Seoul of the plan nor consult us over the issue in advance,’’ said the legislator. ``President Bush just called Chong Wa Dae over the deployment, and we were just pressed to accept the U.S. decision.’’ (SITE NOTE: This is not true. The US warned, then cajoled, then promised benefits to get the ROK to send its promised 3,600 troops to Iraq. When the ROK dragged its feet past the required date, the US announced it was sending the 2nd Battalion, 2nd ID of 3,600 troops to Iraq. It was not a surprise. Even when the ROK sent troops six months later, it was only after it negotiated the ROK troops into the safe area of Irbil -- instead of freeing up US troops to combat duties.) ROK Media Suspicion Over Strategic Flexibility (Jan 2007) The USFK on 22 Jan denied reports that the planned participation by its Air Force unit in an aerial training exercise, called Commando Sling, in Singapore in May is part of a plan to re-deploy U.S. forces on the Korean Peninsula to other troubled regions. ``The deployment of F-16s from an air base here to Singapore is just part of the U.S. Air Force's routine training,'' USFK spokesman Kim Yong-kyu told The Korea Times. ``The Commando Sling exercise is an annual joint aerial training exercise, organized by the U.S. Pacific Air Forces.'' Kim also said that the training has nothing to do with an agreement on the U.S. military's ``strategic flexibility'' struck last January between Seoul and Washington. Over the weekend, local media raised the question that deployment of F-16 fighters from the 8th Fighter Wing at Kunsan Air Base to the aerial training of the U.S. and Singaporean Air Forces would be a strategic move to increase the USFK's flexibility as a regional force. (SITE NOTE: Now that the wartime control has been established, the ROK is becoming more and more concerned that the USFK will start moving its forces out of Korea. No more has been mentioned about the installation of the computerized impact scoring system at Chikdo off Kunsan on which the USFK threatened to pull out its USAF components. Nothing has been publicly released on the progress as of Apr 2007. (EPILOGUE: System completed in Sep 2007 -- BUT there are stipulations by Kunsan government. SEE Sep 2007.)) Seoul and Washington agreed in January last year to a ``strategic flexibility'' scheme aimed at changing the mission of U.S. forces overseas from stationary forces defending host nations to rapid deployment forces that can be promptly dispatched to other parts of the world where the United States faces conflicts. The agreement, however, highlights that any deployment of U.S. troops in South Korea will be implemented based on consensus from the Korean government. Seoul has been worried that USFK's intervention in other regional conflicts could have South Korean tangled in hostilities with other nations against its will. One case in point is the China-Taiwan dispute over the sovereignty of the self-ruled Taipei. (Source: Korea Times.) Flexing Muscle, China Destroys Satellite in Test (Jan 2007) China successfully carried out its first test of an antisatellite weapon last week, signaling its resolve to play a major role in military space activities and bringing expressions of concern from Washington and other capitals. Only two nations — the Soviet Union and the United States — have previously destroyed spacecraft in antisatellite tests, most recently the United States in the mid-1980s. The Soviet Union conducted roughly a dozen antisatellite tests from 1968 to 1982, Dr. McDowell said, adding that the Reagan administration carried out its experiments in 1985 and 1986. Arms control experts called the test, in which the weapon destroyed an aging Chinese weather satellite, a troubling development that could foreshadow an antisatellite arms race. Alternatively, however, some experts speculated that it could precede a diplomatic effort by China to prod the Bush administration into negotiations on a weapons ban. An administration official who had reviewed the intelligence about China's test said the launching was detected by the United States in the early evening of Jan. 11, which would have been early morning on Jan. 12 in China. American satellites tracked the launching of the medium-range ballistic missile, and later space radars saw the debris. The antisatellite test was first reported late Wednesday on the Web site of Aviation Week and Space Technology, an industry magazine. Aviation Week and Space Technology first reported the test: "Details emerging from space sources indicate that the Chinese Feng Yun 1C (FY-1C) polar orbit weather satellite launched in 1999 was attacked by an asat (anti-satellite) system launched from or near the Xichang Space Center." The event was the first successful test of the missile after three failures. U.S. "space tracking sensors" confirmed that the satellite is no longer in orbit and that the collision produced "hundreds of pieces of debris," that also are being tracked. It said intelligence agencies had yet to "complete confirmation of the test." The test, the magazine said, appeared to employ a ground-based interceptor that used the sheer force of impact rather than an exploding warhead to shatter the satellite. Dr. McDowell of Harvard said the satellite was known as Feng Yun, or "wind and cloud." Launched in 1999, it was the third in a series. He said that it was a cube measuring 4.6 feet on each side, and that its solar panels extended about 28 feet. He added that it was due for retirement but that it still appeared to be electronically alive, making it an ideal target. "If it stops working," he said, "you know you have a successful hit." White House officials said the United States and other nations, which they did not identify, had “expressed our concern regarding this action to the Chinese.” Despite its protest, the Bush administration has long resisted a global treaty banning such tests because it says it needs freedom of action in space. Under a space policy authorized by President Bush in August, the United States asserts a right to "freedom of action in space" and says it will "deter others from either impeding those rights or developing capabilities intended to do so." The policy includes the right to "deny, if necessary, adversaries the use of space capabilities hostile to U.S. national interests." At a time when China is modernizing its nuclear weapons, expanding the reach of its navy and sending astronauts into orbit for the first time, the test appears to mark a new sphere of technical and military competition. American officials complained yesterday that China had made no public or private announcements about its test, despite repeated requests by American officials for more openness about its actions. Low Earth-orbit satellites have become indispensable for U.S. military communications, GPS navigation for smart bombs and troops, and for real-time surveillance. The Chinese test highlights the satellites' vulnerability. The weather satellite hit by the weapon had circled the globe at an altitude of roughly 500 miles. In theory, the test means that China can now hit American spy satellites, which orbit closer to Earth. The satellites presumably in range of the Chinese missile include most of the imagery satellites used for basic military reconnaissance, which are essentially the eyes of the American intelligence community for military movements, potential nuclear tests and even some counterterrorism, and commercial satellites. (SITE NOTE: While China's new weapon does jeopardize low-altitude U.S. reconnaissance sensors, it poses no risk to America's targeting and communications systems, which fly at a much higher orbit. The worry is that in case of a shooting war between Taiwan-China, the Chinese will take out the intelligence satellites leaving the military "blind". However, the worry for Korea is that if such an event did take place, the Chinese strategy will be to split the US naval forces -- as it has done in the past as recent as 2003 -- by escalating the Korean crisis simultaneously with its Taiwan provocations. Without the satellites, the intelligence gathering would have to be done by real time assets (U2-AWACS) -- which would be a dangerous proposition for all. There is an added complication in that the Japanese have spy satellites as well and any move on them will be an act of war involving Japan as well. The ROK has also added its spy satellites to the mix -- albeit not perfected as yet. Quickly such a situation could turn into WWIII. On a more realistic standpoint, the US and other nations are piffed that the Chinese created a massive garbage heap with their target practice. Floating around the area for untold years -- posing a danger to other satellites at the same altitude -- the Chinese created a "minefield" of debris. This is really has a lot of scientists piffed at the Chinese.) In late August, President Bush authorized a new national space policy that ignored calls for a global prohibition on such tests. The policy said the United States would “preserve its rights, capabilities, and freedom of action in space” and “dissuade or deter others from either impeding those rights or developing capabilities intended to do so.” It declared the United States would “deny, if necessary, adversaries the use of space capabilities hostile to U.S. national interests.” The Chinese test “could be a shot across the bow,” said Theresa Hitchens, director of the Center for Defense Information, a private group in Washington that tracks military programs. “For several years, the Russians and Chinese have been trying to push a treaty to ban space weapons. The concept of exhibiting a hard-power capability to bring somebody to the negotiating table is a classic cold war technique.” The Bush administration has conducted research that critics say could produce a powerful ground-based laser weapon that would be used against enemy satellites. The largely secret project, parts of which were made public through Air Force budget documents submitted to Congress last year, appears to be part of a wide-ranging administration effort to develop space weapons, both defensive and offensive. The administration’s laser research is far more ambitious than a previous effort by the Clinton administration to develop an antisatellite laser, though the administration denies that it is an attempt to build a laser weapon. The current research takes advantage of an optical technique that uses sensors, computers and flexible mirrors to counteract the atmospheric turbulence that seems to make stars twinkle. The weapon would essentially reverse that process, shooting focused beams of light upward with great clarity and force. (Source: New York Times.) (SITE NOTE: The current worry is that the recent test reinvigorated American advocates for space-based weapons harkening back to the Star Wars years of Ronald Reagan. These forces have largely been silent since the fall of the "evil empire." If China follows up with more tests, the American space hawks will grow in strength and numbers and could find new allies in Congress. What ultimately will follow is a very unhealthy space race in weapons superiority of my deterent is better than yours.) EPILOGUE: Navy Hits Sat, Probably Fuel Tank (Feb 2008) The Pentagon believes the Navy Standard Missile-3 fired from the USS Lake Erie at a decaying satellite likely struck the loaded, and toxic, fuel tank as intended. After an early delay because of rough seas, the Erie fired the SM-3 on the night of 20 Feb about 10:26 p.m. EST at the non-functioning intelligence satellite as it traveled in space about 133 nautical miles above the Pacific Ocean, according to a DOD statement. President Bush elected to attempt a shootdown because the satellite still had a full load of fuel. The Joint Space Operations Center at Vandenberg AFB, Calif., confirmed that the SM-3 had intercepted the satellite, which broke into pieces. Marine Corps Gen. James Cartwright, vice chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, on Thursday told reporters that the Pentagon has "a high degree of confidence that we got the tank." A definite answer won't come for another day or two as analysts review the data, but Cartwright did say initial views of the debris field show nothing larger than a football. (American Forces Press Service report by Gerry Gilmore) (SITE NOTE: The main message is that the US can do the same as the Chinese -- with the message to the Chinese as well. You can shoot mine, I can shoot yours.) Photographer accused in U.S. military leak (Jan 2007) Police began an investigation of a photographer accused of taking pictures of U.S. military facilities in Korea and Japan. The Seoul Metropolitan Police Agency announced on January 24 that it had been conducting a investigation on Mr. Lee (40), a photographer, for several months after obtaining a wiretap warrant. The police said it launched the investigation after receiving a tip that Lee had photographed weapons at U.S. military bases in Korea and had given the photos to the media. The 40-year-old, who was identified by his surname Lee, is accused of taking photographs of a U.S. nuclear submarine stationed in Korea and a U.S. military base in Hiroshima, Japan, and sending them to a Korean-Japanese contact in January 2004. "We are currently investigating the details of the case," said Kim Bok-chil, a police captain at Seoul Metropolitan Police Agency. Lee has not been summoned for questioning yet, Kim said. Lee had posted pictures of joint Korea-U.S. military exercises on his personal website last March when he worked a journalist, Kim added. Lee is also accused of leaking classified military information such as the locations of U.S. chemical weapons in Korea through his articles and contributions to the online media. Lee also allegedly sought help from a North Korean spy in Japan to gain entry to a U.S. military base in Hiroshima. (Source: Korea Herald.) However, a representative of the progressive internet media site for which Lee worked said, "We did run an article with a picture of a nuclear submarine docked at Jinhae Port. But the picture was taken by some other environmental group. At the time, Mr. Lee was not able to take a picture of the nuclear sub." The representative also said that Mr. Lee wrote the special report under question on the chemical weapons status of the U.S. Forces in Korea being revealed to the public "based on the information the U.S. military disclosed in accordance with their Freedom of Information Act." (Source: Hankyoreh News.) (SITE NOTE: The US has chemical weapons in Korea??? A US nuclear submarine "stationed" in South Korea??? This is very sensational -- but untrue. The US will deny the use of chemical weapons and having them stored on ROK soil would be a disaster. The nuclear subs sometimes appear at Chinhae with nuclear-capable Tomahawk cruise missiles on board...but NEVER stationed here. What's really going on here???) Fate of the UN Command with Transfer of Wartime Control (Jan 2006) Gen. Bell, the USFK Commander who doubles as head of the United Nations Command, said it would be unavoidable to revise the roles and missions of the body, as the South Korean military "exercises independent command of its forces during armistice, crisis escalation and potential war." He said the U.S.-led United Nations Command will play a supporting role to Korean military's maintenance of the armistice after the wartime control transfer. Bell called for negotiations over a revision of the UNC roles and missions. "The U.N. commander will have no command authority over any ROK forces, with the ROK military commanding the demilitarized zone and sea patrol in the Northern Limit Line (NLL)," he said, using the acronym for South Korea's official name, Republic of Korea. "And the ROK military will have the command authority of all forces in potential contact with an enemy." The NLL is a de-facto sea border between the two Koreas, which remain technically in a state of war. He added the future U.N. commander will likely assume a supporting role in the relationship similar to the future supporting role between the two allies. (SITE NOTE: This statement seems to be the precursor to shifting the UNC to Japan at Camp Zama -- the control of the DMZ is handed over to the ROK. Japanese bases were approved by the Japanese as support bases for Korea under the UNC dating back to the Korean War. Besides the DMZ which the US wants to shift to the ROK, the UNC performs mainly a ceremonial role.) (Source: Yonhap News.) Bell Seeks "Enhanced" UN Command The UNC should be enhanced to assume immediate wartime operations as a key supporting command to the South Korean military, Gen Burwell Bell said on 17 Jan. At a news conference held in Seoul, Gen. Burwell Bell, commander of U.S. Forces Korea, repeated his emphasis on the need to revise the UNC roles and missions ahead of South Korea's regaining of wartime operational control from the U.S. military. "It is important that we organize in peacetime as we will for war. There would be no time to make changes in our command structure while a crisis escalates," Bell told reporters. "We must organize ourselves so we have unity in our chain of command from armistice to crisis escalation and into war, should war break out," the U.S. general said. Some said Bell's remarks hint that the U.S. military aims to upgrade the roles of the UNC through consolidating its command system along with organization reshuffling. They said Washington intends to maintain its leading military role on the peninsula through enhancing the UNC which would replace the CFC. (SITE NOTE: The US has already stated that I Corps will set up at Camp Zama to handle Korean contingencies. According to the Army Transformation Roadmap of 2004, I Corps should transition to its UEx model by 2010. The next step is to move the UNC there. We believe Gen Bell is alluding to the move to Japan -- and needs to have this agreement in writing before any change in command lines can be started in Japan. Remember that Bell has previously stated that he wants to turn control of the DMZ over to the ROK as soon as possible.) The two nations and other UNC member countries will work out these details in a near future, he said. Bell said the upcoming changes in the alliance command structure could harm the UNC commander's ability to quickly mobilize forces to enforce the inter-Korean armistice. He pointed out that once the Korea-U.S. Combined Forces Command is inactivated, the UNC commander will no longer retain immediate access to South Korea's combat troops with his losing of command authority for them. "The inactivation of the Combined Forces Command and the transfer of ROK forces operational control to an independent ROK military command will, however, create a military authority-to-responsibility mismatch for the United Nation Command," Bell said. "Unless addressed, this situation will make it impossible to credibly maintain the armistice." The UNC is a 16-nation body commanded by a four-star U.S. general overseeing compliance with the armistice agreement on the peninsula and supervising two transportation corridors through the Demilitarized Zone between South Korea and North Korea. (SITE NOTE: If the UNC moved to Camp Zama, the position would become a three-star position with a four-star in Hawaii. The position of the USFK would be downgraded as well to a three-star position -- and perhaps ultimately a two-star position if ground forces in significant numbers are removed from the peninsula.) In case of a military crisis on the peninsula, the UNC will defend South Korea through the combination of multinational troops from member nations. The UNC maintains seven rear headquarters in Japan for logistical support in case of conflict. (SITE NOTE: Whether the UN nations will immediately jump back into the fray if North Korea attacks is debatable. The fact is that in 1975, Park Chung-hee stated that the ROK would be able to defend the ROK against the North as long as China did not intercede. The UN flags were lowered over all bases in Korea except at the DMZ. All UN troops, except for strictly ceremonial purposes, were withdrawn from Korea and Japan -- and returned home. The sad fact is the UN will not rush back into Korea -- they will debate, make resolutions and perhaps enter as a coalition under the UN Command again after months of debate.) Bell also raised a need to enhance the roles of the Neutral Nations Supervisory Commission and the Military Armistice Commission. The two institutions are main UNC bodies mandated to supervise the armistice actions between South and North Korea. The MAC consists of 10 officers representing main belligerents of the Korean War while the NNSC comprises representing officers from neutral nations Sweden, Switzerland and Poland. Analysts said the basic guideline implicates that the alliance shape will face a bigger metamorphosis than previously expected along with changes in a wide range of military details. (Source: Korea Herald.) When South Korea takes over wartime military command of its own troops sometime between 2009 and 2012, as the two nations recently agreed, it will create a "military authority-to-responsibility mismatch for the United Nations Command," Bell said. In other words, the U.N. commander no longer will have "immediate access" to South Korean troops the way Bell does now. Bell said the situation could make it impossible to maintain the Korean armistice — the U.N. command's main mission. "It is important that we organize in peacetime as we will for war," he said. "This is particularly true here in Korea, where crisis escalation could quickly — indeed almost instantaneously — lead to combat operations." That, Bell said, leaves the question: "Is there a future role for the United Nations Command on the Korean peninsula?" "The answer is yes — absolutely," he said. It must remain part of the deterrent and warfighting capabilities, he said. Bell said the issue is defining the U.N. Command's role when the South Koreans have wartime command. He indicated the command could work the same way the U.S. military will: in a supporting mission. In that scenario, the U.N. commander "could assign forces supporting missions under tactical control of supported commanders," Bell said. The commander would "retain operational command over all supporting U.N. forces and those forces would also maintain their own lines of national command back to their nations." (Source: Stars and Stripes.) NNSC Observers Meet for 3000th Time -- Doing Nothing (Jan 2007) On 23 Jan the Neutral Nations Supervisory Commission (NNSC) met for a historic 3,000th time since Aug. 1, 1953. Swedish, Swiss and Polish delegates sat at the table straddling the demarcation line separating the Koreas. Because North Korea hasn't recognized the armistice since 1991 — and its Polish and Czech delegates left in 1993 and 1995, respectively — all three men entered the meeting from the South Korean side of Panmunjom. Maj. Gen. Sture Theolin of Sweden and Maj. Gen. Gerhad Bruegger, Switzerland, meet weekly. Polish delegate Brig. Gen. Anatol Czaban joins the meetings a few times each year. The commission reports to the senior member of the Military Armistice Commission. The NNSC's mission is to "supervise, observe, inspect and investigate military activities outside the Demilitarized Zone and to ensure that neither side violates the armistice by introducing or reinforcing military personnel and materiel for resumed fighting." Since the commission hasn't been allowed for decades to inspect ports for any military build-up, officials admitted their presence is largely symbolic. In 2005, Gen. Leon LaPorte, then the U.N. commander, asked the Swedish and Swiss delegates to monitor the large annual U.S. South Korean training exercises criticized by North Korea as aggressive acts. Theolin said they monitor the exercises to ensure they are legitimate and defensive activities that do not violate either the letter or spirit of the armistice. (Source: Stars and Stripes.) February 2007Bell: Troop Misconduct on the Rise in S. Korea (Feb 2007) SEOUL — Servicemember misconduct is on the rise in South Korea, U.S. Forces Korea commander Gen. B.B. Bell stated in a recent message to his troops. Bell wrote that he is "seeing a statistical increase in servicemember misconduct, particularly involving under age drinking, alcohol abuse, curfew violation and sexual assault." He called the behavior unacceptable and wants the troops to know about potential lifelong negative consequences they could face. His message comes in advance of a long weekend; the military community is off work from Feb. 17 to Feb. 20 to celebrate President's Day and the Korean Lunar New Year.Bell wrote that the safety record for 2007 so far has been "very good," but added, "We must continue to highlight safe and appropriate behavior in order to avoid misconduct and tragedy during the upcoming four-day weekend." Several U.S. troops are embroiled in the South Korean court system after holiday weekend incidents. Most recently, 23-year-old Pvt. Geronimo Ramirez is accused of raping a 67-year-old South Korean woman on Jan. 14 — part of the Martin Luther King Jr. holiday weekend. Officials said Bell considered the Ramirez case, among other unspecified factors, when deciding to place Hongdae off limits to the entire USFK community — civilians included — from 9 p.m. to 5 a.m. daily since Jan. 31. And three other U.S. soldiers are charged in relation to a Nov. 11 brawl in Itaewon's U.N. Club during Veterans Day weekend. Pvt. Sylvester Antley Clark, 19, and Spc. Tydes Teron Whiten, 27, were charged with assaulting a club bouncer. Pfc. Mario Duprey, 22, has been charged with assaulting a police officer. Their next court case, also in Seoul Central District Court, is Feb. 23. To mitigate risks, Bell directed his personnel to read "USFK Command Policy Letter #2, Command Safety," available at www.usfk.mil. The policy letter states USFK's philosophy "must be overarching but simple: supervise, educate, reduce risk, and seek out and eliminate conditions, practices, and habits that threaten the safety of people." Part of that philosophy is use of the "Under the Oak Tree Counseling," in which leaders talk to their troops before "weekends, holidays, passes, leaves, and other identified periods of high risk." "First-line supervisors will meet with subordinates to discuss and set conditions for their off-duty plans," according to the policy letter. The goal is to get a verbal contract through face-to-face meetings in which the troops agree to take appropriate steps to lower risks, according to the letter. (Source: Stars and Stripes.) (SITE NOTE: Korean progressive media also picked up on this message -- as justification that the USFK were "evil doers.") (SITE NOTE: The USFK troops at Army camps were very angry after female visits in barracks rooms was prohibitted in Feb 2007 -- meaning female soldiers cannot visit other male soldiers in their rooms -- not only the off-base female visitors. This followed an assault on a female soldier in the barracks.) Lawmakers Call for Delay of Control Transfer (Feb 2007) Lawmakers of the governing and opposition parties yesterday agreed to adopt a resolution calling for a delay in talks over the transition of wartime operational control of the Korean military from the United States to South Korea. ``The adoption of the resolution means Seoul should not stick to its target year of 2012,'' Rep. Ahn Young-keun, a member of the National Assembly's National Defense Committee said. (Source: Korea Times.) Defense Minister Kim Jang-soo hinted that he and his U.S. counterpart would try to fix the timetable on the command rearrangements during their talks in Washington, D.C. in late Feb. Kim was to begin a four-day visit to the United States on 19 Feb and meet with U.S. Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates in Washington, D.C., on 20 Feb to discuss issues, including the relocation of U.S. military bases to south of Seoul. It was to be the first meeting of the two allies' defense chiefs since they both took office late last year. (Source: Korea Times.) (SITE NOTE: Unfortunately, the transfer of wartime control has gone too far. We have always stated that the US wanted to draw down in Korea since 1991 under the Nunn-Warner initiative. Roh's insistence on wartime control gave the opportunity to get out from under a bad agreement -- though the US knew full-well that the ROK cannot support its own defense without the US support. Thus the opening allowed the US to give up the wartime control but at the same time declare that the US would no longer be the "patron" but rather a "supporter" of the ROK defense. The anti-Americanism and the ROK antagonism in pursuing an opposite rapproachement strategy with North Korea has reinforced this feeling. Though a resolution is nothing more than a statement that has no legal force, it does indicate that intent of the ROK -- one that it has demonstrated with foot-dragging and haggling over relocation and cost-sharing -- to retain the USFK in Korea.) Previously, lawmakers from the main opposition Grand National Party (GNP) opposed the transfer of wartime operational control, now exercised by the top U.S. military officer in South Korea. Throughout the process, retired generals, veterans, former defense ministers and conservative elements rallied against the move, but Roh forged ahead with his demands for wartime control. GNP Presidential candidate has stated in Feb 2007 that the ROK should renegotiate its strategic alliance with the US -- indicating the transfer of wartime control was a mistake. She called for the signing of a new security pact in Washington. (Source: Korea Times.) Now more and more of the members of the Uri Party are coming to the realization that it was a strategic mistake. U.S. indicates Earlier Transfer of Wartime Command than Expected (Feb 2007) On 19 Feb, the Yonhap News reported that the United States had strongly indicated that it would allow South Korea to get back the wartime command of its troops, currently held by the U.S., around 2010, a couple of years earlier than the deadline agreed on between the sides, a Defense Ministry official said Monday. (SITE NOTE: The difference between US and ROK date of wartime control transfer has become very confusing with the USFK saying "2009" while the ROK saying "2012" and the media splitting the difference at "around 2010". In truth, no one is sure until an official agreement is made.) "The U.S. side informed us during the Security Policy Initiative meeting in Seoul that three years is enough from now on," the official said, asking not to be named. South Korean Defense Minister Kim Jang-soo recently expressed the hope that he could fix the date for the transfer of the wartime command Friday when he meets with U.S. Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates in Washington. The two sides had agreed to set the transfer timing and present a detailed schedule for it by the end of July this year. (Source: Yonhap News and Korea Herald.) Korea Herald on 21 Feb reported that defense chiefs from the ROK and the US are expected to reach an agreement on the timetable for the transfer of wartime operational control during their talks in Washington. Working-level officials have narrowed their differences over the schedule and are reportedly close to an agreement on 2012 as the target year. (SITE NOTE: Actually, we believe the transfer of wartime control could be in place much sooner -- perhaps by 2008 with all the mechanics sorted out later -- and actual transfer date in 2009. The bottomline is that the ROK will NEVER be ready for assuming wartime control and the biggest danger is that if the US waits longer, it will be sucked once again into the "patron" role. We believe that the mechanisms for a drawdown are in place. In Feb 2007, we have observed that the US contracts for contractors are being curtailed in the Pyeongtaek area in general. This indicates that the drawdowns have reached a phase that reduced support for elements in the ROK -- though there seems to be an increase in contractor support at Camp Humphreys as could be expected with the increase in systems installations goes on. Though there is a great deal of housing construction going on on-base, these contracts were let before the wartime control fiasco hit the fan. Off-base the citizens are complaining because all the promises of a massive increase in personnel has not taken place and is impacting them adversely. In the meantime, consolidation of activities in the DMZ area around Camp Stanley continues -- and in fact, the USFK wishes to return more camps to the ROK under the LPP. We believe the manning drawdowns under the Unit of Action processes (combining activities, reduction of manning numbers, deactivation of units, relocating units to the States) that has already left gapping holes in manning levels -- BUT only on the books. In other words, the units are being phased out and positions are being vacated by attrition -- without any fills -- but not affecting unit operations. We believe there are probably administrative holes throughout the USFK but mostly within the Army elements. However, we also believe that the USFK may potentially pullout the F-16s here in Korea over the unresolved use of Chikdo bombing range -- unless some positive signs of agreement are made with the Kunsan government (or the transfer of Chikdo to the Forestry service so the ROK government could control the island use. As of Apr 2007, there was still no public announcement on the opening of Chikdo per USAF demands. In Sep 2007, there was notification that the WISS system was in place on Chikdo, but the issues of a 7 ROKAF:3 USAF split of range time and the Kunsan City government threat that it would shut it down if government aid promises were not met. In addition, the environmentalists still will have to review the Chikdo area before there is a final ok.)) DOD, S. Korea agree on 2012 transfer of war command The DoD announced on 23 Feb that South Korea would assume wartime control over its own military forces on 17 April 2012. The announcement came after Defense Secretary Robert Gates met with South Korean National Defense Minister Kim Jang Soo on 23 Feb at the Pentagon. Originally, the U.S. insisted on a transfer date of 2009, but accepted Korea’s claim that a transfer before 2012 would not be possible considering the transfer preparation timetable for securing high-tech defense capabilities to deter the North on its own. (SITE NOTE: Our original reaction was, "WTF???" This believed it must have been a misprint. But then we remembered what we also said repeatedly that the ROK is NOT prepared to accept its wartime control -- and probably won't be ready in 2012 either. However, when you read the fine print, the US wants assurances that the ROK will not weasel out of its commitment to accept wartime control. An official with the Foreign Ministry said yesterday that agreements such as the current one are technically not legally binding. However, since it is a formal agreement between two nations, it would be almost impossible to overturn it, considering the damage it could cause in the trust between the two sides.Until 23 Feb, the Defense Department’s position was that South Korea could take wartime control over its military in 2009, while South Korean officials had insisted they could not do so before 2012. An October 2006 meeting between top U.S. and South Korean Defense officials failed to resolve the matter. Since then, U.S. and South Korean officials have decided to turn command and control capabilities over to the South Koreans incrementally and then have an exercise in March 2012 to make sure everything is in place for the transition. The two sides have agreed to work out a "Road Map" to determine what needs to be done by March 2012 to transition to South Korean wartime command. The two ministers were to agree on a roadmap for wartime command transfer in July 2007. The ROK will verify the its military’s capabilities to wage war on its own through an RSOI (Reception, Staging, Onward Movement and Integration) exercise in March 2012, and finalize its transfer timetable through supplementary work for two weeks. There will be prior test drills from 2010 during the allies' joint Ulchi Focus Lens exercises every August, aimed at finding and removing potential problems in the command changes. (SITE NOTE: The ROK knows darn well that the promised ground forces augmentation under an agreement which promised 640,000 troops is now off the table once the CFC is dismantled. The US will NEVER allow the US forces to be commanded by the ROK. Under a separate command structure, the US will determine how many troops will be "promised" under its "umbrella" -- but it will be mostly USAF and Navy assets. Though not out in print, reading between the lines indicates that ground troop commitment will NOT be considered as "support." Rumor has it that the new Oplan 5027 Theater warfare is in the works at present from the US side...but whether the ROK side is developing is unknown. The question is will the final versions mesh???...and how much negotiation will be required between the two countries on the final details???) If the Korea-U.S. Combined Forces Command is dissolved after the wartime control transfer, the ROK and U.S. militaries will respectively establish a Korean military Joint Forces Command and a U.S. Joint Forces Headquarters in Korea (USJFTK). Department of Defense spokesperson David Smith said, "The number of U.S. forces stationed in Korea is currently 28,000 and is scheduled to be cut to 25,000 through 2008. The number will be maintained for the foreseeable future." He added, “After wartime control is transferred to South Korea’s military, the U.S. forces in Korea will support South Korea’s military according to the USFK commander’s authority." (SITE NOTE: That was a nice way of saying that the US will only support the ROK in accordance with its agreed upon responsibilities -- which will be ONLY in a support role.) Seoul military sources said on 25 Feb that the government had been drawing up its own wartime operation plan to replace the existing Operation Plan 5027 which is supposed to be carried out jointly by the combined Korea-U.S. forces. The current contingency plan focuses on counter-attacks in the event of North Korea aggression. The Korean military is seeking to establish a new combat and operational command by the end of next year in the first major overhaul of the Joint Chiefs of Staff in 17 years. Early in Feb 2007, Defense Minister Kim Jang-soo said a new command responsible for wartime operation, command and control of troops was being considered in line with the new Korea-U.S. alliance structure.Also 23 Feb, Gates and Kim repeated their commitments to accelerate the move of U.S. troops from Yongsan Garrison in Seoul to Camp Humphreys in Pyeongtaek, a Defense Department news release says. The news release did not give a time line. The Defense Department wants to move U.S. troops to Camp Humphreys in 2008, while South Korean officials have said the move might have to wait until 2013. In 2004, Seoul and Washington agreed to consolidate facilities and troops from the Yongsan Garrison and the U.S. 2nd Infantry Division to Pyeongtaek by 2008. But the plan has been delayed to as late as 2013 due to continued resistance from local residents and anti-U.S. civic activists, and differences between the two sides over relocation costs and the burden of cleaning up contamination in U.S. bases. "The two sides did not discuss specific dates," Jeon said. "The relocation plan is being delayed for a variety of reasons, and we agreed to find ways to expedite the process," he added. The news release made no mention of any discussion of South Korea’s contribution toward the costs of sustaining U.S. troops on the Korean peninsula. Some point out that the reason why the U.S., which insisted on a transfer time of 2009 many times up until now, changed its attitude may result from a behind-the-scenes agreement related to other issues such as the U.S. military’s sharing of defense expenses in Korea and moving U.S. military bases. (Source: Stars and Stripes and Donga Ilbo.) In return, Washington is asking Seoul to guarantee it will not change its mind again no matter who wins the presidential election here in December. That would put paid to hopes in Korea that a new president could postpone the handover. The U.S. is asking Korea for "tangible measures" to earn its trust, citing Korea's earlier failure to immediately implement a bilateral agreement when the situation changed. By tangible measures, the U.S. appears to mean establishing a military command that would take charge of troop control, and an earlier start to drawing up new military strategies once Combined Forces Command is dismantled, according to sources. Under the 23 Feb agreement, the South Koreans would retain control of their military, with U.S. forces operating in support. There is already an agreement in place to reduce U.S. troops in South Korea to 25,000 by next year, and a U.S. official says there has been no discussion of further reductions as a result of the 23 Feb agreement. The U.S. troop numbers are already down to 28,000. (SITE NOTE: But the pundits state that the numbers is not the tell tale story. It is beginning to look like most of the remaining troops are "support" elements -- intel, communications, etc. along with USAF elements which are undecided at the moment. Thus far most of the reductions have been in the frontline army units. The DoD said that it had no plan to further reduce 25,000 troops stationed in South Korea after 2008, although the two countries reached an agreement to transition wartime operational control of Korean troops to Seoul by April 17, 2012. The U.S. had said that it would maintain the current combat capability by providing supplementary forces even after control is transferred to Seoul. (Source: Chosun Ilbo and Korea Herald.) Though the US promised no future reductions after 2008, the numbers for follow-on support may be renegotiated after the CFC is dismantled. Military experts point out that the possibility of additional reductions remains depending on how the U.S. strengthens its military bases in Guam and Japan and relocates its forces around the globe. Larry Niksch, a specialist in Asian affairs at the U.S. Congressional Research Service, said recently that it is only a matter of time before the U.S. withdraws all its ground forces from Korea by moving the single remaining brigade to another region. Of two brigades under the second U.S. infantry division, one was already relocated to Iraq, he said. Niksh predicted that the U.S. will considerably strengthen its air forces in Korea and indirectly support Korea's naval forces from its naval bases in Japan. (Source: Chosun Ilbo.) The ruling Uri Party and leftist opposition Democratic Labor Party welcomed the agreement as a cornerstone of the country's sovereignty. The progressive parties praised the U.S. acceptance of Seoul's target year of 2012, saying South Korea has secured enough time to prepare for the assumption of an independent wartime operation. However, the main opposition Grand National Party and minor opposition Democratic Party regretted the accord, concerned that it will adversely effect security stability on the Korean Peninsula. The agreement met with immediate protests from the conservative politicians, veterans and activists in Seoul who are concerned that the command change would weaken Korea's defense capability and undermine the military alliance between the two countries. Two leading presidential hopefuls from the opposition Grand National Party claimed that the issue should be renegotiated after a new administration takes office in Korea in February 2008. Presidential candidates such as former Seoul Mayor Lee Myung-bak, a front-runner in public opinion polls, said the deal should be rediscussed in the next administration. "We are disappointed that such an agreement was reached even though the Defense Committee of the National Assembly opposed it," the Grand National Party said in a press release. "It's a measure that's against the will of the people." Lee Myung-bak also said the target date should be flexibly readjusted in consideration of the security situation on the Korean Peninsula. "If needed, the next government should renegotiate the matter with the United States depending on North Korea's nuclear threats and tension on the peninsula," Lee said. (Source: Joongang Ilbo.) "It is wrong to fix the transfer year. There should be serious discussion again on the issue under the next government under the principle of strengthening Korea-U.S. alliance," Han Sun-kyo, spokesman for Park Geun-hye, former GNP chairwoman. Their downright opposition signals that the command structure will become a major campaign theme for the next presidential election in December. Former defense ministers and chiefs of veterans groups plan to hold a meeting today to discuss their response to the 23 Feb agreement. They led a series of protests against the proposed troop control last year. Before the defense chiefs' talks, they asked the Defense Ministry to postpone the decision and pass it to the next government. But their request was rejected. The opponents said the CFC should be maintained to cope with a nuclear-armed North Korea until the communist country completely abandons its atomic programs -- but the Ministry of Defense stated it was "inappropriate" to link the two issues of nuclear disarment and wartime control. The disagreement on the wartime control spilled over int the National Assembly on 27 Feb. The National Assembly's defense committee was supposed to review the agreement, with Defense Minister Kim Jang-soo and other top defense officials present. The committee earlier adopted a resolution urging the liberal South Korean government of President Roh Moo-hyun not to reclaim the authority before the North Korean nuclear tension is resolved. But the parliamentary meeting became deadlocked after liberal and conservative lawmakers bickered over committee chairman Kim Sung-gon's (Uri Party) reported telephone call to Defense Minister Kim to push for the agreement ahead of his meeting with his U.S. counterpart Robert Gates. Kim's activity "is tantamount to giving up parliament's role of checking the administration," said committee member Gong Sung-jin (GNP). The sides continuously traded verbal accusations against each other and the meeting had to be adjourned. (Source: Hankyoreh (Yonhap).) 11th Security Policy Initiative Meeting (Feb 2007) Yonhap News on 6 Feb reported that the ROK and the US will hold a new round of military talks in Seoul this week on plans to relocate US troops here to a base south of Seoul and the future role of the United Nations Command (UNC). The two-day talks beginning 7 Feb are the 11th in the Security Policy Initiative (SPI), a working-level consultation channel between the allies to fine-tune their military policies. The two-day military talks focused on how to share the cost for relocating a main U.S. military compound in Seoul to south of the capital. Richard Lawless, deputy defense undersecretary for Asia and Pacific affairs, paid a courtesy call on Defense Minister Kim Jang-soo before attending the first session of the Security Policy Initiative (SPI), the 11th in its kind, at the ministry next to the Yongsan Garrison of the 8th U.S. Army. (Source: Yonhap News.) South Korea, U.S. Discuss Thorny Alliance issues (Feb 2007) During the second day of the 11th Security Policy Initiative (SPI), delegates were mainly focusing on details of a master plan to determine the timeline of base relocation and how to share the cost, ministry officials said. Seoul and Washington have differed over the details of the $10 billion base relocation plan especially since delays of up to five years are expected because of strong opposition from local residents and civic groups. The two countries agreed in 2004 to relocate facilities and troops from the Yongsan Garrison in central Seoul and the U.S. 2nd Infantry Division, north of Seoul, to Pyeongtaek by 2008. But the plan has been delayed due to protests from local residents and anti-U.S. civic activists. Korea has asked the U.S. for understanding over the delay which is now considered inevitable due to technical constraints. Seoul, however, its pledged to make efforts to minimize the delay. Both delegations also reviewed a joint study to determine a concrete date for the transfer of wartime operational control of Korean armed forces to Korea from the U.S. military. Since both defense ministers agreed last October to make the control transition between 2009 and 2012, the two militaries have operated a joint study panel named CIWG to agree on a transition date by this summer. Korea wants to agree on 2012 for the command changes while the United States says 2009 is more appropriate. Seoul and Washington agreed during annual defense talks in Washington last October that the transition of wartime control of South Korean troops will take place sometime between Oct. 15, 2009 and March 15, 2012. The timing was a compromise between South Korea and the U.S. Korea wanted a delayed transfer, citing a possible power vacuum, while the U.S. pushed ahead with an earlier transition as part of its flexible troop deployment in which U.S. troops in the Korean Peninsula are supposed to be mobilized easier than before for other conflict regions. The bimonthly consultations also dealt with the revision of the roles and missions of the U.S.-led United Nations Command. The UNC issue has recently emerged as a new agenda item for the alliance talks as Washington has expressed a need to transform the UNC structure to one which can assume immediate wartime operations. The allies have agreed on the need to discuss the UNC changes in preparation for Korea's regaining of wartime operational control from the United States, officials said. The two sides also shared opinions on political situations in the Middle East. Korea has troops deployed in Iraq and plans to dispatch a contingent to Lebanon, officials said. (Source: Korea Herald.) Nothing was sorted out...and it was back to agreeing to disagree. Korea and the U.S. decided to deal with a new role for UN Command in October during the Security Consultative Meeting (SCM). The two sides agreed that UN Command could find it difficult to maintain the armistice once it no longer has control over Korean troops. The two allies will discuss the issue in a separate venue and report the results of negotiations to the bilateral Security Consultative Meeting, in October. (Source: Chosun Ilbo.) Recruiters Waive Felony Convictions (Feb 2006) More recruits with criminal records, including felony convictions, are being allowed to join the Army and Marine Corps as the armed services cope with a dwindling pool of volunteers during wartime. The military routinely grants waivers to take in recruits who have criminal records, medical problems or low aptitude scores that would otherwise disqualify them from service. Most are moral waivers, which include some felonies, misdemeanors, and traffic and drug offenses. Defense Department statistics show that the number of Army and Marine recruits needing waivers for felonies and serious misdemeanors, including minor drug offenses, has grown since 2003. Some recruits may get more than one waiver. The Army granted more than double the number of waivers for felonies and misdemeanors in 2006 than it did in 2003. The number of felony waivers granted by the Army rose from 411 in 2003 to 901 in 2006, according to the Pentagon. Other misdemeanors, which could be petty theft, writing a bad check or some assaults, jumped from about 2,700 to more than 6,000 in 2006. (SITE NOTE: Misdemeanors are not a problem to us, but felony convictions are a major concern. These convictions should be scrutinized for the type of crime and approved on a case-by-case basis.) Army and Defense Department officials defended the waiver program as a way to admit young people who may have made a mistake early in life but have overcome past behavior. And they said about two-thirds of the waivers granted by the Marines are for drug use, because they -- unlike the other services -- require a waiver if someone has been convicted once for marijuana use. Lawmakers and other observers say they are concerned that the struggle to fill the military ranks during a time of war has forced the services to lower their moral standards. (SITE NOTE: To us, the misdemeanor drug use of marijuana is not a concern, but the felony use and distribution of highly addictive drugs is a concern.) "The data is crystal clear. Our armed forces are under incredible strain and the only way that they can fill their recruiting quotas is by |