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SONGTAN HISTORY

1952-Present
Seojong-ni Background;
Osan AB (K-55) Background;
American Off-base Bar Culture;
Roads Surrounding K-55:

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Acknowledgement: Special thanks to Jack Terwiel, Capt, USAF (Ret) of the Osan Retired Activities Office for photos of base (past and present) -- Dan Klopten, Robert Furrer, Robert Evilsizor, Ron Freedman, Harry Tezlaf and Ken Shallenbarger. Special thanks to Jackie Turner, 7th AF Historian, and John Okonski, 51st FW Historian, for their assistance with photos and guidance on the history of Osan AB. Thanks to Curly Knepp, Maj, USAF (Ret) for his photos and direction in uncovering the history of the area. Thanks to Don Tomajan for his comments, photos and assistance on the EAB history. Thanks to Bob Spiwak for his narratives and photos of life at Osan AB.

Special thanks to Mr. Oh Sun-soo for his information on the development of Songtan. Special thanks to Mr. Jim Price for his sharing of his experiences during his long residence in Songtan. Special thanks to Mr. Yi Kyong Chu (Kasey Lee) for his help and direction in assembling this history. Special thanks to Ms. Jin Dal-lae and other staff members of the Jisan-dong Ward Office for taking the time to research and provide historical materials on Songtan and Pyongtaek City. Thanks to the Shinjang 1-dong Ward Office staff for their help. Much of the information on Pyongtaek City and the Songtan area was extracted from the Pyeongtaek City History, Pyeongtaek Si Sa. Thanks to the Songbuk Elementary School for permission to use their photos from their private collection.


View of Osan AB (USAF Photo)


THIS IS A WORK IN-PROGRESS AND FACTS ARE BEING ADDED/DELETED DURING THIS PROCESS. THIS IS NOT A COMPLETED HISTORY.


SEOJONG-NI:

Pre-Korean War The area was a key rice-growing region from ancient times. The December 1948 USAF Pilotage Chart for Kyongsong (380C) shows the spread of the flood plains in the area and availability of water from the Chinwi-chon River made rice growing primary industry. From the reports of flooding every ten years and complaints of the water table being too close to the surface, it indicates the area never suffered from the droughts that repeatedly plagued other areas of Korea. During the Japanese colonial period, Korea remained its "rice bowl" with ample exports of rice to Japan and Manchuria. It was only after the Korean War when mismanagement and lack of chemical fertilizers -- and sometimes droughts -- caused crop shortfalls. It was not until recent times that Korea could become a rice exporter again.

It appears that Seojong-ni was simply one of many rice-collection points in the area -- including the areas towards Anjung-ni. In reviewing the Pilotage Chart, we can see roads leading to Seojong-ni. There is a road leading down towards Anjung-ni. (NOTE: This would become the basic route of Rte 340 to Anjung.) In looking at the terrain, it is the most logical location for a road to the peninsula because of the hills between Osan and Seojong-ni. The road is at the base of the hills that surround K-55 and bypasses the flood plains of the Chinwi-chon River further north. Back then the Chinwi-chon River was actually a meandering river looking like a tightly wound snake on the 1948 Pilotage Chart. It spread out over a much larger area than present. The K-55 runway was constructed parallel to the river "to the north." Thus the road fords the river near Dongchang -- and was probably impassable during seasonal flooding.

All of the Seoul-Pusan traffic passed through the Seojong-ni area both as train and vehicular traffic -- though not necessarily stopping -- but as a spin-off, it contributed to the economy and development of the area.

From 1952 to 1981, Seojong-ni evolved separately as Seojong-myeon and was only seen as the nearest train station. However, most Koreans from the Songtan area used the intercity buses for transportation to Seoul or other cities along MSR-1 instead of the trains. Both towns were basically isolated from one another.

There are no indications that any American influence was ever established in Seojong-ni. In effect, the Seojong-dong area economy was primarily dependent on the KOREAN economy -- NOT K-55 (Osan AB). It would have remained the center of agricultural activity for the farmers in the area.

Later when industrial activity increased in the 1980s, Seojong-ni benefitted from this growth. Small repair and manufacturing shops were first established in this area. This is "industrial zone" would be where the used furniture and heavy machinery shops are now located in the Seojong-ni area.

Later Seojong-ni was incorporated into the Songtan City expansion in 1981. Then in turn in 1993, Songtan City was incorporated into Pyongtaek City. Up until 2005 when Songtan Station opened, the Seojong Station was the closest train station to Songtan and Osan AB.

Mistaken Impression by Osan AB of Seojong-ni Insignificance We have a MINOR concern that the impression is that there was NOTHING in the immediate area that would be classified as the "village" when Osan AB (K-55) was built -- giving the impression that the base was surrounded by small farming hamlets without any other "village" nearby.

In truth, the Seojong-ni Village nearby was a small center of commerce for the area. The rail station was plotted on navigation charts of the time (December 1948 USAF Pilotage Chart for Kyongsong (380C)) before the existence construction started on Osan AB (K-55). The designation "ni" (or "ri") for village is the lowest administrative designator for an area with a "significant population." Thus most certainly the two track line stopped there and a small rail yard was constructed for cars to be loaded with the rice and other agricultural products for transshipment to Japan out of Inchon (Chemulpo Harbor).

Thus, we feel that Seojong-ni (Seojong-ni) has been overlooked as the ORIGINAL village town when the base was first built -- though it was approximately two miles down from the main gate of Osan AB. What we are saying is that the current base history creates the impression that there was NOTHING in the area except farm hamlets. Seojong-ni was not simply a "village" in the sense that Americans perceive a group of huts, but a railroad yard and center of commerce on a small scale for the agricultural community during the Japanese colonial period. It had an open market and businesses along MSR-1 centered near the Seojong-ni Train Station.

Though we do recognize that once the base was built, Seojong-ni had virtually no importance to the base operations, we feel that it still needs to be recognized as a "village" with a "significant population" as belied it OFFICIAL designation as "ni." During and after the Korean War, Seojong-ni never benefitted from any of the direct benefits to its economy from Osan AB nearby -- except perhaps for having residents who worked on the base. As the base had its own spur (Shinjang overpass to Bravo Gate area) and sidings, there was no need for the Seojong-ni rail yard. he growth shifted to the Shinjang-dong (Jae-Yok dong)/Songbuk dong areas and Seojong-ni went into a period of decline.

In the 1960s-1970s, fhe Shinjang-dong (Jae Yok-dong) provided 80 percent of the income for the area with agriculture providing only a small percentage of the local economy. Remember that agriculture up to the 1970s was bare subsistence farming. Korea still was not self-sufficient in its grain production and relied on imported rice. After the 1960s, the government started a two-tier farm system to aid the farmers, by buying their rice at high prices and selling the rice at low prices to the public. This form of protectionism aided the farmers in surviving, while at the same time setting price controls on rice to ensure there was no price-gouging on rice prices. After the mid-1970s, Korea reached self-sufficiency through the use of chemical fertilizers after the completion of fertilizer plants throughout Korea. In the 1980s, it for the first time was able to export surplus rice.

Seojong-ni Train Station and Rail Yard

Seojong-ni sits only two miles from the main gate of Osan AB. Though we have little information on the development of Seojong-ni at this time, Seojong-ni contained a small rail yard for off-loading/on-loading agricultural produce and probably storage warehouses for the rice. There would probably also be a Japanese government trade building and a local bank, along with some stores for manufactured products.


(L) Seojong-ri Station (R) Railroad siding with a rail car and the Seojong-ri Station Platform in background (2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan)



Map of Seojong Train Station Siding (2005) (Map at Songbuk-dong House Office) (NOTE: Shown is one siding warehouse that is no longer present. The siding tracks are not drawn.)



There were warehouses for the storage of the rice next to Seojong-ni Station. The map of Seojong-ni Station shows a siding warehouse (now demolished). The Farmers' Cooperative Warehouses are across the street from the siding tracks. Also if this was the case, there would also have to be a small local bank and business offices for the Japanese government, as well as stores for the sale of manufactured goods to the community. There was an open market that probably serviced the community prior to the K-55 construction.


Example of Japanese Concrete Railway Warehouse (Kunsan City: 1951) (Travis Hughlett)

Same Concrete Warehouse (Kunsan City: 2000) (Kalani O'Sullivan)


Standard Japanese warehouse construction with concrete end piece (or brick with stucco) for the buildings with a pointed top and connected by cross-beams. The loading side had the eaves extended. Hooded ventilators were on the roof. Doors were on all sides. Sides of wood or bricks covered with stucco. (NOTE: These types were the low-end warehouses. The Japanese warehouses that contained high-value items had thicker end pieces that were built with concrete columns and then the spaces between were filled in with brick. The key identifier is a projection at the top of the end piece where the columns join. None have been found in Seojong-ni at this time.)



(L) The eaves have become the home of pigeons. Closeup of crude form-concrete construction for end piece. (R) The entry way of building to right shows one piece form-construction.



Buildings of the Farmers Cooperative across the street from the Seojong-ri Station. The building on the left has a concrete end pieces of standard Japanese design. Notice the standard ventilation hoods on the roof indicating a agricultural warehouse. The building in the middle is constructed with cinder-blocks indicating later construction -- most likely in the 1970s. The building on the right has a new end of sheet metal as the concrete end seems to have been destroyed, while the other parts of the building are standard Japanese design. The entrance to the building on the right is standard for an office structure. The right and left buildings show evidence of very old external wiring being strung for exterior lights. The buildings have had eave additions, gutters and new wiring added at a later date. The warehouses are directly across the National Road 1 (MSR-1) from the rail yard.


Example of Japanese Wooden Railway Warehouse (Kunsan City: 1951) (Travis Hughlett)



Railroad siding at Seojong-ri Station. The location for a warehouse would have been approximately where the parking lot is now. Top left photo shows parking lot fence. Notice the wooden ties used in this area. (2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan)


Currently next to the Seojong-ri Station there are no Japanese-era warehouses on the siding. From the curvature of the siding rails, the area where these warehouses would have been located is now a parking lot and open area with railcars on the siding. There are no siding warehouses in 2005.

A cursory look at the east-side of the main tracks (towards Anjung) shows that there are a few Japanese-style warehouse buildings near the tracks, but none close enough to be used for loading direct to railcars. We assume that all of these siding warehouse structures were torn down during the expansion of the Kyongbu Rail line and building of the modern Seojong-ri Station.

The tracks use of wooden rail ties in this area which indicates this siding area was used prior to the 1970s. The rail ties switched to concrete ties from the 1970s onward. The sidings are rusted from lack of usage. As there is only ONE siding track next to the Seojong-ni Station, we conclude that this was NOT an important rail yard, but simply and agricultural loading point.

Seojong-ni appears to have been the agricultural collection point during the Japanese colonial period because of the topography of the area -- the hills in the Jisan-dong and Songbuk dong areas impeded direct traffic. The roads connecting the eastern coastal areas to the railroad connected to Osan-ni and Seojong-ni.

On the December 1948 Pilotage Chart, a road leads from Seojong-ni to the east (now Route 340) until it comes to what might be Dongchang just before the Chinwi-chon River. It crosses the river and continues east until it reaches what might be Kochan where a road that follows the approximate path of Route 39 goes north-south. It then goes south to Anjung and north towards Pyeongni. The old road from Osan appears to be Route 82 to Sujik and then to Pyeongni where it connects to Route 39.

Seojong-ni is mentioned in the events following the outbreak of the Korean War. The troops were falling back in disarray and civilians were fleeing the area. The Korean National Railroad personnel fell back as the North Koreans advanced and loaded up the rail cars with as many people as could hang on. It would then fall back to the next railhead. Seojong-ni is mentioned as one such railhead stating: "The men of the Korean National Railroads showed great loyalty and courage during the withdrawal. In several instances train and engine crews moved their trains from a city as the infantry withdrew. At Seojong-ni the infantry had taken up positions south of the town while the KNR crews were still making up the last train." (Source: PART II Transportation Corps, 5. Problems in Railroad Operations (pp63-67) -- from Combat Support in Korea, John G. Westover (P/O Center of Military History Online Collection.)

The above statement shows that Seojong-ni had the capability and Korean National Railroad personnel along with the space on sidings to build up railcars. Because the refugees flocked to the area to load onto the cars wherever they could hang-on shows that this was recognized by the local population as a transportation hub.

During the Korean War, the Seojong-ni rail yards use was minimized as the first permanent building on Osan AB was the supply warehouse. Then a rail spur was built from where the present Shinjang rail overpass is -- through Shinjang to the old gates at the end of the bomb dump hill. It then proceeded to the Doolittle Gate area (where the bomb dump was) to Hill 170 (where the large concrete storage warehouse was). It then split into two spurs -- one down to the warehouses across from the Base Exchange and the other to the POL area on Hill 170. Thus there was no need for the Seojong-ni rail yard facilities as a intermediate sorting site -- and as a result, there was little interaction between Osan AB (K-55) and the Seojong-ni area.

Unlike other bases/camps where the train railheads were located a distance from the base. The munitions and fuel, the shipments went direct to the base without an intermediary rail yard. As such, thriving wartime economies that built up around the railheads never got a chance to get started at Seojong-ni. Seojong-ni languished. Seojong-ni was basically isolated from the base and never received any of the direct benefits from the GI dollars being spent off-base.

Undoubtedly, once stability returned to the area, the train station was used for transporting passengers and agricultural products, but it never grew in importance. Unlike during the Japanese colonial period, Korea couldn't export even a little of its rice output until the late 1960s so Seojong-ni's importance to the agricultural community was minimal. In addition, the use of the road systems for transportation, also minimized Seojong-ni's importance as well. The use of intercity buses and appearance of trucks to handle the hauling reduced the importance of the Seojong-ni Train Station.

After the Korean war, the situation continued with Seojong-ni simply being the nearest train station for Seoul, but the use of the train system was minimal as the bus system was preferred. Under the Rhee regime and until Park Chung-hee's 5-year plans started to take off, the local economy -- and Korea as a whole -- was solely dependent on the US spending/grants. Seojong-ni remained a poor country village.

After the war and up to the 1970s, Korea received $4 billion in direct aid and financial assistance to stay afloat. There was no industry or major exports to drive the economy. Without these elements, there was no domestic demand because of lack of spendable income. Life was hardest in the rural communities like Seojong-ni where the young people left for Seoul to find work in the factories there.


Map of Seojong-ni. (2005) (Map at Songbuk-dong House Office) (NOTE: Songtan Elementary School is identified with a circled "10".)



Early Schools In 1945, a school in Seojong-ni was established and called the Jisan-ni Training School "branch." It moved to its 3-classroom school house in 1947 and became the Seojong-ni Elementary School in 1948. It would be renamed the Songtan Elementary School in 1996.

(NOTE: On 1 March 1996, it was renamed Songtan Elementary School. It is currently located in Kajae-dong, Pyongtaek City in the vicinity of the Seojong (Seojong) Train Station. (SEE "1955: Songbuk Elementary School Founded" for details of the educational system history.)
The Pyeongtaek history, Pyeongtaek Si Sa, has a reference to the school but no photos from that period. At that time, this school was not considered important -- but now the Seojong Elementary School is considered the oldest "modern" school in the Songtan area. However, Seojong Elementary is NOT the oldest as the Hyomung Catholic School was founded in Seojong-ni in 1930. This later would evolve into the Hyomyeong Middle School and High School. After WWII, the intent of these schools was to teach the Koreans to once again read "hangul" (Korean) -- after years of Japanese colonial rule which banned the use of Hangul in schools in 1937 -- and it succeeded as the Korean populace currently has a 98 percent literacy rate.

Old City Area At this time, we do not have firm information as to the actual size of Seojong-ni at the start of the Korean War, but we can guess from the layout of the streets that it covered an area of approximately four square blocks at the center with outlying farm villages surrounding it. Streets in the older part of Seojong-ni followed the topography indicating pre-1950s growth WITHOUT Japanese influence. Japanese construction followed the western grid pattern for streets starting in the late 1880s. All new road construction by the Japanese followed this grid pattern.

The map of Songtan area showing the Seojong-ni area has the area up to the 1960s outlined in pink. The map is especially helpful as it provides an overlay of previous roads as subdued features. Judging from the pattern of the houses, it is obvious this was nothing more than a farming village. Though we have no pictures of the village, we surmise that it looked very similar to the Osan-ni village. The open market was literally an open market with farmers hawking their produce in the open.

At the northern limit of Seojong-ni Village (between the Route 340 and the Sejong Market Road (MSR-1)), the houses were sparce. The map indicates that there were dirt roads that curved following the topography leading to villages in the area. Circular clusters of houses indicate that there were natural artesian springs in the area. There is a circular cluster in the northern area of Seojong-ni above the school. There is another circular grouping in the open market area near the "Y" of Seojong Market Road. The confluence of hills in the area with a water table near the surface made these types of artesian wells common in the area.

Water would have to be obtained from a central well. In fact, the Seojong means "West Well." It is common-sense that Korean villages were built where there was an artesian well or flowing river nearby. Because the water table was so close to the surface, artesian wells were common in the area. After concrete water mains were installed in the 1960s, these wells were capped.


Map of Seojong-ni. (2005) (Map at Songbuk-dong House Office) (NOTE: The pink area is the 1960s areas of the city prior to its expansion.)



The open market was relatively small. In the 1950s, it probably was an open market in the literal sense with produce and wares on the ground. Because of the Korean War, in the 1950s, it probably did not have much to offer except condiments and other specialty crops along with butcher shops. At the time, the other open market was in Osan-ni 8km away. Later stalls would have been added and then shops for providing for the needs of the surrounding community. As the economy recovered, the shops in the market place would have revived, but it never became anything more than a community shopping area as the Jungang Market in Shinjang appeared then the Songbuk Open Market opened in the 1960s near the new population center outside Osan AB (K-55). It appears that the Seojong-ni community remained relatively small even after Osan AB appeared. Besides small contracts to local businesses and employment of local residents, the Seojong-ni area probably received very little in the way of tangible benefits from K-55.

The rest of the town seemed to be laid out in a haphazard manner. The older dirt roads arched around the hills to link houses with no particular design indicating a pre-1980s layout. The houses were built at the base of low-lying hills and the houses seemed to have been laid out in tiers -- a pattern for a farming village. The arching of the roads indicate the topography as the roads circled the hill and then dead ended at the tier end.

It is apparent that in the 1950s, the area near the train station low one-story Korean style houses were the norm. An example of these houses is shown in the photos below. Traditional Korean-style houses prefer a central courtyard in the front -- no matter how small and the roof-line is traditionally higher. The traditional house had rooms around a central courtyard with the entrance was through the courtyard. On the other hand, Korean town-houses had a sliding door at the entrance which opened into a small area for removing ones shoes. The Japanese versions of these Korean-style houses used tatami mats for floor coverings with a central fire pit. If the area was large enough, a courtyard was in the rear of the house. The Korean versions used hondol heating. The poorer versions of these homes -- such as near the train stations or farmer's houses -- used transite (corrugated concrete-asbestos sheets) over packed clay sitting on the sheets of plywood in the ceiling.


1960s-style house (L) Rough-hewn roof supports (R) Single door front-entry with 1970s ceramic-tile exterior upgrade. Roofing material is transite (concrete/asbestos material) used in the 1960s on the poorer homes. Notice how low the eaves are. (2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan)


The house above is a typical Korean town-house for the lower classes which featured very low-roof lines that appeared in the late 1950s and 1960s. This house belonged to a poor family as indicated by the transite (corrugated concrete/asbestos sheets) used as roofing material. Under the transite, the Koreans normally used packed clay mixed with straw as an insulator in the ceiling. Plywood was used for the ceiling. The construction was standard for the period with the roof and main members constructed of rough-hewn pieces. The eaves were very low -- approximately eight feet. The front of the house shown has been upgraded with ceramic tiles which were popular during the mid-1970s when buildings in the area upgraded their appearance. Along the side of the structure is an outside cooking area.

Other examples of this type of house (though not as well preserved) are still found behind the main store fronts of Seojong-ni on the MSR-1. Many of the structures are abandoned. For example, the one next to the warehouses above is overgrown with vines and reeks of pigeon droppings. Other examples seen near the train station (behind the storefront buildings) were in much poorer condition than this one -- and will be most likely demolished in the very near future.

In most of these older buildings with a courtyard, the outhouse (or "water closet" sometimes with "WC" written on them) was in the corner of the courtyard away from the sleeping quarters. In most poor urban areas, a central "outhouse" was built for a cluster of houses consisting of a large hole in the ground with boards over it where one squatted. These pits were periodically emptied by local farmers of the "night soil" for use as fertilizer. In larger city slums, smaller outhouses were built along the hillsides.

Modern Construction: After the 1980s when the first high-rise apartments were built, the entire Seojong area seems to have been rebuilt with streets laid out on a grid pattern. The oldest houses that remain in the area are of 1960s type construction instead of the traditional Korean farm houses. Near the train station there were low one-story Korean town-style houses in the area, but not tightly packed.

As one follows the MSR-1 Bypass Road (Shinjang Road) past the Route 340 turn-off, apartment complexes appear on the left. These low apartment structures were the norm for the first apartment constructions in the area and were primarily for the lower income families.

The MSR-1 Bypass Road (Shinjang Road) continues veering to the right until it comes to an intersection. To the right, the new high-rise apartments appear. These are the newer upscale apartments for the area. The Sejong Market Road (MSR-1) joins the MSR-1 Bypass (Shinjang Road) at this intersection. If you turn right, you will go down to the road where you can the turn right to go to the Seojong-ni Train Station. Going straight ahead, the road becomes the Hyomyeong School Road.

After the rise of the Shinjang-dong (Jae-Yok-dong) area in importance, growth was limited in the Seojong area during the 1960s. Houses remained sparse between the Seojong-ni and the Shinjang-dong area (Jae Yok-dong). The area became Seojong-myeon. Seojong-myeon was made up of the villages of (1) Cheoncheon (2) Jijang (3) Pokchang (4) Shinchang (5) Saguri; and (5) Wanjokpong.

However, with the start of the Miracle of the Han River in the 1970s, more small manufacturing shops moved into the area. Along the MSR-1, three-four story concrete buildings were erected. The growth in the Seojong-ni area spread outwards towards the Shinjang-dong area and into the Jangang-dong area.

By the 1980s, the growth had reached the boundaries of the Shinjang area and more small-to-mid-sized factories moved into the area because of the lack of space in Seoul as well as the growth in Seoul south of the Youngdongpo area which was connected by the MSR-1. Three story apartment complexes were erected in the area. The streets in this area of expansion followed a grid pattern indicating post-1980s construction, but the streets were very narrow -- mainly because there were few cars in those days.

In 1981 Songtan-eup (town) changed to Songtan-shi (city) and Seojong-myeon was incorporated into Songtan. It became Seojong-dong and was divided into Seojong 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9. It was during this time that the Songtan "dream" of melding Songtan and Seojong-ni into one city -- Songtan City -- was born. The Seojong Tourism Road was the central area between Seojong-ni and Songtan.

The most of the store fronts throughout Seojong-ni are of recent construction (1970s or later). Most of the major roads in Seojong-ni are not the original roads, except for the Seojong Market Road (MSR-1), Shinjang Road (MSR-1 Bypass Road) and Hyomyeong School Road. Likewise, most of the construction in Seojong-ni is of recent manufacture.

We can find no evidence of any remaining Japanese influence in Seojong-ni. Some of the older buildings near the open market could possibly be from the Japanese era, but there is nothing that distinctively identifies them as Japanese. For example, Japanese buildings were made from red fire bricks giving them a distinctive look. Other Japanese structures followed the art-deco pattern of the 1930s. Seojong-ni being a minor farming community railhead most likely did not have any of these type structures. In addition, the anti-Japanese frenzy of the 1990s saw the destruction of most Japanese buildings and structures so the examples of Japanese architecture in Korea are becoming rare.

Seojong-ni Roads The northern limit of the city was Route 340 leading to Anjung. This road off the MSR-1 Bypass Road (Shinjang Road) leads the overpass of the Kyongbu Railroad lines. The western limit was the Kyongbu Railway line and the eastern limit was the MSR-1 Bypass Road (Shinjang Road). The southern limit was near the junction of the original MSR-1 (Seojong Market Road) and the MSR-1 Bypass Road (Shinjang Road).

The present Route 340 goes over the railroad tracks (overpass) just before Seojong-ni Station. This is the northern limit of the old Seojong-ni Village. This road continues on and there is an intersection at Dongchang where going right takes you parallel with Osan Air Base and leads to the main gate area of Osan AB. If you go straight on the road, you will run into the "Alpha Site" of Osan AB for munitions storage. If you continue straight, it crosses the normally-dry river bed (Chinwi-chon River). (NOTE: If you compare the 1948 map with the present day maps of the Chinwi-cheon River, one can see the river is much smaller in its "spread" and it obviously has been "contained" by flood control projects.) The road then continues on to Kochan where it intersects with Route 39. It goes south to Anjung and north to Pyeongni.

The original MSR-1 bypassed the Seojong Train Station area, instead passing through the open market area. This is now a one-way street called the Seojong Market Road. The old open market place exists a block away from the station. Businesses sprang up along MSR-1 on the Seojong Market Road as it passed through Seojong-ni. There appears to be an older road that cut through the market place and went to the Seojong-ni Train Station.


Road leading to Songtan. (2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan) (NOTE: This road appears to have been built in the 1980s judging from the construction materials in the buildings fronting the road. The original MSR-1 diverted through the open market as Seojong Market Road.)


The road in front of the Seojong-ni Train Station was NOT built as part of the original path of the MSR-1. In the Korean War, the MSR-1 followed the railroad tracks and at the area where there is a "Y" for one-way traffic to the Pyeongtaek Station, the MSR-1 went left as Seojong Market Road and continued straight until it exited Seojong when it rejoined up with the MSR-1 Bypass Road to the south of Seojong-ni. (NOTE: At this point we theorize that the road construction in front of the Seojong-ni Station was in the 1980s because of the grid pattern of the streets around the Train Station and also the road had no continuation after the Station.)


OSAN AIR BASE (K-55):

Japanese Airfield??? In the past there was some discussion about there possibly being a Japanese airstrip from "secondary" and "tertiary" sources. This was probably NOT the case. Most likely the confusion comes from references are made from the notes that during the later part of World War II, the Japanese conscripted 20,000 Korean laborers to build a Naval Logistics Center in the Pyeongtaek area. This was later referred to as being used by the US Army as an airfield near Anjung-ni. This was, in fact, K-6 (Pyongtaek AB) in the Korean War -- which later became Camp Humphreys.

There is no indication on any charts that such a Japanese airfield existed in the Songtan area. The maps below are from the December 1948 USAF Pilotage Chart for Kyongsong (380C), scale 1:500,000 with air info current Jan 1951. It shows 2 fields in the vicinity of what is now Osan AB. One is 3 nautical miles SW of P'yongtaek and is labeled P'YONGT'AENG-NI as an emergency field with a 5100 ft. hard surface runway, field elevation of 62 ft. (Map notation: 62 H 51) The other is 2 NM S of Suwon and is labeled SUWON as a military field with a 5200 ft. hard surface runway, field elevation 60 ft. (Map notation: 60 H 52).




1948 USAF Pilotage Chart for Kyongsong (380C) (Click on chart to enlarge)

(Courtesy Hans Peterman)


Beginnings of Osan AB (K-55) The beginnings of Songtan as a city started with the construction of Osan AB (K-55). The development started with the filling in of the rice fields behind Chicol-ni Village to the left as one exited the gate as well as creation of the shanty-town called "Chong-mun eup" (Front Gate town). The expansion then moved up the base of Milwal-dong and around to the Hill 180 Gate (ROKAF Gate). From here the expansion moved up to the ridge line along MSR-1 until by the 1960s, the Songtan-myeon (district) area was redesignated as a town or Songtan-eup.

"The entire area that now encompasses Osan AB included four tiny farming villages near the hillsides, and a large number of rice paddy areas where the runway now lies. The villages clustered at the base of the hillsides were moved to make room for the base. The villages that were removed were: Jeuk Bong-ri, Chang Deung-ri, Shin Ya-ri and Ya-ri." (Source: History of Osan Air Base, Republic of Korea, Osan Air Base Historical Office, April 1999 and GlobalSecurity.org: Osan AB.)

We can account for seven villages (hamlets) -- and have the names for five of them.
  • (1) Unknown hamlet: The first relocated hamlet (cluster of small mudwattle houses) was on Bomb Dump hill (now called the Beta Area). There were people living on the bomb dump hill on early 1952 photos while the runway was being constructed, but by 1953 this village had been relocated. This would be considered part of Namsan-ni. The bomb dump hill (now called the "Beta site" ammunition storage) was decomposed granite which was used as fill for the runway construction.

  • (2) Unknown hamlet: The second hamlet was on Hill 170. According to Ed McManus, Col, USA (ret), the 841st EAB was at the base of Hill 170 near the antenna farm. There was a Korean Village on the hillside behind the 841st area on Hill 170. It was near where the fuel tanks where the POL tanks were positioned. On a 8mm film by Robert Evilsizor, Commander, Co. A, 839th EAB, shows Koreans on Hill 170 taking the thatch roofs off of their houses and loading the thatch six-feet high onto three oxen and then heading off to the south on the newly-made taxiway in 1952. This hamlet would be considered part of Namsan-ni on the other side of the hill.

  • (3) Shinjang-ni: The third village was Shinjang-ni which was located just outside the present Doolittle gate to the north of the dirt road leading to the Gate. (Source: Aug 1951 839th EAB Overview Construction Drawing) Like Namsan-ni, the Shinjang-ni village was actually a group of hamlets and isolated farm houses combined that stretched to the MSR-1 to the east and Seotan-myeon. (Source: Verbal Conversation Kalani O'Sullivan with Mr. Oh Son-soo, 21 July 2005) A photo by Bob Spiwak in 1953 shows Shinjang-ni very close to the End-of-Runway area. Portions of this village would have had to be relocated when the Perimeter Road was constructed. Up to the 1970s, aerial photos of Osan AB indicated a farm village to the right of the Doolittle Gate area -- accessed separately from the MSR-1 road.


    Photo towards End-of-Runway (1953) (Bob Spiwak) (NOTE: Close-in house belongs to Namsan-ri Village on Hill 170. In the distance to the right is Shinjang-ni and to the left is Shin-Yari and Yari.)


  • Yari: The fourth village of Yari was on the north side of the runway and removed when the Perimeter road was built. This village along with Shin-Yari were to the north west of the base (towards Seotan-myeon). This Yari and Shin-Yari were shown in old photos taken after the runway was built. However, by 1954, the villages no longer appear in any of the photos. The sand pit was located near the villages.

  • (5) Shin-Yari: The fifth area was north-west of Yari in Seotan-myeon moved for the runway expansion and building of the Perimeter Road.

  • (6) Chokbong-ni (Jeuk-Bong-ri): The fourth village was located right above the supply warehouse on the slopes of Hill 180. It appears that the villagers on Hill 180 were allowed to remain in place while the construction of the base was proceeding in 1952. 8mm movies shot by Robert Evilsizor, Commander Co. A, 839th EAB, showed people of Chokbong-ni moving about in a panoramic shot of the runway area. This village would be relocated when they started building housing and infrastructure on the hillside in 1953-1954. The advance element of the 5th Air Force relocated to the general area of the village.

  • (7) Chang Deung-ri (Enheng Jengui): This village was located in the present golf course area. At the time, a Class IV bomb storage area was built to support a second wing and the base reservoir was built in this area. (NOTE: See Enheng Jengui and Ginko Tree comments)


How Osan AB (K-55) was named In 1951, all the bases in Korea received a K-designator, with "K" meaning Korea. The number gives you an idea of when it originated. K-55 (Osan-ni Air Base) was near the end of the list with K-56 not completed because of the end of the Korean War. For example, K-1 Pusan-West Air Base and K-2 Taegu Air Base reflected how the allied forces had been pushed into the Pusan Perimeter. K-6 was Pyongtaek Air Field (which later became Camp Humphreys), K-8 was Kunsan Air Base, and K-13 was Suwon Air Base. All of these were Japanese airfields prior to being upgraded for use by jet aircraft. However, the new Osan-ni air field was being built from scratch and therefore its number was much higher.

The end of the K-designators became the ROKAF bases K-57 (Kwang'ju Air Base); K-58 (Yecheon Air Base); K-59 (Cheongju Air Base); K-60 (Songmu Air Base); K-75 (Chungwon Air Base); K-76 (Seosan Air Base); K-60 (Songmu Air Base); K-75 (Chungwon Air Base); K-76 (Seosan Air Base). (See Korean War Reference Page for more information of K-bases.)

AIRFIELD LOCATION AND IDENTIFICATION CODES (Jack Barclay)
This map and messages can be found at:
The Korean War Project: K-Bases in Korea.


As to the name selection of "Osan-ni Air Base", there appears to be no satisfactory answer from both long-time residents and other sources as to how the base got its name. Originally designated "Osan-ni Air Base" (K-55), the base was redesignated as "Osan Air Base" in September 1956. The name "Osan-ni AB" proved to be quite confusing to military personnel and by 1952, it had already slipped to oblivion amongst flying personnel with the base being referred to as "K-55" or "Osan AB."

Interestingly, the specifications directive of the 934th Engineering Aviation Group for the construction of the runway in 1951 calls the project the "Osan Air Field runway" -- not "Osan-ni" -- throughout the document. It appears that the name Osan-ni started disappearing even before the runway was completed. Actually, the name "Osan-ni Air Base" was so confusing by 1952, military personnel were already referring to the base as "Osan Air Base." It took until 1956 to change all the paperwork. However, even till today, many Americans are confused by Osan City not being in close proximity to the base -- and many mistakenly follow the road maps to Osan City before realizing that Osan AB is NOT in that area.

(NOTE: Koreans in the Songtan area do NOT use "Osan" to refer to the base as a matter of pride as "Osan" refers to the next city down the road. Instead the air base (piyanggi) is referred to "K-55" from the "K" base designator system used in the Korean War. Even the bus from Pyeongtaek to Songtan that follows the old MSR-1 route (Main Supply Route 1) paralleling the Kyongbu railroad. It continues to use the designation of "K-55" for the Osan AB area. Even today if you go to the Shinjang-1 dong House Office, the area map on the wall shows "K-55" -- NOT "Osan AB." Most traffic signs refer to "AFOC" (Air Force Operations Command" (AFOC Gate), "K-55" or "Piyangi" (Air Base in Hangul (Korean). There is only one sign we have seen on Route 1 at the Doolittle Gate (Back Gate) intersection that says "Osan Air Base" and only one sign on Shinjang Road that says "Main Gate.")
The term "Osan Air Base" was not only confusing to Americans, it was also confusing to Koreans as well. A story related by Mr. Chong Kyu-sok told of how as a ROKAF airman he was ordered to Osan AB in 1958. He boarded a train and got off at Osan-ni. Arriving late at night, he asked where the base was. They pointed to the bright lights in the distance where search lights were lighting the sky. Not realizing the distance, he started walking and soon realized that it was not as near as the lights seemed to indicate. This experience was not only himself, but with most ROKAF personnel ordered to report to Osan-ni Air Base. Instead of getting off the train at the nearby Seojong-ni Train Station (1km down the road), most got off the train at the Osan-ni Train Station (8km away). (Source: Verbal conversation Kalani O'Sullivan and Mr. Chong Kyu-sok, 21 July 2005.)

The base was not named for any of the villages on the site. Supposedly, the first base commander named the base "Osan-ni," because it was the only village shown in this region on military maps. We do NOT accept this explanation as military maps clearly showed "Seojong-ni" (Sojang) and its train station.

According to the Osan Air Base Historical Office, April 1999, "The base was not named for any of the villages on the site. The first base commander named the base Osan, as it was the only village shown in this region on military maps and because it was easy to pronounce. The word "Osan" means Crow Hill. The four villages that were moved to make room for the base were Jeuk-Bong-Ri, Chang-Deung-ri, Shin-Ya-Ri and Ya-Ri. A large ginkgo tree that was in the Village Square of one of these villages still stands on a hill in the present golf course site." (Source: Brief History of Osan AB. This version is parroted in many histories of Osan AB.)

  • The claim that Osan-ni was the "only village shown in this region on military maps" cannot be substantiated as the December 1948 Pilotage Charts (used at the start of the Korean War) has BOTH Osan-ni and Seojong-ni (Sojang-ni) shown on the maps. (Source: World Pilotage Charts provided by Hans Peterman. December 1948 USAF Pilotage Chart for Kyongsong (380C), scale 1:500,000 with air info current Jan 1951.) On the map, the name of Seojong-ni was "Sojang-ni" which was the Japanese name for the town.

    As Seojong-ni village was only about two miles from where K-55 was sited, it should have been the logical choice for the name. But somehow the name "Osan-ni AB" was selected and that was that. (Source: Retiree Activities Office (Osan AB))

  • Another alleged reason was that "Osan" was easy to pronounce. The word "Osan" means Crow Hill. (Source: Retiree Activities Office (Osan AB).) We find this reason hard to justify as "Seojong" is two syllables long as well. Thus this is not a good reason for why "Osan-ni AB" was chosen.
Corrections to Some Misleading Historical References We comment on the Brief History of Osan AB dated April 1999 because it has been quoted and requoted in so many sources that we respect highly. The current Brief Osan AB history at 51st FW History Site has revised most of these areas. The History of Osan Air Base dated April 1999 states: "The ROK government allowed the U.S. Air Force to purchase 1,250 acres in 1952 to expand the base. A fifth Korean village (unnamed) was relocated in 1953 to enlarge the compound area for the location of Headquarters, 5th Air Force, which maintained an advanced headquarters until the arrival of the 314th Air Division in 1954. Elements of the 839th, 841st, and 417th Engineering Battalions took part in constructing the base. The rolling hills were transformed into a base of operation and the runway was completed in less than six months. The runway opened in December 1952, with the advance elements of the 18th Fighter-Bomber Wing arriving for duty late in the month. The 18th FBW provided air operations in support of UN ground forces during the Korean conflict." (Source: History of Osan Air Base, Republic of Korea, Osan Air Base Historical Office, April 1999; 51st FW History Site; VFW Post 10216; and GlobalSecurity.org: Osan AB.)

  • The first sentence is misleading. The US did NOT "purchase" the land for Osan AB. Like all the other bases in Korea built during the Korean War, they were granted for use by the UN and US forces INDEFINITELY. However, unlike other countries where it is for a specific term or a 100-year occupancy clause, the ROK has none attached. But the point is that the US did NOT "purchase" Osan -- and remains at the pleasure of the ROK.

    To some NGO activists this "rent-free" use of the land is unjust and has remained a bone of contention. The City of Pyeongtaek also finds the USAF tenancy at Osan AB extremely irksome as the USAF is answerable only through the Ministry of Defense on land usage -- and NOT to any local authority.

    However, in the most negative of senses, the US did "buy" the land use. In the early years of the ROK government, the US virtually subsidized the corrupt Syngman Rhee regime whereby the US monetary grants and aid programs propped up the ROK economy. Because of this "control," the ROK had no Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) with the US until 1963 -- long after the defeated WWII nations of Japan and Germany had SOFAs in place. In effect, from 1953 to 1963, the ROK had no say-so in the administration of the bases nor prosecution of soldiers who committed major crimes.

    Regardless of all the flimsy excuses, the free nation of the Republic of Korea had a SOFA AFTER the defeated nations of WWII -- and only after Park Chung-hee had come to power. Until the first revision of the SOFA in 1991, the US paid for much of the ROK's defense bill either through outright grants or FMS (Foreign Military Sales) giveaways. By remaining under the US nuclear umbrella, the ROK "chaebol" system -- like the Japanese "kiretsu" system -- was able to prosper and the ROK was able to divert its capital to the expansion of its economy rather than expend it on defense.

    However, after the Miracle of the Han brought prosperity to Korea, this "ownership" issue of the base has become a contentious item. The radicals claim that the US is here for its own geopolitical purposes so why should Korea pay for US forces -- while the ROK government in 2005 flat refused to increase its cost share and came out with a plan to REDUCE its forces by 2020. The movement of the USFK to Pyeongtaek (K-6 Camp Humphreys and K-55 Osan AB) will cost approximately $3.5 billion out of the Korean coffers. The ROK does NOT want to pay this amount and has constantly attempted to "renegotiate." There are now angry words heard in Congress over Korea's stance with respect to North Korea. To many Congressmen, the ROK cannot have US troops to defend against North Korean aggression, while providing direct aid and monetary support of the North Korean regime. The US finally started playing hardball in 2003 and stated it was relocating from Yongsan COMPLETELY with the exception of the CFC headquarters -- but there are moves afoot in moving elements of I Corps to Camp Zama in Japan that may affect the CFC if the Japanese rewrite Article 9 of the Japanese Peace Constitution.

    On 1 Aug 2005, a Japanese news report in the Daily Yomiuri stated that a new US Army command to be set up at Camp Zama in Japan would assume charge in an emergency on the Korean Peninsula. The command, a "UEX" under new acronymic US forces nomenclature, is smaller than the Washington-based Army First Corps command initially considered for the move to the camp in Kanagawa Prefecture, and combines the functions of a division and army corps. The daily said direct command of the UEX would be limited to an emergency on the Korean Peninsula, while the PRC-Taiwan "hot zone" and conflicts in Southeast Asia included in the "arc of instability" would come under the command of the Third Marine Expeditionary Force based in Okinawa. However, in any Korean emergency US Marine units in Okinawa would come under the operational command of the UEX. (NOTE: This Camp Zama move has been in the works for two years and assumes the role of the Combined Forces Command leadership role in the ROK -- and more significantly, though unstated, the elimination of the USFK role in CFC at Yongsan.)

    Japan's governing Liberal Democratic Party released its first draft of constitutional revisions in Aug 2005, in which it proposed having armed forces for not only self-defense but also international contributions. New clauses are designed to clear the way for Japan to exercise the right of collective self-defense, or coming to the military aid of an ally.
    Though the US and ROK routinely announce the soundness of the US-ROK alliance, most experts agree that the US-ROK relationship is at a crossroads.

    After the 1991 SOFA Agreement, the ROK has been hounded to increase (1) its defense spending to 3.2 percent of GDP -- as most front-line "flash-point" nations of the world spend up to 6 percent of GDP. (NOTE: The percentage of GDP for defense has actually decreased steadily from 8 percent at the start of Kim Dae-jung administration down to under 2.8 percent of GDP under the Roh Moo-hyun administration.); and (2) increase is "share" of costs for housing US troops in Korea -- such as Japan which pays for 75 percent of costs. Construction of new housing for personnel at Camp Humphreys is proceeding but the USFK claims it is NOT for the move but pre-approved construction. New construction at Osan AB is also proceeding in an area WITHIN the base perimeter. Areas at K-6 designated for USFK use has resulted in violent demonstrations in July 2005 with more expected in the future.

    The antagonistic viewpoint of the existence of Osan AB is also evidenced in the local area. In the 1990s, the ROK reserved land for the use of the elements that were to be relocated from Yongsan under a MOA signed and ratified in 1990. Unfortunately the ROK dragged its feet as it refused to come up with monies to facilitate the move. In 2000, Pyeongtaek City requested the lands that had lain fallow at Osan AB be transferred to the city. This spurred the transfer of the lands by the ROK Ministry of Defense to the ROKAF and the building of the AFOC (Air Force Operations Command) on its location.

  • The phrasing to "expand the base" gives the impression that the base was established and then "expanded" in 1952 by 1,250 acres. We believe this is misleading. The 1,250 acre figure given was the original base size in 1952. Though the base has expanded in various directions over the years, in 1952, the base did not grow much until the 1990s when the Yongsan personnel were to be moved to Osan and the ROK reserved land for the US use. This land was not utilized because the ROK refused to allocate funding for the move and the land reverted to ROKAF use. Osan AB currently occupies 1,661 acres plus 88 acres for an Alpha site 2 miles from the base. (Source: Osan AB: Conservation)

  • The "fifth Korean village (unnamed)" in our opinion is actually one of the original four listed: Chang Deung-ri. However, it went by a different name of Eunheng Jengui on the Ginko tree plaque at the Golf Course (and mistakenly showing incorporation into the base in 1950) leading to confusion. The location of this village is given by John Sullivan, former 51st Wing Historian and presently USAFE Director of History. The key is the Ginko Tree which is a local landmark on the golf course. John wrote in Apr 2005:

    "When MOH Recipient and Bayonet Charge hero Millett visited (four times during my tenures in Korea), the discussions were long and painful. Local, and amateur, historians were adamant that the Chinese never reached Osan AB (that far south) and based their discussions on Army Morning Reports. They had me convinced until I saw Millett's drawings in his Korean War notebook that showed a large ginko tree in the center of the town where he took enemy gunfire. The historian in me took several of us to the Kyonggi-Do Mayor's Office and then to several "authorities" who all stated that only one ginko tree survived the Korea War and it was in the center of the town of - whatever that village with the long name was - and that led credence to Millett's claim of the Hill 180 location. That, and his drawings, which matched the Osan AB Hill to a "T" - so I ended the debate."
    Thus we know the Ginko tree talked about above was in the center of ENHENG JENGUI -- and since the Ginko tree is on the golf course, we know that Enheng Jengui was located where the present golf-course is. As we know that 5th AF relocated to the golf course area, Enheng Jengui is just another name for one of the villages we had already accounted for in photos displayed on this site.

  • The "417th Engineering Aviation Battalion" was a BRIGADE -- NOT a Battalion -- stationed at Taegu (K-2) from 1952-1954. Some elements of the 417th were at Osan AB, but the main unit remained at K-2. A Brigade in the Korean War consisted of two or more battalions According to The U.S. Air Force in Korea (p499), "In May and June 1952, the 417th Engineer Aviation Brigade, the 934th Engineer Aviation Group, and the 366th, 840th, and 841st Engineer Aviation Battalions unloaded in Korea. From its command post at Taegu, the 417th Brigade filled a long-standing need for an agency which could supervise the construction of air facilities in the combat zone. The Fifth Air Force's director of installations now ordered construction and specified requirements; the 417th Brigade supervised the actual work and administered the aviation engineer troops." The 934th was tasked for construction of an entirely new jet fighter airfield on the flood plain of the Chinwi-chon River south of Suwon, at the village of Osan-ni." (NOTE: The 366th EAB built K-9; the 840th and 841st EABs assisted the 839th at K-55 and then in early 1953, the 841st EAB went to Kunsan to complete the north-south runway. The 839th EAB remained at Osan until 1955 when it was slated for deactivation.)

  • There is a another point that should be made at this time. According to GlobalSecurity.org: Osan AB, "Prior to its use as an air base, Osan's site housed an army regiment." Others have often repeated this comment. Though it appears to be accepted fact, we believe the reference to a REGIMENT on the base is erroneous. For this alleged Army regiment to be "housed" on the base, it would have to moved into the Osan AB area AFTER the Fourth Chinese Campaign (April 1951) and when the Chinese were pushed back over the Kansas and Wyoming bulge in June 1951. This leaves a window of from Jun 51 (when the Chinese were pushed back to the Wyoming line) to Jun 52 (when the 839th EAB arrived to construct the base). But who were these Army troops???

    It was standard procedure to rotate troops to the rear after a period of heavy action on the front lines. Though it is possible that Army troops were relocated to the rear in the local area for rest, normally they would be sent to "established" bases -- NOT an undeveloped waste land. It would have been very unusual. We may never know what unit(s) -- if any -- were in the local area before Jun 1952. However, it most certainly was NOT a regiment. An Army regiment in the Korean War consisted of 2000-3000 men. For this amount of men to be "housed" at the base would require a significant amount of space for tents and messing facilities. There is NO indication that there ever was such an occupancy. When the 839th EAB arrived their first priority was constructing their living area in what would become the base theater/Tumuri Lodge area. (Source: Don Tomajan article on EAB and photo by Robert Evilsizor.) In addition, in 1953 the Graves and Registration were still recovering American bodies from Task Force Smith -- which would have been done previously if an Army Regiment had been in the area between 1951-52. (Source: Ron Freedman narrative) The reference to an Army REGIMENT simply does NOT make sense.

    We believe that the reference to an Army REGIMENT in fact refers to the 839th Engineering Aviation BATTALION of about 1000 men -- Company A, B, C; HQ Company; and Support unit. They were SCARWAF -- Special Category Army with Air Force. The SCARWAF units were originally stateside Army reserve units, but when they arrived in Korea they became a strange mix of both Army and USAF heavy construction specialists working together. It was the forerunner of the USAF famous "Red Horse" units (CESHR). Though it is true that the USAF's 18th FBW officially took over the base in Dec 52, it was really already an Air Force base once the 839th EAB started in to work. We believe that somewhere along the line some facts became confused about the Army SCARWAF presence at Osan AB (K-55). This has been a common mistake for the SCARWAF as not many understood its operations.



AMERICAN OFF-BASE BAR CULTURE IN SHINJANG AREA

The first "bar row" was the Namsan village at the base of Hill 170 before the Hill 180 Main Gate was opened. A clap-trap bar advertising "ice cold beer" and working girls were located there. The village was located in the "dimple" area of Hill 170 off-base. This off-base area was abandoned as a "bar row" when the Main Gate at Hill 180 opened.

This is now the Namsan Village area in Shinjang 1(il)-dong area in the "dimple area" of Hill 170 next to the Bravo Gate. There was a perimeter fence around Hill 170 dividing the village from the hill but access was through the rail spur area. After the Main Gate on Hill 180 opened in 1954, this area's "bar row" was abandoned and the area reverted to being sparsely populated with farm houses.



(L) Black Market Mamasans outside Compound Fence (1953) (Bob Spiwak) (R) Getting a beer in Village (Namsan Village area) (1953) (Bob Spiwak)


Local Working Girls in Namsan Village area (1953) (Bob Spiwak)


In Namsan-ni Village (1953) (Bob Spiwak) (NOTE: Sign for 24-hour service from Jaeil Photo Shop. Left is country house converted into restaurant. Items under sign include Korean-style desks so these items are for sale.)


On the other side of the base at Hill 180 to the west, the Hill 180 gate opened and immediately Makum-ni became a center of prostitution -- frequented mostly by the Army anti-aircraft personnel situated on the top of Hill 180. Makum-ni was at the base of a sharp incline if one turned right as one exited the Hill 180 gate. Ron Freedman of Punta Gorda FL was a 2nd Lt. with the 398th AAA AW Bn at K55. He stated, "There was a village called Makum-ni down the bottom of the hill on the west side. It was filled with prostitutes, and we had a terrible time keeping the GI's out of it. Our CO told us that we had the highest VD rate in all of Korea." (SITE NOTE: Though Lt. Freedman's battery was on Hill 170, he was referring to the main anti-aircraft batteries stationed at the highest point on base near the top of Hill 180. (Source: Ed McManus email, 13 July 2005 statement "Additionally an anti-aircraft outfit moved in and wanted the top of (Hill) 180 for gun positions and their battery areas.") This area would be turned over to the ROKAF Air Defense elements after the Korean War.)



(L) Hill 180 Gate (now closed) (R) View of Makum-ni area from the Hill 180 Gate (2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan)

If you turned left as you exited the Hill 180 Gate, there were huddles of low-houses for those who had found employment on base. It was said that many North Korean refugees attracted to Osan AB by the promise of work clustered in this area. The dirt path followed the perimeter of the base until it came to Milwal-dong road then down the hill to the Main Gate.


Hideaway Club (1958) (Don Klopten)


By the 1960s, houses were spreading around the base of Hill 180. The Milwal-dong area -- where the Capitol Hotel is now -- was still simply a wide dirt path up the hill that veered right onto a small dirt path that continued around the base of Hill 180 until the Hill 180 gate. The houses in the area were all tightly packed but were now spreading down the slopes instead of just along the perimeter. Makum-ni continued in operation as a brothel area, but the trade was moving to the Shinjang area and it was slowly returning to a farming community. A tiny road from the Hill 180 Gate now connected to the road to Anjung and Seojong-ni Station (Rte 340).



After this period in 1962-63 when the area became Songtan-eup or Songtan Town, the American use of the term "Chicoville" (Chicol Village) disappears and the term "Songtan" is substituted to represent the area from then on. One can see that the mechanics were in the works to create the legalized "kijich'on" (camptown) system. In June 1962, by joint action, the Ministries of Justice, Interior, and Social Welfare and related agencies established 104 "special districts" of prostitution. In this way, the American "camptowns" could be classified as "special tourism zones" which were off-limits to Koreans. At the same time, the red-light districts were off-limits to the Americans. The cultures were separated in the chase for the almighty dollar. At the time, the major source of foreign currency exchange for Korea came from the American soldiers spending their paychecks downtown. During this time, the prostitutes of Korea were praised by the Park Chung-hee regime for their actions to bring in much needed foreign exchange.

Through the use of tax incentives such as tax-free beer purchases, the bars were encouraged to locate within the Special Tourism area in Shinjang. Though prostitution had been illegal in Korea since 1949, the law had never been enforced. In 1962, instead of enforcing the law, the ROK regulate it by setting up 70 red-light districts for the Koreans while creating "Special Tourist Zones" for American camptowns.

According to Oh Sun-soo, the Songwang-ni area near -- where the Songshin Elementary School and Taegwang Middle School of Shinjang-2 dong are now -- was the original area for business growth in the 1960s. Eventually this growth would spread to the small Jungang Open Market. Even today one notices that the old furniture and hardware shops are located in this area. At the same time, the growth had spread to the the MSR-1 area in Songbuk-dong and the growth of the Songbuk-dong Open Market. The Jaeil Movie Theater opened two blocks down from the intercity bus station along MSR-1. Later the larger Jungang Movie Theater opened at the top of the Milwal-dong hill -- where the Capital Hotel is now -- next to the one engine fire station. A police box was set up at the end of the intersection of the Mokchon road and the Tanhyun Road (original MSR-1) -- across from the Songbuk Farmers' Open Market. The center of activity was now in the Shinjang area.

However, in the 1960s, racial tensions grew and bars became segregated. In the 1970s the racial tension in Korea -- as reflected by the race riots in the US at the time -- separated the bars into black and white bar row areas. The "Sutkogae" name which had been applied as the entire rise area from near the farmers market to the Jisan Park area along Jwa-dong Road (Jisan Road). After the racial tensions arose, "Sutkogae" was applied to an area of Jwadong across from the railroad tracks that were strictly Black-only bars (such as Papa Joe's) and its brothels, while the "Chicoville" area became a whites only area. (Source: Verbal conversation with Oh Sun-soo, 21 Jul 2005.)


(L) Hilltop Club located near the Young Chon Hotel. (Circa 1977) (51st FW Archives); (R) Papa Joe's -- a black club that relocated back to Shinjang area from Sutkogae area. (1977) (Harry Tezlaf)


In the 1970s there was a rise in racial tensions between blacks and whites in the military -- reflecting the racial tensions experienced throughout America. There were "race riots" between blacks and whites and blacks and Koreans in the K-6 Camp Humphreys area in Anjung-ni as well as in other Army garrisons/camps throughout the peninsula. On many occasions, the town of Anjung-ni was placed off-limits. Because of the racial tensions, the "Sutgoge" area was closed down -- by the levying of base off-limits sanctions -- and the larger "black" bars relocated to the Shinjang mall area. It was not until the late 1980s that the racial tensions subsided.


Town Patrol in Shinjang area (1977) (USAF Photo)


In the 1980s, the Miracle of the Han arrived in the Songtan area. There was an upheaval as the Korean standard of living improved and massive changes were made in the local area with the reclamation project of Jisan-dong, the rerouting of Route 1 in 1985 and the rapid growth in the Seojong-ni area. The ground work was being laid for the start of the industrial parks in the area. The first step was the building of housing for the expected influx of workers and improvement of the highway infrastructure. All of these changes started to isolate the Shinjang area economy based on a tourism base, from the rest of the community that was expanding as factories moved into the area. Suddenly the once separate Seojong-ni area began to meld into the Jisan-dong area with small 3-story apartment buildings filling the area near the railroad tracks. In the boundary area, a small Korean bar row sprouted up to cater to the new population moving into the area.

The bar area of Shinjang (commonly referred to by the Americans as Songtan) remained static with small improvements in the cosmetics of the area, but it remained isolated from the rest of the community. What had once been a community isolated from the rest of the Songtan area, now started to feel the pinch as new businesses and shops started to crowd in around the Shinjang area. (NOTE: A misimpression by Americans of the times was that the bars made money off of the prostitutes when in fact, the beer sales was major profit-maker for the bars. The women were the come-on to attract the soldiers and airmen to the bars. It was not until the 1990s that the bar-owners got into a confrontation with the base authorities when they actively participated in the promotion of prostitution under the "bar-fine" system.)

By the 1990s, the Korean bar girls no longer were attracted to the "cheap trade" of the American camptowns. A Korean bar girl could earn up to five times as much at a Korean bar. The Miracle of the Han arrived in Korea and everything grew more expensive -- at the same time, the bars of Songtan was experiencing a shortage of Korean bargirls. Those girls that remained were rapidly aging and the bar owners were faced with a dilemma as the axiom of bar life is "no pretty girls -- no customers." The economic reality was that the Korean bar girls had priced themselves out of the market of the camptown bars like Songtan. A Korean bar girl could earn twice as much in a Korean bar where Korean males were well-known to be high spenders. In comparison, the GI's paycheck was dwindling in comparison to the Korean and he became the "Cheap Charlie" instead of "rich GI" of years past.


(L) Shinjang Mall bar (Circa 1990) (R) Town Patrol in Shinhang Mall area (Circa 1990)


Though the Shinjang Mall was the upscale end of the camptown bars on the peninsula, it was still not a match for the Korean trade. The Korean sex trade amounts to between an estimated 2.4 percent - 4 percent of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP). (See A-town and Prostitution for discussion and historical background on the camptown and Korean sex industry.) The bottom line for the Shinjang area bars was that their Korean bar girls were rapidly aging and the bar owners were finding it harder and harder to attract replacements. In the early 1990s, the bar owners started to use Russians who had set up operations in Pusan in 1990s.

Songtan faired better than other camptown areas because many soldiers and airmen from around the peninsula were attracted to Osan on the weekends. However, it was still caught in a trap with the lack of bar girls. It found its answer in the hiring of bar girls from Though Songtan faired better than other areas because many GIs from bases like Kunsan AB were attracted to Osan on the weekends, it was still caught in a trap. It found its answer in the hiring of bar girls from Russia and the Philippines -- the Russians for their white skin and the Filipinas for their English speaking ability. At first the bar owners attempted to treat these foreign bar girls as Korean bar girls, but there were too many cultural problems. The cost of importing these girls required upfront money placing a further financial burden on the bar owners.


Shinjang Mall (2001) (Curley Knepp)


The Russian women (Russia, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan and Moldova) appeared in the Korean bars first and then the Songtan bars joined in importing these women. The Russians had already established their presence in Pusan with the taking over of the "Little Texas" area -- and also the appearance of the Russian "mafia" in the area as well. The Filipinas came next and were preferred as they spoke English. By Aug 1999, the Pyeongtaek area had 21 towns employing these foreign "entertainers" for a total of 343 persons.

Pyeongtaek Police reported problems with these women due to communication difficulties -- in that they could not speak Korean and were frequently caught in unlawful acts. The Korean police started getting complaints about these foreign women as they failed to pay their bills and created disturbances due their being drunk and disorderly in public. During Team Spirit, these women also "disappeared" from the bars with their new-found American boyfriends -- creating a runaway illegal alien problem involving the Immigration authorities. (Source: Pyeongtaek City History CD, "Pyeongtaek Si Sa.")


(L) Anna at Golden Gate (2002) (Unknown); (R) Filipinas in the Mall (2002) (Unknown)


It was at this point the bar owners increased the going rate for sex services to bring the camptown rates for sex (prostitution fees) more in line with what was paid in the Korean bars. This is where the Korean Bar Owners Association turned from being bar owners into brothel managers. The old use of bar fines to offset the loss of income for a girl who left early became an open "ticket" for prostitution. The scene was being set up for a disastrous confrontation. (See A-town and Prostitution for details on this sordid area.)

In 2001, the 9/11 attack by Al Quaida in New York City created problems in Korea for the Shinjang bars as "force protection" became the watchword for the Town Patrol. Permitting backpacks into bars was enough to place a bar off-limits. The tightened security placed a damper on the operations of the bar row for a while, but it soon returned to normal.

Then in 2002, the foreign bar girls became the center of a human trafficking scandal that rocked the USFK. In July 2002, a FOX affiliate released an expose on the seedier side of life in Songtan and Euijongbu. The accusation was made that the Town Patrols knowingly permitted human trafficking -- if not abetting the act. Whether justified or not, the USFK was placed under a magnifying glass and General LaPorte forced to testify before Congress as how the USFK was going to "solve" the problem. However, the USFK had no control over "fixing" the problem as the ROK had been identified as a MAJOR human trafficker by international human rights organizations. The ROK allowed the entry of the foreign "entertainers" on E-6 visas -- and continued to do so even after some countries requested that it stop doing so. (See A-town and Prostitution for details on this sordid area.)

In 2003, the 51st FW Commander launched an anti-prostitution campaign using "force protection" as the basis for setting curfews and off-limits sanctions on many businesses. Throughout Korea in the USFK camptowns from Itaewon to Uijongbu to Songtan, many small bars were forced into bankruptcy because their businesses were crippled by constant off-limits actions.

In about July 2004, the ROK Immigration moved to evict the Russian element from Korean "camptowns" because of the ever increasing international pressure over prostitution and human trafficking. In addition there was growing evidence that the Russian gangs were moving into Korea for extortion and prostitution. However, the Filipina bar girl population simply increased to offset the loss of the Russians.


Opera Club in evening viewed from Rodeo Alley (2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan)
In Jan 2005, the USFK launched a "zero-tolerance" policy dealing with human trafficking and prostitution. The 51st FW Commander pressed forward with his anti-prostitution campaign using an unpopular curfew for civilians under the guise of "force protection." After a furor, the curfew was lifted for civilians, but the head-on confrontation between the base and the bar owners continued. (SITE NOTE: Our opinion is that the USFK has mixed up the political issue of human trafficking with the moral issue of prostitution. However, the problem we see with the USFK actions is that the US has NOT taken action to remedy its problems within America, but then starts attempting to enforce its political agenda on human trafficking through the soldiers abroad. The USFK leadership is trapped politically into this policy.)


(L) Paradise Club near the Young Chon Hotel (2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan) (R) Station Club and Aloha Club in Aragon Alley (2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan) (NOTE: Korea Hotel at end of alley on right)


In Mar 2005, ten members of the town patrol were placed under investigation over allegations of shaking down the bar owners. The Osan AB authorities received a major black-eye from the negative press stemming from this incident. 1st Lt. Jason D. Davis of the 51st Security Forces Squadron was incarcerated based upon a tip-off from his former Korean girlfriend -- who happened to be related to a family whose bar was placed off-limits by the base. As of mid-2005, the base backed off on the prosecution of its anti-prostitution campaign until the Shakedown Incident blew over.

At the same time, the Shinjang Mall area Chamber of Commerce was attempting to clean up the area's image of being involved in the sex-trade and is working to promote itself as Mecca for bargain-hunters and a tourism site. In 1997, the area was named as a Special Tourism Zone with much fanfare. Though the IMF Crisis of the same year dampened the spirits of the drive temporarily, the business community was soon attempting to promote the mall area as a first-class shopping experience -- while minimizing the publicity of the bar aspects of the Shinjang Mall. However, realistically the bar culture predominates the Shinjang Mall area even today.

SITE NOTE: FOR AN EXCELLENT PHOTO TOUR OF THE BARS IN THE SHINJANG AREA, GO TO THE RETIRED ACTIVITIES OFFICE (RAO) SITE BY JACK TIERWELL. THE SLIDE PRESENTATIONS DOES THE WALKING FOR YOU. GO TO RAO: TOUR THE BARS.


ROADS SURROUNDING K-55

For our history, it is important to understand the layout of the roads constructed by the Americans as they would impact on the growth patterns of Songtan in the coming years. The locations of MSR-1 (Main Supply Route 1) and the MSR-1 Bypass later laid out the grid that would later be used in turn to lay out the streets in the 1980s.

From a historical standpoint, the Japanese adopted a Grid-pattern for their cities and towns in the 1880s. They used this pattern during the colonial period on any of the new construction throughout the country. However, there was NO pattern of this type of grid being used in the Songtan-Seojong area in the 1950s. The original MSR-1 was Japanese built and followed the Kyongbu Railway (Feisu Railway) all the way to Pusan. The minor stations along the Kyongbu route (Feisu) was the Osan-ni Station (Usan) and the Seojong-ni Station (Sojang) before Pyeongtaek Station. After WWII, the Occupation forces renamed it MSR-1 as it stretched from Kaesong to Youngdong-po to Taejon and then down Pusan. Most of the businesses sprang up along this wide dirt highway.

It is also important to realize that the area around the Jisan Hill area was swamp and rice fields in the "bowl" that was created by a rise that started at the base of the hills in the Songbuk-dong area and circled around following the ridgeline until it rejoined at the base of the Jisan Hill area. This swampy area dictated the path of the original MSR-1 and later the MSR-1 Bypass Road built in 1952 by the Army Engineers. It was only in the 1980s that this area was filled in and the new Route 1 bypass built that ran over the rise and along the base of the Buraksan Mountain until in rejoined the original MSR-1 route in Jungang-dong.

MSR-1 What became known as Main Supply Route 1 (MSR1) -- now known as "Route 1" or "National Road 1" -- simply followed the general route of the Kyongbu train line down to Taejon and then onto Pusan. The route later called MSR1 (Main Supply Route 1) was actually laid out by the Japanese. Try to remember that in Korea at the time, the impoverished farmers made for the perfect coolie class -- disenfranchised from the land as tenant farmers and surviving as best they could. This labor pool made for large scale construction projects without heavy equipment possible.

The MSR1 ran from Yongdong-po down through Suwon to Osan-ni and passed in front of the Pyeongtaek Station on the way to Taejon. It is now called "National Road 1." It was the pattern for the US Occupation forces after WWII to simply use the existing infrastructure -- and when the Korean War occurred, many people of the time using maps from the Occupation era were under the misconception that the infrastructure was built by the American Occupation forces. This unpaved road was a dust bowl in summer and a muddy swamp in winter. Military personnel from the period relate that the convoys over this road to Osan AB in the 1960s was an arduous endeavor. With bandanas wrapped around their faces because of the dust, they sweated in the heat as they wound their way up the road. The pictures below are on the trip between Osan-Kunsan. The MSR1 connected to Taejon. At Taejon, the road split to follow the general route of the train from Taejon to Iksan (Iri). Then from Iksan (Iri), it connected to Kunsan.

In 1952, the 8th Army Combat Engineers (unit unknown) constructed the MSR-1 Bypass Road. This road bypassed the congested MSR-1 route that went down onto the Shinjang Mall Road. The Engineering Aviation Battalions did NOT construct the MSR-1, but did wet down the roads with water trucks to keep the dust down when convoys used the roads. (SEE MSR-1 Bypass Road.)

During the Korean War, there was only the MSR-1 running from Osan-ni. The first cutoff on MSR-1 to the construction at Osan AB (K-55) was a dirt road to the back gate area (Doolittle Gate area). This was used for the initial setup of construction, but after the Main Gate was opened in 1953, the usage of this road tapered off. By the 1960s, this road had fallen into disuse and only served as a road for the Shinjang-ni Village area north of the base towards Seotan-myeon.


MSR-1 Looking Towards Osan-ni (1954) (Dan Klopten) (NOTE: Sign on the left marks the Jinwi-myeon boundary. Notice the farmer working in his rice field to the right.)



MSR-1 Looking toward Osan-ni (1959) (Ed Stirling) (NOTE: This is from near where the road enters the downtown area of Songtan. It looks down the road to Jinwi-myeon at the base of the hill.)


Looking down the same road in 1965 (1965) (Harry Tezlaf)

The MSR-1 continued through Jinwi-myeon to the rise (where the Songtan Fire Station is presently located) and then it turned right to bypass the swampy area of what is now Jisan-dong. (SITE NOTE: This road is now known as the Tanhyun Road and then becomes the Jwa-dong Road (Jisan Road) at the top of the ridgeline.) By the 1960s, there was a gas station that was on the left. (NOTE: This is the same location as the gas station today, but we are not certain if it is the same owner.)

Looking at Tanhyun Road (MSR-1) today, it is obvious that the main business center of the Songtan first developed at the intersection of Shinjang Mall Road and MSR-1. along this road starting in the mid-1950s with buildings along both sides of the road.

Progressing further the Police Box was first established in the 1960s on this route at the "Y"-intersection from the Shinjang Mall Road on the right. (NOTE: The Songtan Police Box is located to the right of the intersection today.)


(L) Police Box at Intersection to Main Gate on MSR-1 (1976) (Harry Tezlaf) (R) Police Box at Intersection on MSR-1 (1976) (Harry Tezlaf) (NOTE: This is now the Mokchon Pedestrian Underpass area.)



Songtan Police Box in Songbuk-dong. Located near the Police box location in 1960s-1970s. (2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan)


Later in the 1970s a railway crossing was established across the tracks to connect to the Shinjang Mall Road. (NOTE: In 1976, the Shinjang Road Overpass was built and the crossing was closed. A block down, the Mokchon underpass was constructed in the 1980s. The Mokchon Road Pedestrian Underpass constructed in 2000 at the end of Shinjang Mall is sited at this former crossing.)

Up the street from the "Y" intersection leading to Shinjang Mall Road, the Intercity Bus Terminal was situated. The Kyungmin Bank is now on the location. The bus depot was behind where the bank sits now.
Intercity and Intracity Buses The intracity bus terminal (to connect Songtan to the outlying hamlets) was up on Milwal Road next to the Seojong Theater (currently the Capital Hotel location). (NOTE: To this day, the bus from Pyeongtaek to "K-55" (not "Osan AB") follows the original MSR-1 route straight past Seojong-ni Station and Market Road -- along the railroad tracks -- and finally to K-55. Even today, the intracity bus route makes their turn at the intersection of Milwal Road. Going to Pyeongtaek, the bus follows Route 1.)

The intercity bus station remained down by the Jaeil Theater (currently the Kyungmin Bank location). Up until the 1970s, it was nothing more than a bus stop with a shack where buses would stop to load passengers. Later it would move to its current location to the intersection of Terminal Ridge Road and Songbuk Market Road (MSR-1 Bypass in the late 1970s after the Shinjang Overpass and Terminal Ridge Road was completed.

In the early days of MSR-1, all the buses carried a spare tire on the rear as the road were in notoriously poor condition. It was not unknown for buses to run off the road during the rainy seasony. Though the villages were "taxed" with a levy to maintain the roads passing through their areas, it was not rigidly enforced.


Intercity "Kimchi" Bus Terminal (1961) (Jim Denman)


Across the street from the Kyungmin Bank is the Woori Bank. Up the block at the florist, turn right and there is an empty area across from the Jungang Sauna. This is where the Jaeil Movie Theater was located.


Jaeil Theater (1961) (Jim Denman)



Jaeil Theater (1976) (Harry Tezlaf)



(L) Old Jaeil Theater location (2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan) (Notice the house in the background of old photo and the house in this photo.) (R) Old Jaeil Theater location (2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan)



(L) Jungang Sauna (Est: 1966) (2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan) (R) Jungang Sauna: Kim Jongsu; Yu Hwaechi; Noh Yongguk (2005) (Kalani O'Sullivan)


These businesses continued to the top of the ridgeline where the road to the Main Gate turned right. Businesses on the slope were constructed with the shops at street-level, but the living quarters were beneath the shops along the slope. Houses were crowded together on the slopes down to the railroad tracks.

After the top of the ridgeline, various small businesses and bars sprouted up. In the 1970s during the period of racial tensions in America, this area developed into the Jwa-dong area called "Sutkogae" where black only bars were constructed. Older residents of the area mention that there were a lot of brothels in this area. This area extended west to the base of the ridgeline and then houses tapered off until one reached Seojong-ni. Up until the 1980s, this area was mostly rice fields until the low-rise apartments were constructed in the area.

The MSR-1 continued until Seojong-ni and then veered onto the Seojong Market Road (MSR-1). It continued straight rejoined by the Shinseon Road (MSR-1 Bypass) until it turned into Homyeon School Road and then continued on until Pyeongtaek Train Station. (NOTE: Later when Route 1 was constructed, the original MSR-1 route would rejoin Route 1 in the Jungang-dong area and then continue to Pyeongtaek.)

After Pyeongtaek, the MSR-1 wound its way to Pusan. The MSR-1 along its entire route would best be described as a dust bowl in summer and a mud hole in the rainy season. It was NOT an ideal road to travel. (NOTE: It was not until the mid-1970s when a national program centered on the MSR-1 as the cornerstone of the national transportation system. After then, it was a paved highway from Yongdong-po to Pusan. The changes were obvious. The MSR-1 in the local Songtan area now sported painted center lines and crosswalks on the MSR-1 -- and traffic lights were installed. As an off-shoot of the MSR-1 construction, the local area roads also were paved at the same time.)

Ed Mullin was with the 354th Transportation Squadron at Kunsan in 1969 and periodically traveled on the MSR-1 to Osan AB. He commented on the pictures below:

"The pictures of the muddy roads was typical in 69. Not many paved roads. And they turned into a sea of mud when it rained. This was on a trip from Kun to Osan with a deuce and a half." Later he wrote, "I once had to Bob Tail an M-52 from Osan to Kunsan. An M-52 is a military series tractor for hauling trailers. It has a fifth wheel, and is much like its civilian counter part, except for a lack of suspension and good seats. Bob Tailing is uncomfortable on paved roads. So by the time we got to Kun both rear view mirrors had vibrated out and my lower back was completely swolen. There was no happy medium, in the dry periods driving a convoy from Osan to Kun, you could see only 25 yds ahead, and breathing in the dust made you feel like you smoked 3 packs of Camels. We would take canteens of water and wet handkerchiefs and tie over our nose and mouth to keep the dust out. I mean when you got back to base your lungs were killing you. And on the other hand when it rained we would be getting stuck every couple of miles."



Muddy roads Kunsan-Osan trip (1969) (Courtesy Ed Mullin)



As the MSR-1 formed the basis for the national road system it was a sad commentary -- and explains why most of the freight was transported by train (with USAF airmen acting as train guards with M2 carbines) well into the late 1970s. Starting with the Osan-Chonan link, the road was paved in 1970 and the entire MSR-1 road system was paved from Yongdong-po to Pusan in the mid-1970s. (NOTE: The buses in the 1970s were much different than today. They carried a "bus lady" who would serve you tea on the trip and make announcements. It was also not unusual to have people from the country towns carrying live chickens on the bus to Seoul as well.)

For the Songtan area, the major change was the cutting of a new bypass for Route 1 at the base of the Buraksan Mountain in 1985 as the area prepared to lay the foundations for the movement of national/regional/local industrial parks into the area in 1990. In conjunction with this construction was the reclamation of the rice fields and swamps in the low-lying area just over the rise that would become part of Jisan-dong. These would become the apartments that lined both sides of the Route 1. (SEE Route 1)

Upon completion of the Route 1, vehicular traffic on the original MSR-1 was reduced to primarily local traffic only.

MSR-1 BYPASS ROAD In late 1952, the MSR-1 Bypass was built by the 8th Army Combat Engineers in order to bypass the congestion created by the construction of Osan AB (K-55). As one entered the Songtan area, there was a "Y" intersection -- that is still there today -- that veered left. Ed McManus, Col, USA (Ret) who left K-55 in about May 53 wrote in Aug 2005:

Believe the by-pass MSR was constructed by 8th Army Engineers to avoid Osan. I know that 8th Army Engineers maintained the road. Story was told about the Koreans doing hard rock mining, gold it was said, and hauling their ore to the MSR and piling it along side for truck pick-up and along came the 8th Army engineers who saw these nice piles of gravel that filled the bill nicely to fill potholes which they proceeded to do causing much consternation with the Korean miners.

The EAB's did no work on the MSR. We used to wet the MSR down for dust control when our dump- truck convoys were hauling the river-run gravel from the pit about 22 miles north of K-55, but that was about it. I left in May/June of 53 but not before carving gun pads for AA on hill 180 with my bulldozers (In fact, I lost a D8 that went over when making a side hill cut on the steep slope) The pad locations were designated for me by representatives of the AAA Brigade that was moving elements to K-55.
We are theorizing that the MSR-1 Bypass Route was selected because (1) it was flat and bypassed the growing population center of the city at the time; (2) Osan AB (K-55) EAB traffic on the original MSR-1 added to the congestion; (3) the route did not entail the relocation of houses as this area was relatively empty of farm houses that were normally built at the base of the hills.


Intersection of MSR-1 and Road leading to Main Gate (1954) (Robert Furrer)

NOTE: This is the approximate area of the Express Bus Terminal to the left and continue on to Seojong-ni train station to the right. The line of hills in the distance is where the current road Route 1 to Pyongtaek runs. At the base of the hills are the apartment complexes on both sides of the roads. The rice paddies were filled in to create usable land for expansion into Jisan-dong. Hill to the right became the Jisan-dong park area.

In the modern Songtan area, the road from Osan-ni turns right diagonally at the base of the incline (past the fire station) and heads through Songbok-dong towards the Shinjang-dong area. In 1950, the area on the other side of the hill was low-lying rice-paddies which would not be filled in until the 1990s. The road continued straight to the intersection where the road to the train overpass leading to the base is the originally intersection. To the left of the road was all rice paddies that stretched to the hill that is now Jisan-dong Park. The road continued straight following the railroad tracks until it passed the Seojong Station to the right. The MSR1 road basically follows the bus route for the bus marked "K-55" that goes in a straight line to the Pyeongtaek Train Station.


The MSR-1 road from Osan-ni proceeded into the downtown area of Songtan until it came to a "Y" intersection. We believe in 1952, there were only the two major roads (MSR-1 and MSR-1 Bypass Road), but there was a small dirt road that followed the Jisan Stream (cheon) to this point following the route of the Jisan Cheon (Stream). In the 1950s this small dirt road followed the Jisan stream bed and led to Are Konji-ni (Lower Konji Village) and after 1955, to the Chongbuk Elementary School. (SEE Jisan Stream Road)


(L) Truck passing the arch at the Y-intersection. (1974) (Ken Shallenbarger); (R) Y-Intersection in "downtown" Songbuk-dong area. MSR-1 Bypass Road to left and old MSR-1 to right. To the left is known as Songbuk Market Road and to the right is Tanhyun Road that led up the ridgeline. The sign is written in Chinese characters and there is a Lions Club shield in the center. "Songtan" is written in hangul (Korean) on the lower right leg of the arch. (1984) (Mike Dunnigan)


At the Y-intersection, if one continued straight, this was the original MSR-1 up the ridgeline. If one took the left cut-off, this was the MSR-1 Bypass Road. The MSR-1 Bypass Road (Songbuk Market Road) went past the Songbuk Farmers' Market and continued on to where the Express Bus Terminal now is. (NOTE: In the 1950s the intercity bus stop was on the original MSR-1 route near the where the Uri Bank is now. This MSR-1 Bypass Road is also referred to as "National Road 1" on some maps. This road is now known as the Songbuk Market Road until it reaches the Express Bus Terminal. Then it is referred to as the Bukbu-Jungang Road.)

The MSR-1 Bypass ran past the base of the Jisan Park Hill and continued straight until the Seojeong-ni Train Station where it turned right to rejoin the original MSR-1 route. At that time there were few houses after the Jisan Hill and only rice fields on both sides of the road.

The Songbuk Market Road area to the west in the 1950s was all rice fields and swamp. There was a path that ran north-south that connected the Are Konji-ni (Lower Konji Village) area with the Jisan Hill farm houses. (SEE Robert Furrer's 1954 photo above for an illustration of this path.)


Map of Jisan Hill and Jangmi Apart (2005)
(Map at Songbuk-dong House Office) (NOTE: The green line in the middle is the Kyongbu Train line. The pink area shows the developed area in the 1970s. Below the Kyongbu line is the Shinjang area - stretching from Mokchon Village on the north to the Milwal-Road area on the south. The area above the Kyongbu line stretches along MSR-1 Bypass road from the "Y" intersection area of MSR-1 and MSR-1 Bypass on the north to the end of Jisan Hill to the south. Above the MSR-1 Bypass Road, the development followed a path that stretched from the Jisan Stream Road (path) to the Bus Terminal Ridge Road junction.)


In the 1960s, the land on both sides of this path was gradually filled in and new construction took place spreading from the area of MSR-1 Bypass Road veered right. The growth started in this area as Songbuk-dong pushed east. Soon there were buildings from the Jisan Cheon (Stream) Bottom Road to the Jangmi Apartment Road (continuation of Terminal Ridge Road). (NOTE: Using present day landmarks, the demarcation line for the 1960s expansion would be to the road east of where the Songbuk House Office is now. The buildings covered the area to the Songbuk Market Road to the east and Jangmi Apartment Road to the south and the Jisan Cheon (Stream) Bottom Road to the north. The areas above this area and towards Seojong-ni remained rice fields.)

The Terminal Ridge Road was cut to in order to connect the Bypass MSR-1 (Songbuk Market Road-Bukbu Jungang Road) to the original MSR-1 (Tanhyun Road-Jwa-dong Road). At the top of the ridgeline it then went down the ridge to the Shinjang Road to the Main Gate.

ROUTE 1 (SONGTAN BYPASS) In the 1970s, Korea started a massive project to improve its mass transit systems. Subway work and